frederick douglass biography for students

Frederick Douglass

Occupation: Abolitionist, civil rights activist, and writer
Born: February 1818 in Talbot County, Maryland
Died: February 20, 1895 in Washington, D.C.
Best known for: Former enslaved person who became an advisor to the presidents
Douglass was married to his first wife Anna for 44 years before she died. They had five children.
John Brown tried to get Douglass to participate in the raid on Harpers Ferry , but Douglass thought it was a bad idea.
He was once nominated for Vice President of the United States by the Equal Rights Party.
He worked with President Andrew Johnson on the subject of black suffrage (the right to vote).
He once said that "No man can put a chain about the ankle of his fellow man without at last finding the other end fastened about his own neck."
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Frederick Douglass

How this former enslaved person inspired others to fight for freedom

Frederick Douglass was born an enslaved person in February 1818. When he was about eight, his owner sent him to work in Baltimore, Maryland . Although most people didn’t want enslaved people to learn to read, the wife of the man Douglass worked for taught him anyway.

When he was about 20, Douglass disguised himself as a sailor and escaped to New York, a free state without slavery. He continued to read as much as he could, which helped him become a great storyteller. While living in Massachusetts , he spoke at a meeting of abolitionists, people who wanted to end the practice of enslaving people. He told them about his life as an enslaved person. He was such an amazing speaker that he started traveling all over the northern states, trying to convince large groups of people to end the practice.

Douglass was free in the North, but he was still enslaved in the South. Soon he was so famous that he had to move to England so that his former owner couldn’t capture him. In 1847, Douglass’s friends raised money to buy his freedom from his owner, and he returned to the United States. But no matter where he was, Douglass continued to give powerful speeches urging the end of enslaving people until he died on February 20, 1895. His words still inspire people today.

Frederick Douglass

By: History.com Editors

Updated: March 8, 2024 | Original: October 27, 2009

American abolitionist and former slave Frederick Douglass. (Credit: Corbis/Getty Images)

Frederick Douglass was a formerly enslaved man who became a prominent activist, author and public speaker. He became a leader in the abolitionist movement , which sought to end the practice of slavery, before and during the Civil War . After that conflict and the Emancipation Proclamation of 1862, he continued to push for equality and human rights until his death in 1895.

Douglass’ 1845 autobiography, Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass, an American Slave , described his time as an enslaved worker in Maryland . It was one of three autobiographies he penned, along with dozens of noteworthy speeches, despite receiving minimal formal education.

An advocate for women’s rights, and specifically the right of women to vote , Douglass’ legacy as an author and leader lives on. His work served as an inspiration to the civil rights movement of the 1960s and beyond.

Who Was Frederick Douglass?

Frederick Douglass was born into slavery in or around 1818 in Talbot County, Maryland. Douglass himself was never sure of his exact birth date.

His mother was an enslaved Black women and his father was white and of European descent. He was actually born Frederick Bailey (his mother’s name), and took the name Douglass only after he escaped. His full name at birth was “Frederick Augustus Washington Bailey.”

After he was separated from his mother as an infant, Douglass lived for a time with his maternal grandmother, Betty Bailey. However, at the age of six, he was moved away from her to live and work on the Wye House plantation in Maryland.

From there, Douglass was “given” to Lucretia Auld, whose husband, Thomas, sent him to work with his brother Hugh in Baltimore. Douglass credits Hugh’s wife Sophia with first teaching him the alphabet. With that foundation, Douglass then taught himself to read and write. By the time he was hired out to work under William Freeland, he was teaching other enslaved people to read using the Bible .

As word spread of his efforts to educate fellow enslaved people, Thomas Auld took him back and transferred him to Edward Covey, a farmer who was known for his brutal treatment of the enslaved people in his charge. Roughly 16 at this time, Douglass was regularly whipped by Covey.

Frederick Douglass Escapes from Slavery

After several failed attempts at escape, Douglass finally left Covey’s farm in 1838, first boarding a train to Havre de Grace, Maryland. From there he traveled through Delaware , another slave state, before arriving in New York and the safe house of abolitionist David Ruggles.

Once settled in New York, he sent for Anna Murray, a free Black woman from Baltimore he met while in captivity with the Aulds. She joined him, and the two were married in September 1838. They had five children together.

From Slavery to Abolitionist Leader

After their marriage, the young couple moved to New Bedford, Massachusetts , where they met Nathan and Mary Johnson, a married couple who were born “free persons of color.” It was the Johnsons who inspired the couple to take the surname Douglass, after the character in the Sir Walter Scott poem, “The Lady of the Lake.”

In New Bedford, Douglass began attending meetings of the abolitionist movement . During these meetings, he was exposed to the writings of abolitionist and journalist William Lloyd Garrison.

The two men eventually met when both were asked to speak at an abolitionist meeting, during which Douglass shared his story of slavery and escape. It was Garrison who encouraged Douglass to become a speaker and leader in the abolitionist movement.

By 1843, Douglass had become part of the American Anti-Slavery Society’s “Hundred Conventions” project, a six-month tour through the United States. Douglass was physically assaulted several times during the tour by those opposed to the abolitionist movement.

In one particularly brutal attack, in Pendleton, Indiana , Douglass’ hand was broken. The injuries never fully healed, and he never regained full use of his hand.

In 1858, radical abolitionist John Brown stayed with Frederick Douglass in Rochester, New York, as he planned his raid on the U.S. military arsenal at Harper’s Ferry , part of his attempt to establish a stronghold of formerly enslaved people in the mountains of Maryland and Virginia. Brown was caught and hanged for masterminding the attack, offering the following prophetic words as his final statement: “I, John Brown, am now quite certain that the crimes of this guilty land will never be purged away but with blood.”

'Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass'

Two years later, Douglass published the first and most famous of his autobiographies, Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass, an American Slave . (He also authored My Bondage and My Freedom and Life and Times of Frederick Douglass).

In it Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass , he wrote: “From my earliest recollection, I date the entertainment of a deep conviction that slavery would not always be able to hold me within its foul embrace; and in the darkest hours of my career in slavery, this living word of faith and spirit of hope departed not from me, but remained like ministering angels to cheer me through the gloom.”

He also noted, “Thus is slavery the enemy of both the slave and the slaveholder.”

Frederick Douglass in Ireland and Great Britain

Later that same year, Douglass would travel to Ireland and Great Britain. At the time, the former country was just entering the early stages of the Irish Potato Famine , or the Great Hunger.

While overseas, he was impressed by the relative freedom he had as a man of color, compared to what he had experienced in the United States. During his time in Ireland, he met the Irish nationalist Daniel O’Connell , who became an inspiration for his later work.

In England, Douglass also delivered what would later be viewed as one of his most famous speeches, the so-called “London Reception Speech.”

In the speech, he said, “What is to be thought of a nation boasting of its liberty, boasting of its humanity, boasting of its Christianity , boasting of its love of justice and purity, and yet having within its own borders three millions of persons denied by law the right of marriage?… I need not lift up the veil by giving you any experience of my own. Every one that can put two ideas together, must see the most fearful results from such a state of things…”

Frederick Douglass’ Abolitionist Paper

When he returned to the United States in 1847, Douglass began publishing his own abolitionist newsletter, the North Star . He also became involved in the movement for women’s rights .

He was the only African American to attend the Seneca Falls Convention , a gathering of women’s rights activists in New York, in 1848.

He spoke forcefully during the meeting and said, “In this denial of the right to participate in government, not merely the degradation of woman and the perpetuation of a great injustice happens, but the maiming and repudiation of one-half of the moral and intellectual power of the government of the world.”

He later included coverage of women’s rights issues in the pages of the North Star . The newsletter’s name was changed to Frederick Douglass’ Paper in 1851, and was published until 1860, just before the start of the Civil War .

Frederick Douglass Quotes

In 1852, he delivered another of his more famous speeches, one that later came to be called “What to a slave is the 4th of July?”

In one section of the speech, Douglass noted, “What, to the American slave, is your 4th of July? I answer: a day that reveals to him, more than all other days in the year, the gross injustice and cruelty to which he is the constant victim. To him, your celebration is a sham; your boasted liberty, an unholy license; your national greatness, swelling vanity; your sounds of rejoicing are empty and heartless; your denunciations of tyrants, brass fronted impudence; your shouts of liberty and equality, hollow mockery; your prayers and hymns, your sermons and thanksgivings, with all your religious parade, and solemnity, are, to him, mere bombast, fraud, deception, impiety, and hypocrisy—a thin veil to cover up crimes which would disgrace a nation of savages.”

For the 24th anniversary of the Emancipation Proclamation , in 1886, Douglass delivered a rousing address in Washington, D.C., during which he said, “where justice is denied, where poverty is enforced, where ignorance prevails, and where any one class is made to feel that society is an organized conspiracy to oppress, rob and degrade them, neither persons nor property will be safe.”

Frederick Douglass During the Civil War

During the brutal conflict that divided the still-young United States, Douglass continued to speak and worked tirelessly for the end of slavery and the right of newly freed Black Americans to vote.

Although he supported President Abraham Lincoln in the early years of the Civil War, Douglass fell into disagreement with the politician after the Emancipation Proclamation of 1863, which effectively ended the practice of slavery. Douglass was disappointed that Lincoln didn’t use the proclamation to grant formerly enslaved people the right to vote, particularly after they had fought bravely alongside soldiers for the Union army.

It is said, though, that Douglass and Lincoln later reconciled and, following Lincoln’s assassination in 1865, and the passage of the 13th amendment , 14th amendment , and 15th amendment to the U.S. Constitution (which, respectively, outlawed slavery, granted formerly enslaved people citizenship and equal protection under the law, and protected all citizens from racial discrimination in voting), Douglass was asked to speak at the dedication of the Emancipation Memorial in Washington, D.C.’s Lincoln Park in 1876.

Historians, in fact, suggest that Lincoln’s widow, Mary Todd Lincoln , bequeathed the late-president’s favorite walking stick to Douglass after that speech.

In the post-war Reconstruction era, Douglass served in many official positions in government, including as an ambassador to the Dominican Republic, thereby becoming the first Black man to hold high office. He also continued speaking and advocating for African American and women’s rights.

In the 1868 presidential election, he supported the candidacy of former Union general Ulysses S. Grant , who promised to take a hard line against white supremacist-led insurgencies in the post-war South. Grant notably also oversaw passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1871 , which was designed to suppress the growing Ku Klux Klan movement.

Frederick Douglass: Later Life and Death

In 1877, Douglass met with Thomas Auld , the man who once “owned” him, and the two reportedly reconciled.

Douglass’ wife Anna died in 1882, and he married white activist Helen Pitts in 1884.

In 1888, he became the first African American to receive a vote for President of the United States, during the Republican National Convention. Ultimately, though, Benjamin Harrison received the party nomination.

Douglass remained an active speaker, writer and activist until his death in 1895. He died after suffering a heart attack at home after arriving back from a meeting of the National Council of Women , a women’s rights group still in its infancy at the time, in Washington, D.C.

His life’s work still serves as an inspiration to those who seek equality and a more just society.

frederick douglass biography for students

HISTORY Vault: Black History

Watch acclaimed Black History documentaries on HISTORY Vault.

Frederick Douglas, PBS.org . Frederick Douglas, National Parks Service, nps.gov . Frederick Douglas, 1818-1895, Documenting the South, University of North Carolina , docsouth.unc.edu . Frederick Douglass Quotes, brainyquote.com . “Reception Speech. At Finsbury Chapel, Moorfields, England, May 12, 1846.” USF.edu . “What to the slave is the 4th of July?” TeachingAmericanHistory.org . Graham, D.A. (2017). “Donald Trump’s Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass.” The Atlantic .

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Frederick Douglass

Frederick Douglass was a leader in the abolitionist movement, an early champion of women’s rights and author of ‘Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass.’

(1818-1895)

Who Was Frederick Douglass?

Among Douglass’ writings are several autobiographies eloquently describing his experiences in slavery and his life after the Civil War , including the well-known work Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass, an American Slave .

Frederick Augustus Washington Bailey was born around 1818 into slavery in Talbot County, Maryland. As was often the case with slaves, the exact year and date of Douglass' birth are unknown, though later in life he chose to celebrate it on February 14.

Douglass initially lived with his maternal grandmother, Betty Bailey. At a young age, Douglass was selected to live in the home of the plantation owners, one of whom may have been his father.

His mother, who was an intermittent presence in his life, died when he was around 10.

Learning to Read and Write

Defying a ban on teaching slaves to read and write, Baltimore slaveholder Hugh Auld’s wife Sophia taught Douglass the alphabet when he was around 12. When Auld forbade his wife to offer more lessons, Douglass continued to learn from white children and others in the neighborhood.

It was through reading that Douglass’ ideological opposition to slavery began to take shape. He read newspapers avidly and sought out political writing and literature as much as possible. In later years, Douglass credited The Columbian Orator with clarifying and defining his views on human rights.

Douglass shared his newfound knowledge with other enslaved people. Hired out to William Freeland, he taught other slaves on the plantation to read the New Testament at a weekly church service.

Interest was so great that in any week, more than 40 slaves would attend lessons. Although Freeland did not interfere with the lessons, other local slave owners were less understanding. Armed with clubs and stones, they dispersed the congregation permanently.

With Douglass moving between the Aulds, he was later made to work for Edward Covey, who had a reputation as a "slave-breaker.” Covey’s constant abuse nearly broke the 16-year-old Douglass psychologically. Eventually, however, Douglass fought back, in a scene rendered powerfully in his first autobiography.

After losing a physical confrontation with Douglass, Covey never beat him again. Douglass tried to escape from slavery twice before he finally succeeded.

Wife and Children

Douglass married Anna Murray, a free Black woman, on September 15, 1838. Douglass had fallen in love with Murray, who assisted him in his final attempt to escape slavery in Baltimore.

On September 3, 1838, Douglass boarded a train to Havre de Grace, Maryland. Murray had provided him with some of her savings and a sailor's uniform. He carried identification papers obtained from a free Black seaman. Douglass made his way to the safe house of abolitionist David Ruggles in New York in less than 24 hours.

Once he had arrived, Douglass sent for Murray to meet him in New York, where they married and adopted the name of Johnson to disguise Douglass’ identity. Anna and Frederick then settled in New Bedford, Massachusetts, which had a thriving free Black community. There they adopted Douglass as their married name.

Douglass and Anna had five children together: Rosetta, Lewis Henry, Frederick Jr., Charles Redmond and Annie, who died at the age of 10. Charles and Rosetta assisted their father in the production of his newspaper The North Star . Anna remained a loyal supporter of Douglass' public work, despite marital strife caused by his relationships with several other women.

After Anna’s death, Douglass married Helen Pitts, a feminist from Honeoye, New York. Pitts was the daughter of Gideon Pitts Jr., an abolitionist colleague. A graduate of Mount Holyoke College , Pitts worked on a radical feminist publication and shared many of Douglass’ moral principles.

Their marriage caused considerable controversy, since Pitts was white and nearly 20 years younger than Douglass. Douglass’ children were especially displeased with the relationship. Nonetheless, Douglass and Pitts remained married until his death 11 years later.

Abolitionist

After settling as a free man with his wife Anna in New Bedford in 1838, Douglass was eventually asked to tell his story at abolitionist meetings, and he became a regular anti-slavery lecturer.

The founder of the weekly journal The Liberator , William Lloyd Garrison , was impressed with Douglass’ strength and rhetorical skill and wrote of him in his newspaper. Several days after the story ran, Douglass delivered his first speech at the Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Society's annual convention in Nantucket.

Crowds were not always hospitable to Douglass. While participating in an 1843 lecture tour through the Midwest, Douglass was chased and beaten by an angry mob before being rescued by a local Quaker family.

Following the publication of his first autobiography in 1845, Douglass traveled overseas to evade recapture. He set sail for Liverpool on August 16, 1845, and eventually arrived in Ireland as the Potato Famine was beginning. He remained in Ireland and Britain for two years, speaking to large crowds on the evils of slavery.

During this time, Douglass’ British supporters gathered funds to purchase his legal freedom. In 1847, the famed writer and orator returned to the United States a free man.

'The North Star'

Upon his return, Douglass produced some abolitionist newspapers: The North Star , Frederick Douglass Weekly , Frederick Douglass' Paper , Douglass' Monthly and New National Era .

The motto of The North Star was "Right is of no Sex – Truth is of no Color – God is the Father of us all, and we are all brethren."

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'Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass'

In New Bedford, Massachusetts, Douglass joined a Black church and regularly attended abolitionist meetings. He also subscribed to Garrison's The Liberator .

At the urging of Garrison, Douglass wrote and published his first autobiography, Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass, an American Slave , in 1845. The book was a bestseller in the United States and was translated into several European languages.

Although the Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass garnered Douglass many fans, some critics expressed doubt that a former enslaved person with no formal education could have produced such elegant prose.

Other Books by Frederick Douglass

Douglass published three versions of his autobiography during his lifetime, revising and expanding on his work each time. My Bondage and My Freedom appeared in 1855.

In 1881, Douglass published Life and Times of Frederick Douglass , which he revised in 1892.

Women’s Rights

In addition to abolition, Douglass became an outspoken supporter of women’s rights. In 1848, he was the only African American to attend the Seneca Falls convention on women's rights. Elizabeth Cady Stanton asked the assembly to pass a resolution stating the goal of women's suffrage. Many attendees opposed the idea.

Douglass, however, stood and spoke eloquently in favor, arguing that he could not accept the right to vote as a Black man if women could not also claim that right. The resolution passed.

Yet Douglass would later come into conflict with women’s rights activists for supporting the Fifteenth Amendment , which banned suffrage discrimination based on race while upholding sex-based restrictions.

Civil War and Reconstruction

By the time of the Civil War , Douglass was one of the most famous Black men in the country. He used his status to influence the role of African Americans in the war and their status in the country. In 1863, Douglass conferred with President Abraham Lincoln regarding the treatment of Black soldiers, and later with President Andrew Johnson on the subject of Black suffrage.

President Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation , which took effect on January 1, 1863, declared the freedom of enslaved people in Confederate territory. Despite this victory, Douglass supported John C. Frémont over Lincoln in the 1864 election, citing his disappointment that Lincoln did not publicly endorse suffrage for Black freedmen.

Slavery everywhere in the United States was subsequently outlawed by the ratification of the Thirteenth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution .

Douglass was appointed to several political positions following the war. He served as president of the Freedman's Savings Bank and as chargé d'affaires for the Dominican Republic.

After two years, he resigned from his ambassadorship over objections to the particulars of U.S. government policy. He was later appointed minister-resident and consul-general to the Republic of Haiti, a post he held between 1889 and 1891.

In 1877, Douglass visited one of his former owners, Thomas Auld. Douglass had met with Auld's daughter, Amanda Auld Sears, years before. The visit held personal significance for Douglass, although some criticized him for the reconciliation.

Vice Presidential Candidate

Douglass became the first African American nominated for vice president of the United States as Victoria Woodhull 's running mate on the Equal Rights Party ticket in 1872.

Nominated without his knowledge or consent, Douglass never campaigned. Nonetheless, his nomination marked the first time that an African American appeared on a presidential ballot.

Douglass died on February 20, 1895, of a massive heart attack or stroke shortly after returning from a meeting of the National Council of Women in Washington, D.C. He was buried in Mount Hope Cemetery in Rochester, New York.

QUICK FACTS

Name: Frederick Douglass
Birth Year: 1818
Birth State: Maryland
Birth City: Tuckahoe
Birth Country: United States
Gender: Male
Best Known For: Frederick Douglass was a leader in the abolitionist movement, an early champion of women’s rights and author of ‘Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass.’
Interesting Facts
Frederick Douglass first learned to read and write at the age of 12 from a Baltimore slaveholder's wife.
To much controversy, Douglass married white abolitionist feminist Helen Pitts.
Douglass became the first African American nominated for vice president of the United States.
Death Year: 1895
Death date: February 20, 1895
Death City: Washington, D.C.
Death Country: United States

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CITATION INFORMATION

Article Title: Frederick Douglass Biography
Author: Biography.com Editors
Website Name: The Biography.com website
Url: https://www.biography.com/activists/frederick-douglass
Access Date:
Publisher: A&E Television Networks
Last Updated: July 15, 2021
Original Published Date: April 3, 2014
If there is no struggle there is no progress. . . . Power concedes nothing without a demand. It never did and it never will.
Find out just what any people will quietly submit to and you have the exact measure of the injustice and wrong which will be imposed on them.
I prefer to be true to myself, even at the hazard of incurring the ridicule of others, rather than to be false, and to incur my own abhorrence.
No man can put a chain about the ankle of his fellow man without at last finding the other end fastened about his own neck.
People might not get all they work for in this world, but they must certainly work for all they get.
I would unite with anybody to do right and with nobody to do wrong.
Where justice is denied, where poverty is enforced, where ignorance prevails, and where any one class is made to feel that society is an organized conspiracy to oppress, rob and degrade them, neither persons nor property will be safe.
The life of the nation is secure only while the nation is honest, truthful, and virtuous.
[I]n all the relations of life and death, we are met by the color line. We cannot ignore it if we would, and ought not if we could.
If I ever had any patriotism, or any capacity for the feeling, it was whipt out of me long since by the lash of the American soul-drivers.
The ground which a colored man occupies in this country is, every inch of it, sternly disputed.
The lesson of all the ages on this point is, that a wrong done to one man is a wrong done to all men. It may not be felt at the moment, and the evil day may be long delayed, but so sure as there is a moral government of the universe, so sure will the harvest of evil come.
Believing, as I do firmly believe, that human nature, as a whole, contains more good than evil, I am willing to trust the whole, rather than a part, in the conduct of human affairs.
To educate a man is to unfit him to be a slave.
To deny education to any people is one of the greatest crimes against human nature. It is easy to deny them the means of freedom and the rightful pursuit of happiness and to defeat the very end of their being.
There is no negro problem. The problem is whether the American people have loyalty enough, honor enough, patriotism enough, to live up to their own constitution.
Let us have no country but a free country, liberty for all and chains for none. Let us have one law, one gospel, equal rights for all, and I am sure God's blessing will be upon us and we shall be a prosperous and glorious nation.

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Frederick Douglass

On July 5, 1852 approximately 3.5 million African Americans were enslaved — roughly 14% of the total population of the United States. That was the state of the nation when Frederick Douglass was asked to deliver a keynote address at an Independence Day celebration.

He accepted and, on a day white Americans celebrated their independence and freedom from the oppression of the British crown, Douglass delivered his now-famous speech What to the Slave is the Fourth of July. In it, Douglass offered one of the most thought provoking and powerful testaments to the hypocrisy, bigotry and inhumanity of slavery ever given.

Douglass told the crowd that the arguments against slavery were well understood. What was needed was “fire” not light on the subject; “thunder” not a gentle “shower” of reason. Douglass would tell the audience:

The feeling of the nation must be quickened; the conscience of the nation must be roused; the propriety of the nation must be startled; the hypocrisy of the nation must be exposed; and its crimes against God and man must be denounced.

Frederick Douglass was born into slavery, most likely in February 1818 — birth dates of slaves were rarely recorded. He was put to work full-time at age six, and his life as a young man was a litany of savage beatings and whippings. At age twenty, he successfully escaped to the North. In Massachusetts he became known as a voice against slavery, but that also brought to light his status as an escaped slave. Fearing capture and re-enslavement, Douglass went to England and continued speaking out against slavery.

He eventually raised enough money to buy his freedom and returned to America. He settled in Rochester, New York in 1847 and began to champion equality and freedom for slaves in earnest. By then, his renown extended far beyond America's boundaries. He had become a man of international stature.

My Bondage and My Freedom by Frederick Douglass, published in 1857.

One suspects that Rochester city leaders had Douglass' fame and reputation as a brilliant orator in mind when they approached him to speak at their Independence Day festivities. But with his opening words, Douglass' intent became clear — decry the hypocrisy of the day as it played out in the lives of the slaves:

Fellow citizens, pardon me, and allow me to ask, why am I called upon to speak here today? What have I or those I represent to do with your national independence? Are the great principles of political freedom and of natural justice, embodied in that Declaration of Independence, extended to us? And am I, therefore, called upon to bring our humble offering to the national altar, and to confess the benefits, and express devout gratitude for the blessings resulting from your independence to us?

You can easily imagine the wave of unease that settled over his audience. The speech was long, as was the fashion of the day. A link to the entire address can be found at the end of this Our American Story. When you read it you will discover that, to his credit, Douglass was uncompromising and truthful:

This Fourth of July is yours, not mine. You may rejoice, I must mourn ... What to the American slave is your Fourth of July? ... a day that reveals to him more than all other days of the year, the gross injustice and cruelty to which he is the constant victim. To him your celebration is a sham ... your shouts of liberty and equality, hollow mock; your prayers and hymns, your sermons and thanksgivings ... hypocrisy — a thin veil to cover up crimes which would disgrace a nation of savages.

Reaction to the speech was strong, but mixed. Some were angered, others appreciative. What I've always thought most impressive about Douglass' speech that day was the discussion it provoked immediately and in the weeks and months that followed.

Certainly much has changed since Douglass’ speech. Yet the opportunity to discuss and debate the important impact of America’s racial history is very much a part of the National Museum of African American History and Culture. Douglass’ words remind us that many have struggled to ensure that the promise of liberty be applied equally to all Americans — regardless of race, gender or ethnicity. And that the struggle for equality is never over.

So, as we gather together at picnics, parades, and fireworks to celebrate the 4th of July, let us remember those, like Frederick Douglass, who fought and sacrificed to help America live up to its ideals of equality, fair play and justice.

Photo of Frederick Douglass ca. 1895.

Frederick Douglass' life and words have left us a powerful legacy. His story, and the African American story, is part of us all.

To you and your family, have a joyous and safe Fourth of July and thank you for your interest in the National Museum of African American History and Culture.

P.S. Read the full text Frederick Douglass’ speech of July 5, 1852 .

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Before there was a Civil Rights Movement, before there was a Civil War, there were people who stood against slavery. Frederick Douglass was one of the most prominent of those who spoke out against slavery. Watch this video biography of Frederick Douglass and learn about one of the Civil Rights Activists that existed before the protests began.

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Frederick Douglass

One of the most prominent civil rights figures in history, Frederick Douglass escaped from slavery and spent his life advocating for social justice, holding a place within the ranks of such prominent figures as President Lincoln, William Lloyd Garrison, Harriet Tubman and Susan B. Anthony. Douglass saw the fruits of his labor with the 13th Amendment, but was more than aware of the long struggle African-Americans would face in the years to come.

Born into slavery in Bay-side Talbot County, Maryland in 1818, Douglass, born Frederick Augustus Washington Bailey, was the son of Harriet Bailey and a white man. Separated from his mother as an infant, he lived with his maternal grandmother Betty Bailey until the age of seven.

At the age of twelve, Douglass was sent to Baltimore to serve the family of Hugh and Lucretia Auld, “a kind and tender-hearted woman.” It was Mrs. Auld who first taught him the alphabet, in spite of the fact that she was breaking the law by doing so. Douglass, aware of the power of a good education, secretly taught himself to read and write, resolving to one day escape to freedom.

In 1832, Douglass was sent out of the city to the plantation of Hugh’s brother, Thomas Auld. Thomas, in turn, sent Douglass to the notorious “negro-breaker and slave-driver” Edward Covey. Covey prided himself on his ability to crush any slave’s will to resist enslavement and beat Douglass savagely. One day when he was sixteen Douglass fought back and physically bested Covey, who never whipped him again.

On September 3, 1838, dressed in a sailor’s uniform and carrying papers provided by a free black seaman, Frederick Douglass escaped aboard a train bound for Havre de Grace, Maryland. From there, he continued to New York and eventually New Bedford, Massachusetts, where he settled. As he would remark to audiences years later: “I appear before you this evening as a thief and a robber. I stole this head, these limbs, this body from my master and ran off with them.” Douglass soon married Anna Murray, a free black woman he had met while enslaved in Baltimore, with whom he had five children: Charles, Rosetta, Lewis, Frederick Jr. and Annie, who died at the age of ten.

In 1841, while attending anti-slavery meetings Douglass met William Lloyd Garrison, founder of The Liberator and one of the most outspoken abolitionists in the country. Garrison encouraged Douglass to share his story, catapulting his career. Douglass began giving lectures at abolitionist conventions, quickly earning a reputation as an eloquent and compelling speaker.

In 1845, Douglass, with the encouragement of Garrison and Wendell Phillips, another prominent abolitionist, published his celebrated Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass: An American Slave. The work was an instant success. Critics charged that it was so well-written that it could never have been composed by a black man. The narrative made Douglass a widely-known public figure, even beyond abolitionist circles, which led some of his allies to fear for his safety, lest his former owner Thomas Auld come looking for his now-famous ‘property.’ Accordingly, Douglass sailed for the United Kingdom later that year. Douglass remained abroad for two years, during which time a group of English admirers made arrangements to purchase his freedom.

During the turbulent decade of the 1850s Douglass worked tirelessly for emancipation, breaking with William Lloyd Garrison over his approach (Garrison would publicly burn copies of the Constitution, which he regarded as a patently pro-slavery document) in order to publish his own newspaper, the North Star. By the Civil War Frederick Douglass was the most prominent black man in the United States. During the war Douglass consistently petitioned President Lincoln to make emancipation an explicit war aim and to sanction the raising of colored regiments. Two of his sons served in the 54th Massachusetts regiment, the first to be comprised of African-American soldiers.

After seeing his life’s work vindicated with the passage of the 13th, 14th and 15th amendments to the Constitution, Douglass held various government posts and continued to labor through the period of Reconstruction and beyond to secure civil rights for freedmen, sagely remarking, “Verily, the work does not end with the abolition of slavery, but only begins.”

Douglass moved to Washington D.C. in 1877 and became the editor of the New National Era. His wife Anna died five years later. Douglass was remarried two years later to Helen Pitts, a white feminist and the daughter of an abolitionist colleague and friend, Gideon Pitts Jr. In 1888, he became the first African-American to receive a vote for President of the United States in a major party’s roll call at the Republican National Convention in Chicago. Frederick Douglass died February 20, 1895, and is buried in the Mount Hope Cemetery in Rochester.

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Frederick Douglass

January 1, 2020, brian s. mcgrath.

In the years leading up to the Civil War, Frederick Douglass (February 1818—February 20, 1895) was the most powerful speaker and writer of the abolitionist movement.

Frederick Douglass was born into slavery in Talbot County, Maryland. He was raised by his grandmother, who was a slave. He was taken from her when he was a child and sent to Baltimore, Maryland. There, he worked as a servant in the household of shipbuilder Hugh Auld. Auld’s wife, Sophia, began teaching young Frederick to read and write. Then her husband told her to stop. It was against the law to teach a slave to read. But young Frederick found a way to keep learning. White friends secretly gave him books.

As Douglass grew up, he developed ideas against slavery. He believed in human equality. He found that idea in the Declaration of Independence. Eventually, he was sent back to the Maryland plantation where he was born. There, he gained a reputation for disobedience. This was partly because he was teaching other slaves how to read the Bible.

Before long, Douglass was sent to work for Edward Covey. Covey was known as a brutal “slave breaker.” He whipped his slaves. In his autobiography, Douglass writes about his victory over Covey. They fought hand to hand. After that, Covey never whipped Douglass again. In 1838, Douglass escaped from slavery. He disguised himself as a sailor and headed north. He made his way to New York City.

In the 1880s, Douglass held a series of positions in the U.S. government, including ambassadorships to Haiti and the Dominican Republic.

The Abolitionist

In 1847, Douglass’s supporters raised money to buy his freedom. He moved to Rochester, New York, and started an antislavery newspaper. It was called The North Star. In 1848, he spoke at a women’s-rights conference in Seneca Falls, New York. There, he met civil rights advocate Elizabeth Cady Stanton.

Power and Influence

During the Civil War, 1861–1865, Douglass asked President Abraham Lincoln to allow black men to join the Union Army. Two of Douglass’s sons, Charles and Lewis, joined the 54th Massachusetts Infantry. After the war, Douglass used his fame to the promote the passage of the 14th and 15th Amendments to the Constitution. These gave all American men equal rights, including the right to vote. The 13th Amendment, passed in 1865, had abolished slavery.

Later, Douglass held high-ranking positions in the U.S. government. He was ambassador to the Dominican Republic and Haiti. He was also director of the Freedman’s Bank. He spoke out against racial inequality and defended human rights.

Douglass died in 1895, in Washington, D.C. He had just attended a meeting for the National Council of Women. Thousands of mourners attended his funeral.

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Frederick Douglass

Frederick Douglass (c. 1817–1895) is a central figure in U.S. and African American history. [ 1 ] He was born into slavery circa 1817; his mother was an enslaved black woman, while his father was reputed to be his white master. Douglass escaped from slavery in 1838 and rose to become a principal leader and spokesperson for the U.S. Abolition movement. [ 2 ] He would eventually develop into a towering figure for the U.S. Civil Rights Movement and American politics, and his legacy would be claimed by a diverse span of groups, from liberals and integrationists to conservatives to nationalists, within and without black America.

He wrote three autobiographies, each one expanding on the details of his life. The first was Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass, an American Slave, Written By Himself (1845); the second was My Bondage and My Freedom (1855); and the third was Life and Times of Frederick Douglass (1881/1893). [ 3 ] They are now foremost examples of the American slave narrative. In addition to being autobiographical, they are also, as is standard, explicitly works of political and social criticism and moral suasion; they aim at the hearts and minds of the readers. Their greater purpose was to attack slavery, contribute to its abolition in the United States, and argue for black Americans’ full inclusion into the nation.

Shortly after escaping from slavery, Douglass began operating as a spokesperson, giving numerous speeches about his life and experiences for William Lloyd Garrison’s American Anti-Slavery Society. To spread his story and assist the abolitionist cause and counter early charges that someone so eloquent as he could not have been a slave, Douglass wrote and published his first autobiography, The Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass, an American Slave, Written By Himself . It brought Douglass fame throughout the United States and the United Kingdom, and it provided the funds to purchase his freedom. Douglass eventually broke with Garrison and founded his first paper, the North Star . He served as its chief editor and authored a considerable body of letters, editorials, and speeches from then on. These writings are collected in Philip Foner’s multi-volume, The Life and Writings of Frederick Douglass (1950–1975), and John W. Blassingame and John R. McKivigan’s multi-volume, The Frederick Douglass Papers (1979–1992). [ 4 ]

Douglass’s advocacy in the abolition movement and his continued work after the U.S. Civil War, and his writings and participation in national discussions about the nature and future of the American Republic, made him a significant figure in American history and the history of American political ideas. His writings, speeches, and his national and international work have inspired many lines of discussion in debate within the fields of American and African American history and political science. Moreover, political thinkers representing different ideological positions, including liberals, libertarians, and economic and social conservatives, claim his legacy.

But what does anything about this have to do with philosophy? The connections between Douglass’s legacy and social and political philosophy are numerous and ongoing. His ideas about humanity, liberty, equality, property, democracy, and individual and social development addressed immediately pressing concerns, but they were also theoretical—he self-consciously addressed their moral and theological foundations. Furthermore, his work is connected to academic philosophy through the uptake of his political and social legacy and writings by later African American philosophers such as W.E.B. Du Bois (1868–1963) and Alain Locke (1884–1954). [ 5 ] In contemporary philosophy, Douglass’s work is usually taken up within American philosophy, Africana philosophy, black political philosophy, and moral, social, and political philosophy more broadly. In particular, the discussions that involve Douglass focus on his views concerning some of the topics reviewed in this entry: slavery and racial segregation; natural law and the U.S. constitution; liberalism and republicanism; violence, self-respect, and dignity; racial integration versus emigration or separation; cultural assimilation and racial amalgamation; democratic action; and women’s suffrage. Additionally, just as there is a rich discussion about Douglass in philosophy and political theory, there is a related discussion about Douglass’s rhetoric, particularly the structure and meaning of his political rhetoric as displayed in his speeches, autobiographies, and other writings. [ 6 ]

For students and teachers first learning about Douglass, there is no better place to start than his first autobiography, The Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass (1845). Next, read some of his speeches and writings referenced in this entry, especially “What To the Slave Is The Fourth of July?” (1852 [SFD: 55–92]). Then dive into the historical, political, literary, and philosophical literature about Douglass.

2. Natural Law

3. on liberty, 4. the u.s. constitution, 5. violence and self-defense, 6. respect and dignity, 7. universal human brotherhood, 8. amalgamation and assimilation, 9. integration versus emigration, 10. leadership, 11. women’s suffrage, 12. at the dawn of jim crow, a.1 collections and abbreviations, a.2 works by douglass, b. secondary literature, other internet resources, related entries.

In his narratives, speeches, and articles leading up to the U.S. Civil War, Douglass vigorously argued against slavery. He sought to demonstrate that it was cruel, unnatural, ungodly, immoral, and unjust. Douglass laid out his arguments, first in his speeches while allied with William Lloyd Garrison’s American Anti-Slavery Society, and then in his first autobiography, the Narrative . As the U.S. Civil War drew closer, he expanded his arguments in many speeches, editorials, and his second autobiography, My Bondage and My Freedom. [ 7 ]

His definition of slavery identified its immorality and injustice by pinpointing its core wrong in the brutalization and the literal commodification of another human being and the stripping of them of their natural rights:

Slavery in the United States is the granting of that power by which on man exercises and enforces a right of property in the body and soul of another. The condition of a slave is simply that of the brute beast . He is a piece of property—a marketable commodity in the language of the law, to be bought and sold at the will and caprice of the master who claims him to be his property; he is spoken of, thought of, and treated as property. His own good, his conscience, his intellect, his affections are all set aside by the master. The will and the wishes of the master are the law of the slave. He is as much a piece of property as a horse. (1846 [SFD: 23]; my emphasis) [ 8 ]

In his own words, he worked to pour out “scorching irony” to expose the evil of slavery (1852 [SFD: 71]). His rebellion against slavery began, as he recounted, while he was enslaved. In his narratives, the depiction of his early recognition and general recognition among blacks and some whites of the injustice, unnaturalness, and cruelty of slavery was a significant element of his argument. It marks his first argument against slavery. Some of the apologists for slavery claimed that blacks were beasts, subhuman, or at least a degenerated form of the human species, drawing on a racial ideology that went back to at least the fifteenth century and that was common in the British American Colonies and then the United States. [ 9 ] Thomas Jefferson, for example, infamously intimates this racist view in his Notes on the State of Virginia (1785: Query 14). Against such racist ideology, Douglass argued that blacks were human, rational, and capable of the full range of human emotions and sensitivity. He mocked slavery’s apologists for their hypocrisies and contradictions when they claimed otherwise. In “The Meaning of July Fourth for the Negro”, he is derisive of the idea that he would even need to argue this point (1852 [SFD: 55–92]). [ 10 ]

Against the claim that blacks were beasts, he argued that instead, slavery had brutalized them. He pointed to the obviousness of blacks’ humanity and mocked the hypocrisy of slavery’s apologists. He rhetorically asked: Why should there be special laws prohibiting the free actions of blacks, such as rebelling against slave masters, or any other white person, if slaves were merely bestial and incapable of independent, responsible behavior? Indeed, why had slave masters encouraged their slaves’ Christianization and then forbade their religious gatherings? Along with this hypocrisy, American slaveholders feared and banned the education of blacks while demanding and profiting from their learning and development in the skilled trades. Thus, Douglass argued the accusation that blacks were beasts was predicated on the guilty knowledge that they were humans. Additionally, it subverted not only the natural goodness of blacks by brutalizing them, but it also did so to white slaveholders and those otherwise innocent whites affected by this wicked institution. Slavery, Douglass pointed out, consistent with Jefferson’s anxieties in Query 18 of the Notes on the State of Virginia (1785), was a poison in the body of the republic.

Second, since blacks were humans, Douglass argued they were entitled to the natural rights that natural law mandated ( §2 and §3 ) and that the United States recognized in the Declaration of Independence and Constitution ( §4 ). Slavery subverted the natural rights of blacks by subjugating and brutalizing them: taking men and turning them, against God’s will and nature, into beasts. Third, as an affront to natural law, slavery contradicted God’s laws and corresponding moral duties to others. As a witness and participant of the second Great Awakening, he took the politicized rhetoric of Christian redemption—personal and social liberation from sin—seriously. Douglass viewed redemption as intrinsically wrapped up with freedom from slavery and national liberation like other abolitionists. Fourth, he argued that slavery was inconsistent with the idea of America, with its national narrative and highest ideals, and not just with its founding documents. Fifth, drawing on theories of providential historical development (echoing common American views of manifest destiny), he argued that slavery was inconsistent with moral, political, economic, and social progress. Insofar as it propagated and protected slave power, America was on the wrong side of history on the question of slavery.

The apologists of slavery drew on the same ideological vein of historical progress to offer the defense that slavery was a benevolent and paternal system for the mutual benefit of whites and blacks. Douglass countered that calumny by drawing on his experiences, and the experiences of other enslaved black Americans, that American slavery was in no way benevolent. It brutalized black people. Slavery subjected them to debilitating, murderous violence, sexual violence and exploitation, split up families, denied them education, exploited their labor, and denied their natural property rights. Slavery, as Douglass’s relentlessly argued, was a deep and enduring injustice and evil. Enslaved black people were not happy slaves benefiting from the largess of kind, gentile white masters. Neither were they lacking in agency, self-esteem, self-respect, or a sense of dignity. They were moral beings, fully aware of the rights and capabilities they were unjustly deprived of. As Douglass proclaimed to the nation and world, black Americans wanted freedom, independence, the recognition of their full personhood, moral equality, and their rights as U.S. citizens (McGary and Lawson, 1992). [ 11 ]

The ideas that Douglass drew on in his arguments against slavery originate from natural law theory and Christian theology. Douglass was an Enlightenment thinker, a nineteenth-century modernist, and a Protestant, so natural law in his view was a combination of the prescriptions of reason and revelation evident in the historical and civilizational progress of humanity. One of his clearest articulations of this combined view is from a 1853 speech, “The Present Condition And Future Prospects of the Negro People” (1853b [FDSW: 250–259]), where condemns declares,

Slavery has no means within itself of perpetuation or permanence. It is a huge lie. It is of the Devil, and it will go to its place. It is against nature, against progress, against improvement, and against the Government of God. It cannot stand. It has an enemy in every bar of railroad iron, in every electric wire, in every improvement in navigation, in the growing intercourse of nations, in cheap postage, in the relaxation of tariffs, in common schools, in the progress of education, the spread of knowledge, in the steam engine, and in the World’s Fair…and in everything that will be exhibited there. (1853b [FDSW: 259]) [ 12 ]

The sources for his driving belief in natural law and its moral implications were many: the founding documents of the United States; popular intellectuals, such as Ralph Waldo Emerson and his colleagues and acquaintances in the American Abolition movement; the allies he encountered abroad; and his appreciation of George Combe’s The Constitution of Man , from 1834 (Van Wyhe 2004). However, given the numerous religious references in his speeches and writings, a primary source for his employment of the idea of natural law was his adaptation of the American Protestantism of the Second Great Awakening, with its democratic and republican values and generally independent spirit. All of this is on prominent display at the conclusion of his famous speech, “The Meaning of July Fourth for the Negro”:

The arm of the Lord is not shortened“, and the doom of slavery is certain. I, therefore, leave off where I began, with hope. While drawing encouragement from the Declaration of Independence, the great principles it contains, and the genius of American Institutions, my spirit is also cheered by the obvious tendencies of the age. (1852 [SFD: 90])

Relying on the deus ex machina was not enough for Douglass. His vision of natural rights involved action; his image of civic republicanism emphasized the need for active participation to claim or earn one’s rights and status as a citizen (Davis 1971; Pettit 1997; Myers 2008; Gooding-Williams 2009). As Douglass scathingly pointed out, the slave-holding states resisted the abolition of slavery, and many Americans were apathetic about its cruel injustices—humans resist providential justice. Therefore, he argued, the end of slavery required agitation, protest, and, if needed, military intervention.

Douglass longed for God to cast his thunderbolts of judgment at American slave power, but he knew that human action was needed to abolish slavery in America (Blight 1989: 26–58). His view of, if you will, enacted providence is on full display at the end of his famous Fourth of July speech of 1852, where he cited Psalm 68:31 and paired the idea of God’s fiat with the image of Africa and Asia rising:

The far off and almost fabulous Pacific rolls in grandeur at our feet. The Celestial Empire, the mystery of ages, is being solved. The fiat of the Almighty, ”Let there be Light“, has not yet spent its force. No abuse, no outrage whether in taste, sport or avarice, can now hide itself from the all-pervading light. The iron shoe, and crippled foot of China must be seen, in contrast with nature. Africa must rise and put on her yet unwoven garment. ”Ethiopia shall stretch out her hand unto God“. (1852 [SFD: 91]) [ 13 ]

There are many possible concerns about Douglass’s view of natural law, manifest destiny, and providence, which we can discern from a careful reading of the passage above; they involve a belief in historical teleological development and the human costs of that assumption. These costs include affirming nineteenth-century conceptions of civilizational backwardness of non-European societies or peoples. Thus, he is relatively silent about the United States’ destructive actions against indigenous peoples.

This aspect of Douglass’s views led Wilson Jeremiah Moses to characterize him and other early black political figures as ”Moses“ figures: exodus leaders, recipients of natural law for a chosen people. The chosen people, in this case, are African Americans in their travail for freedom, as well as the American Republic as a whole. Douglass—twinned eternally with Abraham Lincoln—is a lawgiver in the American civil religion (Moses 1978). This monumental, world-historical vita aside, Douglass’s faith in progress, although tested to its breaking point, resulted in his putting too much belief in the inevitability of progress. Nonetheless, his faith had a moral, social, and political purpose. He had no time for political pessimism, which is either a narcotizing sentiment for those who have surrendered to despair or a performative luxury whose decadence only those secure in their liberty can afford.

Instead of surrendering to despair, he joined the abolition movement after escaping slavery. And for that grand purpose, natural law and rights were ideas he believed in and used to significant effect. Thus, in his writings, his writings he repeatedly makes clear and direct references to concepts that flow from liberalism: liberty; moral and social equality; individuality; property rights, self-defense, and speech; the moral and instrumental value of labor; democracy; and composite (what we would call multiethnic or multiracial) nationality. This is why he is rightly associated with liberalism (Myers 2008; Buccola 2012). The relation between Douglass’s works and those ideas is apparent; however, three merit highlighting because they are not typically emphasized in the theoretical literature about Douglass: free speech, property, and composite nationality.

Douglass’s life after abolition speaks to the importance of the freedoms of speech, thought, and opinion and the great value he placed on them. From his efforts to learn how to read and write to his desire to start his own newspaper, his attitude and actions aggressively asserted the indivisible links between equal liberty and the right to think and speak one’s mind. Like the name of his first newspaper, this value was his North Star . So, on 9 December 1860, in response to the violent disruption of a meeting he was participating in, Douglass directly addressed the matter in his speech, ”A Plea for Freedom of Speech in Boston“, wherein he delivered a classic liberal defense of it that still resonates:

There can be no right where any man however, lifted up or humble, however young or however old, is overawed by force, and compelled to suppress his honest sentiments. (1860c [FDP1 v.3: 423])

The silencing of speech squashes thought, opinion, and discussion, and doing so, as Douglass pointed out—consistent with other philosophers on liberty—commits a ”double wrong. It violates the right of the hearer as well as those of the speaker (Ibid.). [ 14 ]

On property, Douglass argues, as expected, against human bondage. That, however, was not the only thing he had to say about it. The positive right to property, the right of black Americans to their bodies, the labor of their bodies, and the wealth generated from their productivity are ideas that feature prominently throughout the narratives. Douglass wrote movingly about the productivity of his labor, the exploitation of it by his enslavers and those in their employ, the theft of his rightfully earned wages, and the anger of some white laborers who resented having to work and compete with free black workers. The right to self-ownership, labor, and property were not just mere things denied to him—they were expressions, products, and symbols of his liberty and liberty in general. In the Narrative , for example, on the theft of his wages by Hugh Auld, his master’s brother, Douglass wrote,

I was now getting, as I have said, one dollar and fifty cents per day. I contracted for it; I earned it; it was paid to me; it was rightfully my own; yet, upon each returning Saturday night, I was compelled to deliver every cent of that money to Master Hugh. And why? Not because he earned it,—not because he had any hand in earning it,—not because I owed it to him, nor because he possessed the slightest shadow of a right to it; but solely because he had the power to compel me to give it up. The right of the grim-visaged pirate upon the high seas is exactly the same. (FDAB: 84)

From the Civil War through Reconstruction and its betrayal, Douglass continued to see the right to property as a necessary part of genuine emancipation. He wrote and frequently spoke about the ennobling, moral, and economic power of labor, private property, and individual productivity in articles before emancipation like, “What Shall be Done with the Slave if Emancipated” from 1862 (FDSW: 470–473) to speeches like “Self-Made Men” from 1893 (SFD: 414–453).

On composite nationality, or what we would call multiethnic democracy, Douglass’s “Our Composite Nationality” from 1869a (SFD: 278–303) is a ringing endorsement of a robust vision of civic belonging and national identification. It is an outlook that reflects his support for organic processes of assimilation and amalgamation and social reform. More on that below ( §§6–8 and §12 ).

Just as he drew on liberal ideas, he repeatedly invoked ideas of American civic republicanism and advocated for democratic reform, action, and, eventually, universal suffrage ( §11 ). This democratic advocacy has led some philosophers to view Douglass as a civic republican as much as he was a liberal (Gooding-Williams 2009). The evidence for that connection naturally arises from the wide variety of his democratic associational activity. It is modeled in his narratives, particularly in My Bondage and My Freedom , in its depictions of social organization, action, solidarity, friendship, and affection among black men and women (FDAB: 305–306).

Whether we understand Douglass as a liberal or civic republican (or even as a type of black nationalist or black radical liberal), the values and ideas he drew on were the foundation of his fierce denunciations of and active resistance to American slavery and his interpretation of the U.S. Constitution.

In 1851 Douglass broke from William Lloyd Garrison’s position that the U.S. Constitution was a pro-slavery document and that the free states should peacefully secede from the Union. In a letter to Gerrit Smith, he reported that he was “sick and tired of arguing on the slaveholder’s side…” (21 January 1851 [FDSW: 171–173]). So, he decided to break with Garrison and side with Smith and the Liberty party’s position that the United States’ founding documents were anti-slavery (Blight 1989: 26–58; Root 2020).

In his famous speech on the topic, “What To the Slave Is The Fourth of July?” (1852 [SFD: 55–92]), he detailed his signature positions on the U.S. Constitution: that slavery is contrary to natural law, that blacks are self-evidently human and entitled to natural rights, and that slavery is inconsistent with the Constitution, American Republicanism, and Christian doctrine, and that it should be forcefully—violently—resisted. [ 15 ] A principal example of this shift is the changes in his second autobiography, My Bondage and My Freedom (1855, FDAB); particularly relevant is the extra and weighty meaning he imparts to the famous scene of his fight with the slave breaker Covey ( §5 ).

Douglass acknowledged that initially, he accepted the view, promoted by William Lloyd Garrison and allies aligned with him, that the framers intended to allow slavery to continue in the slave states and that the Constitution was thereby consistent with the institution of slavery. However, the Garrisonian view of the Constitution resulted in passivity in the face of the Slave-holding states’ threat of succession. That position did not sit well with Douglass because he wanted a more aggressive stance and strategy for abolishing slavery and the emancipation of the enslaved, including in the southern slave-holding states. Plus, he became convinced of the natural law reading of the U.S. Constitution that foregrounded the values outlined in the U.S. Declaration of Independence. What convinced him were the arguments of Gerrit Smith, Lysander Spooner, William Goddell, and Samuel E. Sewall that the Constitution was an anti-slavery document and that the founders were at cross-purposes on the question of slavery. Douglass argued that the general ideas of America’s founding documents supported an interpretation of the U.S. Constitution as an evolving document in tune with the development of civilization. Thus, he intoned the call, “let there be light”, to capture his hope for abolition, emancipation, and universal political and social progress (1852 [SFD: 91]).

Douglass’s view of the Constitution is one of the reasons why he is associated with the assimilationist (or what is better understood as the integrationist tradition) tradition in African American political thought. It sets him up for the criticism that he did not squarely recognize the racialized character of the nation, how deeply embedded race and racism were in its institutions, and that it was in many respects a racial state. [ 16 ] Douglass, however, was not blithe to the nation’s sins—he repeatedly and forcefully condemned them through the end of his life ( §12 ). His reading of the Constitution was reasonable, grounded in his affirmation of natural law theory, and it was an essential part of the history of abolition (Sinha 2016; Delbanco 2018).

Douglass remained active in the years leading up to the U.S. Civil War. He advocated for the abolition of slavery, worked against the expansion of slavery into new U.S. territories, and vigorously protested the Dred Scott decision and related laws that protected the property rights of slaveholders over slaves who escaped to the Free States in the North.

He was a member of the Liberty party, was involved in other political parties, including the Radical and Free Soil parties, and eventually became involved with the Republican party—all for the sake of abolition and the support of equal citizenship for all Americans (Blight 1989 and 2018). Douglass even met the militant abolitionist, John Brown. Although Douglass declined to join Brown’s militia—he sensed the deadly potential of Brown’s zealotry and the likelihood of its failure—he defended Brown’s ideals and denounced claims that Brown was merely mad. Although Douglass distanced himself from Brown’s plans and destructive actions, he appropriated Brown as a symbol of righteous violence against the national sin of slavery and used the raid at Harper’s Ferry to criticize President Lincoln’s reluctance to support abolitionism (1859 [FDSW: 372–376]; 1860b [FDSW: 417–421]; Myers 2008: 63–73; Blight 1989: 95–100).

Douglass’s rejection of pacifism and his support for Federal military intervention to end slavery was a significant turning point in his thought about natural law, divine providence and manifest destiny, and constitutional interpretation. Douglass’s defense of jus ad Bellum greatly affected his contemporaries and the resulting debate on slavery, struggle, and self-respect. The modern debate over violence and self-respect in African American philosophy, critical race theory, and black political theory begins with Douglass’s narratives, particularly his famous fight with the “Negro breaker”, Edward Covey. This incident plays a significant role in all of Douglass’s narratives: Covey represents the brutalizing institution of American slavery, and Douglass’s fight and victory represent the assertion of manhood, self-respect, dignity, and freedom. However, Douglass’s time with Covey and the suffering he endured by Covey’s hand is given a lengthier description in My Bondage and My Freedom than in the Narrative . In the former, the depiction of the fight explicitly draws parallels between Douglass’s battle with Covey and the struggles of black Americans against slavery and racial degradation.

Additionally, his fight has explicit national political connotations (Gooding-Williams 2009; Myers 2008). The scene’s depiction in each autobiography is powerful and indicates its narrative brilliance (literary, rhetorical, and philosophical), so it deserves to be quoted at length. In the Narrative (1845), Douglass wrote:

The battle with Mr. Covey was the turning-point in my career as a slave. It rekindled the few expiring embers of freedom, and revived within me a sense of my own manhood. It recalled the departed self-confidence, and inspired me again with a determination to be free. The gratification afforded by the triumph was a full compensation for whatever else might follow, even death itself. He only can understand the deep satisfaction which I experienced, who has himself repelled by force the bloody arm of slavery. I felt as I never felt before. It was a glorious resurrection, from the tomb of slavery, to the heaven of freedom. My long-crushed spirit rose, cowardice departed, bold defiance took its place; and I now resolved that, however long I might remain a slave in form, the day had passed forever when I could be a slave in fact. I did not hesitate to let it be known of me, that the white man who expected to succeed in whipping, must also succeed in killing me. (FDAB: 65)

In My Bondage and My Freedom (1855), he gives the following expanded interpretation:

Well, my dear reader, this battle with Mr. Covey,—undignified as it was, and as I fear my narration of it is—was the turning point in my “life as a slave”. It rekindled in my breast the smouldering embers of liberty; it brought up my Baltimore dreams, and revived a sense of my own manhood. I was a changed being after that fight. I was nothing before; I WAS A MAN NOW. It recalled to life my crushed self-respect and my self-confidence, and inspired me with a renewed determination to be a FREEMAN. A man, without force, is without the essential dignity of humanity. Human nature is so constituted, that it cannot honor a helpless man, although it can pity him; and even this it cannot do long, if the signs of power do not arise. (FDAB: 286, original emphases)

The first passage displays Douglass’s romantic and religious influences; it swells with the longing for the freedom of the soul. The second passage, written without the demands of Garrison’s pacifist politics directing his pen, screams independence and force. It recommends violence—it advocates for the coming U.S. Civil War—to throw off tyranny and claim, defend, and even fulfill one’s honor and humanity.

The fight with Covey has inspired several philosophical interpretations of Douglass’s intentions and the meaning of his struggle. It is commonly read as an exemplar of the conception of the state of war within liberal political theory (Davis 1971) and the interpersonal, or generally relational, dynamics of respect and recognition. [ 17 ] In particular, Bernard Boxill (1997 and 1998) developed an exceptionally influential deontological account of Douglass’s fight as emblematic of the individual sense of self-respect of oneself as a moral being. [ 18 ] That self-recognition comes with the obligation to defend one’s self-respect and to expect respect from others, which implies that others should recognize one’s inherent dignity. For Douglass, that fight was a parable—like Jacob’s wrestling with an angel (Genesis 32:24–32 [KJV]), [ 19 ] except in this case, the antagonist was more demonic than angelic—about the American and black American fight against slavery and racism.

What is more, Douglass’s evocation of dignity in his narrative of the fight is intellectually and emotionally stunning. “A man, without force”, he intensely asserted, “is without the essential dignity of humanity”. He adds to that the claim that

[h]uman nature is so constituted, that it cannot honor a helpless man, although it can pity him; and even this it cannot do long, if the signs of power do not arise. (FDAB, 286, original emphases)

The moral weightiness of the idea of dignity and his use of it invites us to consider whether it plays a special role in his thought and its relation to his frequently repeated arguments and assertions of the humanity and equal moral personhood of black people. Most of his mentions of dignity in his speeches and writings primarily refer to it as an ordinary sense of respectful comportment and propriety. Nonetheless, everyday assertions of dignity, even passive ones, have morally serious implications for individuals, groups, and societies under conditions of absolute domination, such as faced by black Americans during slavery and Jim Crow segregation. Assertions of everyday dignity could often be met with severe and sometimes violent consequences under those conditions—a fact that Douglass highlighted and condemned throughout his life. When Douglass referred to moral personhood as such (the essential moral worth of persons), he typically used the ideas of “equality”, “perfect human equality”, “manhood”, “brotherhood”, and “universal human brotherhood”.

There are, however, moments, as noted in the passage above from My Bondage and My Freedom , where his usage of “dignity” explicitly points to the idea of equal moral personhood.

The same is true in an editorial he wrote in 1850 responding to slander, verbal assaults, and a physical one:

My crime is, that I have assumed to be a man, entitled to all the rights, privileges and dignity, which belong to human nature —that color is no crime, and that all men are brother. I have acted on this presumption . The very “head and front of my offending hath this extent—no more”. I have not merely talked of human brotherhood and human equality, but have reduced that talk to practice. This I have done in broad open day, scorning concealment. I have walked through the streets of New York, in company with white persons, not as a menial, but as an equal. (1850 [FDSW: 157]; my emphases)

As discussed in the previous sections on slavery, natural law, liberty, the U.S. Constitution, and self-defense, Douglass vigorously defended equal personhood and thus the moral equality of black people. On that basis, he condemned slavery as an affront to natural law, Christianity, and republicanism. Therefore, regardless of the frequency he referred to the term “dignity”, he does get at the idea, and it does play a central role (along with and defined through the constellation of other ideas he drew on) in his political philosophical thought. Perhaps then, a basic account of dignity, as indicative of individual moral worth, is all that is needed to understand Douglass’s view. Stopping with that, however, would impart a sense of passivity to it. Douglass’s view was not simply static.

Dignity, for Douglass, is a natural and innate thing, bequeathed to all humans as humans. It is static or changeless in that limited sense. At the same time, Douglass suggests that willful action, epitomized by self-defense, was a condition of what was otherwise an inherent and essential quality of being a human person. It is something to be practiced. [ 20 ] But if dignity is innate and inherent, why must an individual practice it for it to be said that they have it? If it is an essential quality, then its practice or expression cannot be a condition of its possession. Douglass is not equivocating on this point. An individual’s equal moral status comes with the obligation to inhabit, abide by, and defend that status. [ 21 ] This is how we should understand Douglass’s view of dignity as modeled by his open-air rejection of servility and assertion of equality.

All the same, Douglass does not, nor could he, consistently hold that every enslaved black person needed to have an equivalent “fight with Covey” moment and assertion of “manhood” to secure their dignity and natural right to be treated as a moral equal. Directly related to this concern is the continuing discussion of whether the depiction of the fight with Covey and its meaning and value promote a masculinist vision of anti-slavery resistance, liberty, and autonomy (Wallace 2009 and 2014; Alfaro 2018). Douglass did not think that the attitudes and actions of the enslaved conditioned the immorality of slavery and the imperative of emancipation, so what counts as resistance to indignities of injustice requires careful and charitable consideration that is attentive to the constraints of individual circumstances and social conditions.

The bravado in Douglass’s wonderful affront to racism aside, his vision of self-respect, dignity, and the obligation to defend oneself and one’s dignity is central to his legacy. It plays a vital role in the history of African American political theory, and for that reason, given this nation’s history, it is a valuable contribution to American political philosophy about respect, dignity, and personhood. Its implications are profound, as can be seen in his view of universal human brotherhood.

Douglass’s conception of providence, with its American themes of individualism, anti-supernaturalism, and activism, and his view of natural law influenced his understanding of universal human brotherhood (Sundstrom 2003 and 2008: 11–35). He believed that the idea of universal human brotherhood was consistent with the high ideals of American Republicanism and Christianity. It was a doctrine dearly held by Douglass, and he offered it as a response to the rise in the United States of Samuel Morton’s (1799–1851) racial theory of polygenesis , that Josiah Nott and George Gliddon’s Types of Mankind (1854) popularized (Martin 1984; Myers 2008).

Douglass put considerable effort into countering arguments that blacks were subhuman, intellectually and morally inferior, and fit to be dominated as children, forever to be a race in nonage. To counter these claims, he turned to his natural law arguments. He argued that by the standards of Christian theology, blacks, as humans and creations of the divine, were all equally the children of God, no matter their present condition. One of his slogans, drawn directly from the title of a poem by the Scottish poet Robert Burns, got to the point: “A man’s a man for a’ that” (1795). [ 22 ] Douglass argued that the Christian Bible had to be correct on this score, that the authority of the biblical text relied on the affirmation of the unity of the human family:

What, after all, if they are able to show very good reasons for believing the Negro to have been created precisely as we find him on the Gold Coast—along the Senegal and the Niger—I say, what of all this?—“ A man’s a man for a’ that ”. I sincerely believe, that the weight of the argument is in favor of the unity of origin of the human race, or species—that the arguments on the other side are partial, superficial, utterly subversive of the happiness of man, and insulting to the wisdom of God. Yet, what if we grant they are not so? What, if we grant that the case, on our part, is not made out? Does it follow, that the Negro should be held in contempt? Does it follow, that to enslave and imbrue him is either just or wise ? I think not. Human rights stand upon a common basis; and by all the reason that they are supported, maintained and defended, for one variety of the human family, they are supported, maintained and defended for all the human family; because all mankind have the same wants, arising out of a common nature. A diverse origin does not disprove a common nature, nor does it disprove a united destiny. (1854 [SFD: 147] [FDP1 v.2: 523])

He emphasized that not only was slavery against natural law and Christian morality but that the very arguments concerning the subhuman status of blacks that slavery’s apologists used to justify attempted slavery contradicted the Bible and were heretical. Douglass, in short, leveraged the Bible and America’s reverence for it against the rising tide of polygenesis race theory. He stated:

The unity of the human race—the brotherhood of man—the reciprocal duties of all to each, and of each to all, are too plainly taught in the Bible to admit of cavil.—The credit of the Bible is at stake—and if it be too much to say, that it must stand or fall, by the decision of this question, it is proper to say, that the value of that sacred Book—as a record of the early history of mankind—must be materially affected, by the decision of the question. (1854 [SFD: 126] [FDP1 v.2: 505])

The doctrine of universal human brotherhood for Douglass, and the abolitionists, was based on the Bible’s creation story and Acts 17:26 [KJV]: “And hath made of one blood all nations of men for to dwell on all the face of the earth”.

These words were not mere words for Douglass and the abolitionists; they were not just-so stories. The Christian doctrine of the unity of the human family or human brotherhood contained the world-historical insight of equal human dignity, which implied—unleashed, as seen in several revolutions in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries—an uncompromising demand for moral equality and equal liberty.

Douglass’s affirmation of universal human brotherhood, his belief in providential human development, and his observation of the mixing of racialized groups in the United States led him to directly support racial amalgamation: race-mixing was a sign of progress for Frederick Douglass. It is important to note here that he thought there were races to amalgamate, so he affirmed the basic idea that biologically distinct races existed (1854 [SFD: 116–150]). As his view of universal human brotherhood should be clear, he did not think much followed from that admission. The existence of biological races did not, in his view, negate the theological-philosophical insight of universal human brotherhood.

Douglass understood that the sexual boundaries between the races were thin and that, indeed, the conditions of slavery led to a great deal of mixing. Recall that he maintained that his unacknowledged father was his white master, and, in no uncertain terms, he condemned the rape, sexual violence, and exploitation of black women. Yet, given his commitment to his ideals, Douglass promoted amalgamation between free peoples. He believed that blacks and white ought to be free to intermarry and that they should do so. Why should they marry? Douglass, sensing the transformation of the black and Native American population in the United States, believed this process was a natural and continual process; that a new third race, an American race, would emerge in this land. During his time, such views were highly inflammatory and served, and continued to serve, as a reason against the emancipation of enslaved black people and later as a justification for segregation (Sundstrom 2008: 11–35). Nonetheless, in the 1860s, he boldly advocated for amalgamation between the races. He remarked to a journalist, the day after his second marriage to Helen Pitts, who was white,

…there is no division of races. God Almighty made but one race. I adopt the theory that in time the varieties of races will be blended into one. Let us look back when the black and the white people were distinct in this country. In two hundred and fifty years there has grown up a million of intermediate. And this will continue. You may say that Frederick Douglass considers himself a member of the one race which exists. (1884 [FDP1 v.5: 147])

Douglass’s amalgamation is easy to confuse with his support for assimilation. Amalgamation is conceptually distinct from assimilation; one does not have to accept amalgamation to support assimilation. Assimilation concerns various degrees of acculturation. It can theoretically go in either direction, from black to white or white to black, and it can involve the subtle blending of both and many groups (Sundstrom 2008). His support for amalgamation and assimilation could not be any clearer than what he proclaimed in “On Composite Nationality”, in which he called for the molding of all in the land into a common Americanness (1869a [SFD: 278–303]; §12 ). In his enthusiasm for this molding, he is distinct, but he was not exceptional in his support of assimilation; several of his contemporaries and leaders who followed him supported some degree of assimilation. Even some of Douglass’s early critics, such as Edward Blyden (1832–1912), Martin Delany (1812–1885), and Alexander Crummell (1819–1898), who did not support amalgamation, still believed in the assimilation of black Americans to the standards and values Western civilization (Moses 1978).

Douglas advocated assimilation and amalgamation, so, understandably, he supported the right of black Americans to remain in the United States and thought they ought to do so. Rather than leave the country to find homes and start lives abroad in places that they imagined might provide friendlier quarters, Douglass urged black Americans to stay and support abolition efforts and then, in the postbellum years, to fight for equal rights and citizenship. He can be considered a primary example of the political ideal of racial integration as distinct from racial separatism. Douglass’s amalgamation-assimilationist views of the 1860s are not the desegregationist and integrationist ideas associated with the U.S. Civil Rights movement that began around the mid-1950s. Other thinkers and movements influenced those views, which advocated for equal rights, protection, citizenship, and equal access to schools, colleges and universities, and neighborhoods. Yet, Douglass is a fitting icon for the American integrationist impulse.

In his essay from 1848, “The Folly of Racially Exclusive Organization”, Douglass criticized the creation of separate societies, with distinct “negro pews, negro berths in steamboats, negro cars, Sabbath or week-day schools or churches”, and in other social spaces and institutions (FDP1 v.2: 110–111). Formal racial segregation and informal separatism generally served the interests of the defenders of slavery; thus, after the U.S. Civil War, Douglass regarded ongoing racial separatism as a counter to the ideals of the abolition movement. It was a message he frequently repeated (1848a [FDSW: 117–122]).

He opposed plans for black American emigration to Africa, the Caribbean, Mexico, or Latin America for similar reasons. He criticized the emigrationist visions of the American Colonization Society, founded by whites, and the African Civilization Society, founded by blacks. He had four reasons to oppose emigration schemes: First, for slavery to end, Douglass argued that black Americans needed to struggle against it in America. Second, Americans had no other home but the United States; they were uniquely American and products of American history. Third, black Americans had a right to the property their labor had produced. By abandoning the United States, they would leave the land they had built. In his 1894 speech, “Lessons of the Hour” (SFD: 454–497), he wrote,

The native land of the American Negro in America. His bones, his muscles, his sinews, are all American. His ancestors for two hundred and seventy years have lived and laboured and died, on American soil, and millions of his posterity have inherited Caucasian blood. It is competent, therefore, to ask, in view of this admixture, as well as in view of other facts, where the people of this mixed-race are to go, for their ancestors are white and black, and it will be difficult to find their native land anywhere outside of the United States. (1894 [SFD: 485]).

Fourth, according to Douglass, emigration and separation were contrary to historical development and the emergence of a composite nation comprised of a blended people. All the same, Douglass was not opposed to blacks collectively acting in self-help and self-defense. Nonetheless, his opposition to emigration displayed a downside of his commitment to his natural law and manifest destiny-inspired principles. He did not appreciate enough how immigration might be more than a reasonable act of self-preservation and self-determination—in the face of anti-black life-crushing oppression and murderous violence—much like his own escape from slavery. [ 23 ] Initially, Douglass even opposed the internal migration of black Americans from the southern states to the northern ones (Myers 2008). However, he moderated his position nearer the end of his life (1879 [FDP1 v.4: 510–533]; 357 [FDP1 v.5: 357–373]); 1894 [SFD: 454–497]).

Douglass was a leader among the Americans involved in the abolition movement, and after the Civil War, although unelected into any office, he remained a leading voice for black Americans. [ 24 ] Garrison presented Douglass as a victim of and witness to slavery and as a spokesperson for Garrisonian abolitionism, but he freed himself from their restraints, just as he freed himself from slavery. To speak for himself, be his own man, and be a leader among men. That is what Douglass wanted. Thus, he shaped his own story, insisted on speaking his mind free from the control of handlers like Garrison, and strove to represent the interests of black Americans.

His example of leadership was quick to be seized and claimed by other prospective black leaders and spokespersons. The most significant example of this was the conflicting claim between W.E.B. Du Bois and Booker T. Washington (1856–1915) over Douglass’s legacy. Both men competed for the opportunity to publish a biography of Douglass with the publishers George W. Jacobs & Company in their series The American Crisis Biographies (Sundstrom 2008: 11–35). The press rejected Du Bois’s bid for this task in favor of Washington’s (1907) and granted Du Bois the project of writing a biography of John Brown instead—but he included within it an extensive discussion on Douglass (Du Bois 1909).

After the death of Douglass, Du Bois penned an unpublished elegiac poem, “The Passing of Douglass” (Du Bois 1999: ix), and he incorporated elements of Douglass’s narrative in The Souls of Black Folk (1903 [1999: xxii]), John Brown (1909), and Black Reconstruction in America (1935 [2021]). Du Bois presented Douglass as a self-assertive freedom fighter and a leader of an activist community that demanded full social and political liberty, equality, and inclusion. Du Bois’s Douglass was not an accommodationist: He was not the sort of black leader who paid obeisance to white leaders and consented to an oppressive status quo, all for a token pittance or self-aggrandizement. Du Bois made this pointed interpretation very clear in his The Souls of Black Folks . In the third chapter (“Of Mr. Booker T. Washington and Others”) of Souls , Du Bois argues against Booker T. Washington’s accommodationism in favor of his and Douglass’s demand for, and assertion of, black political and social equality and rights. Economic liberty is not enough, and any gains in the economic sphere would be hampered and vulnerable without the protections and opportunities provided by social and political liberty and rights. And, of course, economic considerations aside, the fight for equal rights and liberty is not solely about economic opportunity—it is about equal dignity and one’s full humanity.

However, it is essential to note that Du Bois took on Douglass’s mantle of leadership after he argued against Douglass’s view of assimilation and amalgamation. In “The Conservation of Races”, Du Bois rejected amalgamation, which Douglass supported, and advocated for conserving a distinct black identity and community (1897 [1992]). Here is his critical reduction of the amalgamation position:

It may, however, be objected here that the situation of our race in America renders this attitude impossible; that our sole hope of salvation lies in our being able to lose our race identity in the commingled blood of the nation; and that nay other course would merely increase the friction of races which we call race prejudice, and against which we have so long and so earnestly fought. (Du Bois 1897 [1992: 488])

Du Bois, in opposition to amalgamation, argued that black Americans ought to embrace a “stalwart originality” that follows “Negro Ideals” and not dissolve into a general American identity (Ibid.). It is a view associated with cultural pluralism that expresses an early version of black cultural nationalism. And as such, it is a historical conceptual landmark in debates in African social and political thought over racial separation versus assimilation and the conservation of race (Boxill 1992a: 173–85; 1992b; 1999; McGary 1999a; 1999b: 43–61; Pittman 1999). [ 25 ]

Because of his cultural pluralism, it is tempting to think that Du Bois rejected Douglass’s view of assimilation and integration, but that would be a mistake. He turned away from Douglass’s vision of total assimilation in favor of retaining some black ideals, which he too quickly assumed that all blacks qua blacks share. Still, his cultural pluralism has at its end the creation of a community that is a “co-worker” in the “kingdom of culture” (Du Bois 1903 [1999: 11]). What results from Du Bois’s rejection of amalgamation and acceptance of some elements of assimilation is the brilliant idea of double consciousness, especially the double consciousness brought on by the black American experience. As is evident from the rhetorical questions at the end of the following passage, Du Bois argued against Douglass’s hopes of amalgamation and presaged his view of black political, social, and cultural solidarity:

No Negro who has given earnest thought to the situation of his people in America has failed, at some time in life, to find himself at these cross-roads; has failed to ask himself at some time: What, after all, am I? Am I an American or am I a Negro? Can I be both? Or is it my duty to cease to be a Negro as soon as possible and be an American? If I strive as a Negro, am I not perpetuating the very cleft that threatens and separates Black and White America? Is not my only possible aim the subduction of all that is Negro in me to the American? Does my black blood place upon me any more obligation to assert my nationality than German, or Irish or Italian blood would? (Du Bois 1897 [1992: 488])

Du Bois’s answers to these questions directly contradict Douglass’s view about amalgamation. However, their opinions about assimilation share similarities, such as the co-production and enjoyment of a shared American culture. In the end, however, Du Bois’s image of Douglass is skewed toward his political projects of elite leadership, racial solidarity, and uplift.

Likewise, Booker T. Washington’s Douglass is equally a work of art that reflects the artist’s image. His The Life of Frederick Douglass (1907) presents a picture of Douglass contrary to Du Bois’s and is incompatible with many of Douglass’s views. It is, in part, a work of self-promotion. Although Washington accurately pointed out the similarities between Douglass and himself, he failed to mention Douglass’s assertions of equal personhood, his uncompromising demands for equal social and political rights, and that Douglass fully expected that black Americans would fully integrate into a “composite nation”. Washington’s claim over Douglass’s legacy of leadership falls short of the facts. Douglass was a radical Republican and demanded full inclusion of black Americans in the nation’s life and the opening of all opportunities for education and advancement for blacks, and Washington did not.

Du Bois’s claims over Douglass, however, also fall short. Despite Du Bois’s assumption that he had inherited the mantle of black political, social, and (he would add) cultural leadership from Douglass, Douglass’s leadership style and politics were markedly more democratic than Du Bois’s. Although Douglass likely saw himself as an instance of what Ralph Waldo Emerson called a “representative man” (Emerson 1850 [2004]) and as a self-made man to boot (1893 [SFD: 414–453]; 1860d [FDP1 v.3: 289–300]), he did not envision himself as the embodiment of the spirit or culture of his people Gooding-Williams 2009: 19–65).

Douglass’s political activities provide a model of democratic politics in action (Gooding-Williams 2009). He worked with various groups, some underground, while he was enslaved. For example, unbeknownst to his master, he participated in at least one Sabbath School and helped other slaves learn to read and write. And, of course, he worked with several other black and racially integrated advocacy groups after his escape and emancipation. These groups had cross-cutting interests that he had to navigate. He pushed them to reach a consensus on different issues, such as in his work with the American Equal Rights Association, an organization devoted to universal suffrage. So, he did not pose as a singular spokesman for movements, groups, or his race, although he never shied away from pushing or arguing his opinions and promoting democratic action (1848 [FDSW: 117–122]).

Indeed, his liberal and civic republican ideas influenced his thoughts about leadership and his vision of the work and role of “heroes” and so-called “representative men” (1883b [SFD: 374–400]; 1893 [SFD: 414–453]; 1860d [FDP1 v.3: 289–300]). For Douglass, they were invaluable in their stance against tyranny and defense of equal rights and liberty. On John Brown, for example, Douglass wrote, putting him into heroic terms (with overtones of Thomas Carlyle and Ralph Waldo Emerson),

He believes the Declaration of Independence to be true, and the Bible to be a guide to human conduct, and acting upon the doctrines of both, he threw himself against the serried ranks of American oppression, and translated into heroic deeds the love of liberty and hatred of tyrants, with which he was inspired from both these forces acting upon his philanthropic and heroic soul. (1859 [FDSW: 375])

Thus, in his elegies to John Brown and Abraham Lincoln, we see the value he places on Emersonian representative men and the ideal of the statesman guided by liberal and civic republican principles (1859 [FDSW: 372–376]; 1860b [FDSW: 417–421]; 1876 [FDSW: 616–624]).

After the Civil War, Douglass remained active in Republican Party. He was a staunch supporter of uncompromising Reconstruction of the Union and advocated for economic and education investment in free and newly-freed black Americans. Douglass pressed for the expansion of and guarantee of civil rights for blacks, particularly for the defense of the Civil Rights Act of 1875, which the Supreme Court declared unconstitutional in 1883 (1883a [FDSW: 685–693]). Additionally, in keeping with his civil rights efforts and his view of natural rights and the development of the United States into a just Republic, he was an advocate, although a complicated one, of women’s suffrage (Douglass 1976). He joined other prominent leaders in the abolition movement, such as Sojourner Truth, and emerging leaders in the suffrage movement, such as Susan B. Anthony and Elizabeth Cady Stanton, in these efforts.

The American Equal Rights Association was the principal national organization working on behalf of women’s right to vote. At least in rhetoric, it had a dual platform of racial and sexual equality (DuBois 1978). Middle-class and wealthy white women primarily led it, and Douglass supported its platform but clashed with its leaders over conflicting interests and its latent racism. The tensions within the American Equal Rights Association, and the suffrage movement generally, erupted over the passing of the fifteenth amendment to the U.S. Constitution. The fifteenth amendment franchised all male citizens, although, as U.S. history so brutally revealed, it did so in word but not in deed. Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Susan B. Anthony opposed the fifteenth amendment because they demanded that black men and all women (particularly white women) should be enfranchised simultaneously. Some within the suffrage movement based their arguments for women’s suffrage and against blacks’ enfranchisement on racist grounds. Although the white women who led the association were abolitionists, they also, and not inconsequentially, held that blacks, particularly black men, were inferior to white women and neither as ready for nor deserving of the vote as they were (Stanton 1868 [2000: 194–199] and 1869 [2000: 236–238]).

Douglass was sympathetic to the cause of the universal franchise; however, he condemned arguments for women’s suffrage that were predicated on the supposed racial superiority of white women. He roundly condemned Stanton’s racist claims that black and “Oriental” men, and by extension black and Asian women—i.e., Stanton’s nasty references to “Sambo” and “Yung Tung”—were not as deserving as white women (1869b [FDP1 v.4: 213–219]; Stanton 1868 [2000: 194–199]). Douglass did not want to delay the franchise for black males to resolve the question of women’s right to vote. He believed it a practical matter to quickly get some protections for black Americans while the fight for suffrage for black and white women continued. Moreover, he argued it was imperative to obtain some measure of blacks’ political, legal, and social rights to confront the rising level of horrific anti-black violence sweeping the United States. Douglass firmly made this claim in his speech at an American Equal Rights Association meeting in 1869:

I must say that I do not see how any one can pretend that there is the same urgency in giving the ballot to women as to the negro. With us, the matter is a question of life and death. It is a matter of existence, at least in fifteen states of the Union. When women, because they are women, are hunted down through the cities of New York and New Orleans; when they are dragged from their houses and hung upon lamp-posts; when their children are torn from their arms, and their brains dashed out upon the pavement; when they are objects of insult and outrage at every turn; when they are in danger of having their homes burnt down over their heads; when their children are not allowed to enter schools; then they will have an urgency to obtain the ballot equal to our own. (1869b [FDP1 v.4: 216] [SFD: 271])

When asked if this did not apply to black women, Douglass replied that it did, but because they were black and not women (Ibid.). He did not have ready answers, however, to concerns about how well black men, including elite black men, represented and protected the rights and interests of black women. Generations of black male leaders repeated his shortsightedness, which black women leaders, like Anna Julia Cooper (c. 1859–1964), criticized while also struggling against the racism of first-wave feminism (Cooper 1998).

During and after the Reconstruction, Douglass remained deeply concerned about the prospect that the U.S. would compromise on black Americans’ civil and human rights. He became increasingly worried about the denial of black civil rights and the rising waves of anti-black violence and criticized the growing practice of black peonage in agriculture. And over time, his sympathy for black individuals and families fleeing the American South grew. He did not support internal mass migration as a policy because he judged it a poor option for black labor since it did not address the institutional problems that caused the flight: peonage and exploitation, unequal justice, unrestrained violence, lack of resources and opportunities, and in particular, education. For taking that position, Douglass received a great deal of criticism for failing to support the individual choices of black Americans who sought to flee the inhospitable, degrading, and deadly conditions in the American South. It compelled him to rethink his views on the question ( §9 ).

Related to the conditions causing the flight of black Americans from the southern states, Douglass criticized the inequitable and unfair treatment of blacks in state criminal justice systems, particularly criticizing the Convict-Lease system (Davis 1999). And he joined with Ida B. Wells-Barnett (1862–1931) in raising the alarm over the growing practice of anti-black lynching in the United States (Giddings 2008; Wells-Barnett et al. 2014). Douglass saw America’s failure to support civil rights and equal citizenship for black Americans as indicative of its moral and political failure. He even went so far as to provocatively claim that emancipation was a stupendous fraud (1888a [FDSW: 712–724]).

Douglass’s later-day activities are an essential part of his record and life; indeed, they are a part of the evolving discussions on various subjects in African American philosophy, political theory, and critical theories in several disciplines. He was part of several movements that helped to mold the nation; they took their confidence in providential historical development in hand—as he did when he first committed to seizing his liberty in his “soul’s complaint”, an “apostrophe” to ships on the Chesapeake Bay:

You are loosed from your mooring, and are free; I am fast in my chains, and am a slave! You move merrily before the gentle gale, and I sadly before the bloody whip! You are freedom’s swift-winged angels, that fly round the world; I am confined in bands of iron! O that I were free! O, that I were on one of your gallant decks, and under your protecting wing! Alas! Betwixt me and you, the turbid waters roll. Go on, go on. O that I could also go! Could I but swim! If I could fly! O, why was I born a man, of whom to make a brute! The glad ship is gone; she hides in the dim distance. I am left in the hottest hell of unending slavery. O God, save me! God, deliver me! Let me be free! Is there any God? Why am I a slave? (1845 [FDAB: 59])

The historian David Blight called Douglass a prophet of freedom, perfectly capturing Douglass’s enduring appeal (2018). His ideas, values, and rhetoric defending equal liberty continue to cry out to us in celebration and defense of equality and liberty. There is no better summation of all that he stood for than what he proclaimed in 1869 at the end of “On Composite Nationality”:

If our action shall be in accordance with the principles of justice, liberty, and perfect human equality, no eloquence can adequately portray the greatness and grandeur of the Republic. We shall spread the network of our science and our civilization over all who seek their shelter, whether from Asia, Africa, or the Isles of the Sea. We shall mould them all, each after his kind, into Americans; Indian and Celt, negro and Saxon, Latin and Teuton, Mongolian and Caucasian, Jew and gentile, all shall bow to the same law, speak the same language, support the same government, enjoy the same liberty, vibrate with the same national enthusiasm, and seek the same national ends. (1869 [SFD: 302–303])

Those inspiring and challenging words stand as an invitation to us to closely study Douglass’s works and legacy and to achieve our nation.

A. Primary Sources

[FDAB] Autobiographies: Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass, an American Slave ; My Bondage and My Freedom ; Life and Times of Frederick Douglass , Henry Louis Gates (ed.), (The Library of America 68), New York: Literary Classics of the United States, 1994.
[FDP1] Series One, Speeches, Debates, and Interviews , John W. Blassingame and John R. McKivigan (eds.), 5 volumes, 1979–1992.
[FDP2] Series Two, Autobiographical Writings , John W. Blassingame (ed.), 3 volumes, 1999–2012.
[FDP3] Series Three, Correspondence , 2 volumes (3 more forthcoming), John R. McKivigan (ed.), 2009–.
[FDSW] Frederick Douglass: Selected Speeches and Writings , Philip Sheldon Foner and Yuval Taylor (eds.), (Library of Black America), Chicago: Lawrence Hill Books, 1999.
[SFD] The Speeches of Frederick Douglass: A Critical Edition , John R. McKivigan, Julie Husband, and Heather L. Kaufman (eds.), New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2018.
1950, Early years, 1817–1849 , volume 1
1950, Pre-Civil War decade, 1850–1860 , volume 2
1952, The Civil War, 1861–1865 , volume 3
1955, Reconstruction and After , volume 4
1975, Supplementary volume, 1844–1860 , volume 5
1976, Frederick Douglass on Women’s Rights , Philip Sheldon Foner (ed.), (Contributions in Afro-American and African Studies 25), Westport, CT: Greenwood Press.
2016, The Essential Douglass: Selected Writings & Speeches , Nicholas Buccola (ed.), Indianapolis. IN: Hackett Publishing Company.
Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass, an American Slave , David W. Blight (ed.), second edition, (Bedford Books in American History), Boston: Bedford Books of St. Martin’s Press, 2003.
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1846, “American Slavery, American Religion, and the Free Church of Scotland”, London, England, 22 May; in SFD: 17–54
1848a “An Address to the Colored People of the United States”, The North Star , 29 September; in FDSW: 117–122
1848b, “The Folly of Racially Exclusive Organization”, Rochester, New York, 6 March; in FDP1: v.2: 109–112.
1850, “At Home Again”, The North Star , 30 May; in FDSW: 156–157
1852, “What To the Slave Is The Fourth of July?”, Rochester, NY, 5 July; in SFD: 55–92
1853a [2015], “The Heroic Slave”, in Autographs for Freedom , Julia Griffiths (ed.), Boston: John P. Jewett and Company, 174–239. Reprinted, 2015, as The Heroic Slave: A Cultural and Critical Edition , Robert S. Levine, John Stauffer, and John R. McKivigan (eds.), New Haven, CT/London: Yale University Press.
1853b, “The Present Condition And Future Prospects of the Negro People”, annual meeting of the American and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society, New York City, 11 May; FDSW: 250–259.
1854, “The Claims of the Negro Ethnologically Considered”, Hudson, Ohio, 12 July; in SFD: 116–150
1855, My Bondage and My Freedom , New York: Miller, Orton & Mulligan. Reprinted David W. Blight (ed.), New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2014. Also in FDAB: 103–452.
1857, “The Significance of Emancipation in the West Indies”, Canandaigua, New York, 3 August.
1859, “Capt. John Brown Not Insane”, Douglass’ Monthly , November; FDSW: 374–375/6.
1860a, “The American Constitution and the Slaves”, Glasgow, Scotland, 26 March; in SFD: 151–185.
1860b, “Speech on John Brown”, Tremont Temple, Boston, 3 December; FDSW: 417–421.
1860c, “A Plea for Freedom of Speech in Boston”, Boston, Massachusetts, 9 December; in FDP1 v.3: 420–424.
1860d, “The Trials and Triumphs of Self-Made Men”, Halifax, England: in FDP1 v.3: 289–300.
1862, “What Shall be Done with the Slave if Emancipated”, Douglass’ Monthly , January; FDSW: 470–473.
1869a, “Our Composite Nationality”, Boston, Massachusetts, 7 December; in SFD: 278–303.
1869b, “We Welcome the Fifteenth Amendment”, Addresses delivered to the American Equal Rights Association, New York, 12–13 May; in SFD: 267–277; in FDP1 v.4: 213–219.
1876, “Oration in Memory of Abraham Lincoln”, unveiling of Freedmen’s Monument in Memory of Abraham Lincoln, Lincoln Park, Washington, DC, 14 April; FDSW: 616–624.
1879, “The Negro Exodus From the Gulf States”, New York, September: in FDP1 v.4: 510–533.
1881/1893, Life and Times of Frederick Douglass , new revised edition, Boston: De Wolfe & Fiske; earlier shorter version, 1881. Reprinted in FDP2: volume 3, John R. McKivigan (ed.), 2012.
1883a, “The Civil Rights Case”, Civil Rights Mass-Meeting, Lincoln Hall, Washington, DC, 22 October; FDSW: 685–693.
1883b, “‘It Moves’, Or the Philosophy of Reform”, Washington, DC, 20 November; in SFD: 374–400.
1884, “Mr. Douglass Interviewed”, Washington Post , 26 January, page 1; in FDP1 v.5: 147.
1888a, “Denounce the So-Called Emancipation as a Stupendous Fraud”, speech on the occasion of the Twenty-Sixth Anniversary of Emancipation in the District of Columbia, Washington, DC, 16 April; FDSW: 712–724.
1888b, “In Law Free: In Fact, A Slave”, Washington, DC, 16 May: FDP1 v.5: 357–373.
1893, “Self-Made Men”, Carlisle, Pennsylvania, March; in SFD: 414–453.
1894, “Lessons of the Hour”, Washington, DC, 9 January; in SFD: 454–497.
Alfaro, Ange-Marie Hancock, 2018, “Black Masculinity Achieves Nothing without Restorative Care: An Intersectional Rearticulation of Frederick Douglass”, in Roberts 2018: 236–251 (ch. 7).
Appiah, Anthony, 1985 [1986], “The Uncompleted Argument: Du Bois and the Illusion of Race”, Critical Inquiry , 12(1): 21–37. Reprinted in “Race”, Writing and Difference , Henry Louis Gates Jr. (ed.), Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 21–37.
Bernasconi, Robert, 1991, “The Constitution Of The People: Frederick Douglass And The Dred Scott Decision”, Cardozo Law Review , 13(4): 1281–1296.
Blight, David W., 1989, Frederick Douglass’ Civil War: Keeping Faith in Jubilee , Baton Rouge, LA: Louisiana State University Press.
–––, 2018, Frederick Douglass: Prophet of Freedom , New York: Simon & Schuster.
Boxill, Bernard R., 1976, “Self-Respect and Protest”, Philosophy & Public Affairs , 6(1): 58–69.
–––, 1992a, Blacks and Social Justice , revised edition, Savage, MD: Rowman & Littlefield.
–––, 1992b, “Two Traditions in African American Political Philosophy”, Philosophical Forum , 24: 119–135.
–––, 1997, “The Fight with Covey”, in Existence in Black: An Anthology of Black Existential Philosophy , Lewis R. Gordon (ed.), New York: Routledge, 273–290.
–––, 1998, “Radical Implications of Locke’s Moral Theory: The Views of Frederick Douglass”, in Lott 1998: 29–48.
–––, 1999, “Douglass against the Emigrationists”, in Lawson and Kirkland 1999: 21–49 (ch. 1).
Bromell, Nicholas Knowles, 2021, The Powers of Dignity: The Black Political Philosophy of Frederick Douglass , Durham, NC: Duke University Press.
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Burns, Robert, 1795, “A Man’s a Man for a’ That”. Collected in multiple places including in Burns: Poems , Gerard Carruthers (ed.), New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2007, 131–132.[ Burn 1795 available online ]
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Cooper, Anna J., 1998, The Voice of Anna Julia Cooper: Including A Voice from the South and Other Important Essays, Papers, and Letters , Charles C. Lemert and Esme Bhan (eds.), Lanham, MD: Rowan & Littlefield.
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Davis, Angela Y., 1971, Lectures on Liberation , New York: New York Committee to Free Angela Davis. Reprinted in the 2010 edition of Douglass 1845 which she edited.
–––, 1971 [1983], “Unfinished Lecture on Liberation-II”, in Philosophy Born of Struggle: Anthology of Afro-American Philosophy from 1917 , Leonard Harris (ed.), Dubuque: Kendall/Hunt Publishing, 130–136.
–––, 1999, “From the Prison of Slavery to the Slavery of Prison: Frederick Douglass and the Convict Lease System”, in Lawson and Kirkland 1999: 339–362 (ch. 12).
–––, 2005, Abolition Democracy: Beyond Empire, Prisons, and Torture , New York: Seven Stories Press.
Delany, Martin Robison, 1852 [1968], The Condition, Elevation, Emigration, and Destiny of the Colored People of the United States. Politically Considered , Philadelphia. Reprinted, 1968, (American Negro, His History and Literature), New York: Arno Press.
Delbanco, Andrew, 2018, The War before the War: Fugitive Slaves and the Struggle for America’s Soul from the Revolution to the Civil War , New York: Penguin Press.
Du Bois, W.E.B. 1897 [1992], “The Conservation of Races”, speech to the American Negro Academy, March 1897. Reprinted in Brotz 1992: 483–492.
–––, 1903 [1999], The Souls of Black Folk , Chicago: A.C. McClurg & Co. Reprinted, 1999, Henry Louis Gates and Terri Hume Oliver (eds), (A Norton Critical Edition) New York: W.W. Norton.
–––, 1909, John Brown , (American Crisis Biographies), Philadelphia: G. W. Jacobs & company.
–––, 1935 [2021], Black Reconstruction: An Essay toward a History of the Part Which Black Folk Played in the Attempt to Reconstruct Democracy in America, 1860–1880 , New York: Harcourt, Brace and Co. Reprinted, 2021, Eric Foner and Henry Louis Gates, Jr., (eds.), (Library of America 350), New York, NY: The Library of America.
DuBois, Ellen Carol, 1978, Feminism and Suffrage: The Emergence of an Independent Women’s Movement in America, 1848–1869 , Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press.
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Fredrickson, George M., 2002, Racism: A Short History , Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.
Giddings, Paula, 2008, Ida: A Sword among Lions: Ida B. Wells and the Campaign against Lynching , New York: Amistad.
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Gordon, Ann D. (ed.), 2000, The Selected Papers of Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Susan B. Anthony, Volume 2: Against an Aristocracy of Sex, 1866 to 1873 , New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press.
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–––, 2016, The Lives of Frederick Douglass , Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
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McGary, Howard, 1999a, “Douglass on Racial Assimilation and Racial Institutions”, in Lawson and Kirkland 1999: 50–63 (ch. 2).
–––, 1999b, Race and Social Justice , Malden, MA: Blackwell.
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–––, 1999, “Whose Fourth of July? Frederick Douglass and ‘Original Intent’”, in Lawson and Kirkland 1999: 100–142 (ch. 5).
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Frederick Douglass Facts & Worksheets

Frederick douglass is an author, orator, and civil rights leader promoting human rights and abolition of slavery., search for worksheets, download the frederick douglass facts & worksheets.

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Table of Contents

Formerly an enslaved person, Frederick Douglass went on to become a well-known activist, novelist, and public speaker. He rose to prominence in the abolitionist movement, which worked to abolish slavery both before and during the American Civil War . He advocated for equality and human rights after that battle and the Emancipation Proclamation of 1862 until his death in 1895.

See the fact file below for more information about Frederick Douglass, or download the comprehensive worksheet pack, which contains over 11 worksheets and can be used in the classroom or homeschooling environment.

Key Facts & Information

In February 1818, Frederick Douglass, originally named Augustus Washington Bailey, was born as an enslaved person on Maryland’s Eastern Shore. His family life was challenging.
He only remembers having four or five encounters with his mother. She was required to labor in a field far from her home and was not permitted to live with her kid; she only occasionally saw him secretly during visits at night.
Frederick was initially brought up by his grandparents, Betsey and Isaac Bailey, and then by Captain Anthony, a secretary, and administrator for Colonel Lloyd’s plantation.
Around eight, Captain Anthony’s married relative Hugh Auld sent Frederick to Baltimore to work for him. Sophia Auld, Hugh’s wife, first treated him with great affection, but her husband soon voiced his disapproval of Sophia’s efforts to teach Frederick how to read and write.

Frederick persuaded the kids in the area to tutor him since he was determined to get an education. He practiced writing by copying the scribbles of his coworkers at the shipyard where he worked. Newspapers helped him read better and also helped him learn for the first time that there were anti-slavery groups in the North.

Escape from Enslavement

Frederick was sent back to rural Maryland following Captain Anthony’s passing in 1833, where he eventually came to belong to Thomas Auld.
Teenage Frederick was sent to Edward Covey, a man with a history of being a ferocious enslaved people-breaker.
Covey brutally and unjustly beat him. Douglass believed that the time he withstood Covey’s thrashing marked a turning point in his life. Frederick experienced a white guy backing down for the first time in his life when Covey failed to break his spirit.
Following Covey, Frederick was employed by William Freeland and attempted an unsuccessful escape with five other enslaved men. He was eventually brought back to Baltimore, where Hugh Auld hired him to work in the shipyards.
He escaped to New York City under the pretense of a free seaman on September 3, 1838, with the assistance of a freedwoman named Anna Murray (who would subsequently become his wife).
Frederick decided to alter his last name to “Douglass.” Frederick and Anna were housed with Nathan Johnson when they first arrived in New Bedford, and it was Johnson who proposed that Frederick alter his name. “Bailey” was too risky and may result in his capture.
Douglass managed to land several occupations, including unloading ships and working as a day worker in a brass factory. Douglass met John A. Collins and William Lloyd Garrison, two well-known abolitionists, during a conference against slavery in Nantucket in 1841. His life continued to change as a result of meeting these men.
Douglass accepted Collins’ invitation to work as a paid professor for three months. Three months of talks and tours turned into four years since he was such a well-liked speaker. He decided to write down his speeches on his experience as an enslaved person in 1845. His Narrative of “the Life of Frederick Douglass, an enslaved American” was based on these addresses.
The book was instantly successful in both the United States and Europe, where it was translated into French and German. Despite critical and widespread praise, it was regarded with mistrust by pro-slavery Americans, who couldn’t believe an enslaved person could write such a nuanced narrative with no formal education.
Douglass risked being captured by slave hunters in the North because of the prominence his Narrative had brought him, so he left for England. He delivered lectures on the perils of enslavement for two years.

The Years Preceding and During the Civil War

Douglass started to sever ties with his erstwhile guardians, the abolitionists. He was still a staunch opponent of enslavement, but he didn’t want to be the spokesperson for white abolitionists who occasionally advised him to “dumb down” his remarks. Additionally, Douglass was not forceful enough to compete with the Garrisonian part of the abolitionist movement.
Douglass revised his autobiography and published it under the title “My Bondage and My Freedom” in 1855. More of his opinions were expressed in it, along with some of his thoughts on the anti-slavery movement. In Douglass’ opinion, physical retaliation and uprisings should continue as alternatives.
Six months later, Douglass learned of his daughter’s death and returned to America, where he campaigned for Abraham Lincoln’s presidential campaign in 1860, declaring Lincoln a man “destined to render more service to his nation and to mankind than any man.”
Douglass campaigned tirelessly when the Civil War broke out to urge the Union to admit Black soldiers into the service. President Lincoln authorized Governor Andrew of Massachusetts to form two Black regiments, the renowned 54th and 55th. Two of Douglass’ sons, Charles and Lewis Douglass, joined the black troops.
Douglass met with fellow Black people in Syracuse, New York, in October 1864 to debate the future of African Americans in post-Civil War America. Douglass advocated for Black Americans to have universal suffrage , but he met opposition from ambivalent racist whites and even the Garrisonian element of the abolitionist movement.

The Post-Civil War Years

Douglass labored to elect Republican party candidates after the Civil War and for black suffrage. After his journal, The New National Era, and a bank for freed enslaved people failed, he resumed his lecture tour in 1874.
He started lecturing once again soon after the bank went under to support himself. His oratory abilities helped him establish a fresh reputation, which placed him back in demand and allowed him to make $100 to $200 every lecture, which was a sizable sum in those days.
President Grant gave Douglass a temporary commission in January 1871 to look into whether the United States might invade the Caribbean nation of Santo Domingo. Douglass stayed close to many Republican politicians, including Grant.
He was chosen as U.S. Rutherford B. Hayes appointed him Marshal of the District of Columbia in 1877. In 1878, he had enough money to purchase a big mansion in Washington, D.C., as well as a fifteen-acre estate.
In 1881, he revised his autobiography once again, renaming it “The Life and Times of Frederick Douglass.”
Anna Douglass, Douglass’ wife of forty-four years, died in August 1882. Susan B. Anthony , perhaps the most well-known of the nineteenth-century suffragettes, was a close friend of Douglass and would deliver his funeral oration.
He married Helen Pitts, his white secretary for the Recorder of Deeds, one and a half years after his wife passed away.
Douglass contributed to Benjamin Harrison’s presidential campaign in 1888. Harrison appointed Douglass to the position of ambassador to Haiti after taking office. Douglass spent his final years writing and preaching on the killing of Black people, the denial of their civil rights in the South, and the expanding application of Jim Crow laws after returning from Haiti.
By mandating a literacy test, the payment of property taxes, and other unlawful requirements, these laws banned Black people from voting. Additionally, they denied black people the ability to vote and generally violated their constitutional rights.
At about 77, Douglass passed away on February 20, 1895, from heart failure. By nineteenth-century standards, he had lived a long life, especially for a Black man. But more importantly, he had had a remarkable life, defeating all obstacles to rank among the greatest people in American history.

He was not, however, held responsible for the abolition of enslavement. Following the Civil War, Douglass became an outspoken advocate for the rights of formerly enslaved people, and he published his last autobiography, Life and Times of Frederick Douglass.

Enslavement was outlawed nationwide and in any territory under their control as of December 6, 1865, following the ratification of the 13th amendment by the states on January 31, 1865.

Douglass vehemently advocated against enslavement in his three narratives as well as in a large number of other essays, speeches, and letters. He tried to show that it was harsh, strange, unnatural, immoral, and unfair.

Frederick Douglass Worksheets

This bundle contains 11 ready-to-use Frederick Douglass Worksheets that are perfect for students who want to learn more about the first African-American citizen to hold government post. Did you know? Frederick Douglass never campaigned after being nominated without his knowledge. Learn more about it from these fun and interesting worksheets.

Download includes the following worksheets

Frederick Douglass Facts
From Slave to a Freeman
Names and Places
Famous Abolitionists
Lincoln’s Emancipation
Slavery Acrostics
Yes, It’s Douglass!
Douglass and Feminism
Quotable Quotes
African-American Rights
Equality Beyond Colors

Frequently Asked Questions

What is frederick douglass most famous for.

Formerly an enslaved person, Frederick Douglass went on to become a well-known activist, novelist, and public speaker. He rose to prominence in the abolitionist movement, which worked to abolish slavery both before and during the American Civil War. He advocated for equality and human rights after that battle and the Emancipation Proclamation of 1862 until his death in 1895.

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Young African American man in a dark suit

Frederick Douglass /Unidentified Artist, Former attribution: Elisha Livermore Hammond (1779 - 1882) / c. 1845, Oil on canvas / National Portrait Gallery, Smithsonian Institution

Exhibitions
Past Exhibitions

One Life: Frederick Douglass

Frederick Douglass (1818–1895), the preeminent African American voice of the nineteenth century, is remembered as one of the nation’s greatest orators, writers, and picture makers. Born on the Eastern Shore of Maryland in 1818, Frederick Augustus Washington Bailey was the son of Harriet Bailey, an enslaved woman, and an unknown white father. He escaped bondage in 1838 and changed his surname to Douglass.

Over six decades, Douglass published three autobiographies, hundreds of essays, and a novella; delivered thousands of speeches; and edited the longest-running Black newspaper in the nineteenth century, The North Star (later Frederick Douglass’ Paper and Douglass’ Monthly ). During the Civil War, he befriended and advised President Abraham Lincoln and met every subsequent president through Grover Cleveland. He was also the first African American to receive a federal appointment requiring Senate approval (U.S. Marshal of the District of Columbia).

Douglass became the most photographed American of the nineteenth century and remains a public face of the nation. As an art critic, he wrote extensively on portrait photography and understood its power. He explained how this “true art” (as opposed to pernicious caricatures) captured the essential humanity of each subject. True art was an engine of social change, he argued, and true artists were activists: “They see what ought to be by the reflection of what is, and endeavor to remove the contradiction."

Curatorial Statement

Organized into seven sections, this exhibition highlights the long arc and significance of Frederick Douglass’s life: from slave and fugitive to internationally acclaimed abolitionist, women’s rights activist, and statesman after the Civil War. We come to recognize his influences in the Civil War and postwar eras; and the significance of his afterlife, in which his portraits and writings continue to inspire people to seek “all rights for all,” one of his mottos. The range of objects shown here reflects Douglass’s openness to new forms of media and technology to advance the cause of human rights.

—John Stauffer, the Sumner R. and Marshall S. Kates Professor of English and of African and African American Studies, Harvard University

"Frederick Douglass: 1817–1895" a poem by Langston Hughes, from The Panther and the Lash , June 12, 1967

IMAGE GALLERY

Aaron Anthony Ledger

Frederick Augustus Washington Bailey was born into slavery on Edward Lloyd V’s Wye plantation in Talbot County, Maryland. Lloyd, a U.S. congressman and Maryland governor, enslaved more than five hundred people on ten thousand acres. Aaron Anthony managed the plantation where Douglass’s entry in the ledger reads, “Frederick Augustus, son of Harriet, Feby. 1818.”

“Augustus” probably came from his Uncle Augustus, Harriet’s brother. After escaping bondage, he changed his name to Frederick Douglass. He never knew who his father was, but he suspected Anthony or Anthony’s sonin-law, Thomas Auld. He estimated 1817 as his birth year, which became standard until 1980, after the biographer Dickson Preston discovered the ledger.

Bound ledger volume, 1700s and 1800s Mary A. Dodge Collection, Maryland State Archives

Registro de Aaron Anthony

Frederick Augustus Washington Bailey nació esclavo en la plantación Wye de Edward Lloyd V en el condado de Talbot, Maryland. Lloyd, gobernador de Maryland y congresista, tenía esclavizadas a más de 500 personas en 10,000 acres de tierra. Aaron Anthony manejaba la plantación, cuyo registro contiene una entrada sobre Douglass: “Frederick Augustus, hijo de Harriet, feb. 1818”.

Es probable que el “Augustus” viniera por un tío suyo, hermano de Harriet. Tras escapar de la esclavitud, cambió su nombre a Frederick Douglass. Nunca supo quién fue su padre, pero sospechaba de Anthony o el yerno de este, Thomas Auld. Calculó que había nacido en 1817, lo cual fue aceptado hasta 1980, cuando el biógrafo Dickson Preston descubrió el registro.

Tomo de registro encuadernado, siglos XVIII y XIX Colección Mary A. Dodge, Archivos Estatales de Maryland

Frederick Douglass

In September 1838, Douglass escaped enslavement, married Anna Murray, and moved to New Bedford, Massachusetts, a whaling hub. Three years later, after being hired as a speaker for the American AntiSlavery Society, he moved his family to Lynn, near Boston, where he befriended the Hutchinson Family Singers, who created popular antislavery songs.

This sheet music cover of “The Fugitive’s Song” transforms the broadsides typically used to advertise “fugitives” into a tribute that recognizes Douglass for his “fearless advocacy, signal ability and wonderful success in behalf of his brothers in bonds.”

The image depicts Douglass fleeing barefoot and pointing at a signpost for New England. (He escaped by train and boat.) Douglass publicly thanked the Hutchinson Family for their music: “You have sung the yokes from the necks and the fetters from the limbs of my race.” The composer, Jesse Hutchinson, sang “The Fugitive’s Song,” at Douglass’s funeral in 1895.

E. W. Bouvé Lithography Co. Published by Henry Prentiss Lithograph, 1845 National Portrait Gallery, Smithsonian Institution

En septiembre de 1838, Douglass escapó de la esclavitud, se casó con Anna Murray y se radicó en New Bedford, Massachusetts, un centro ballenero. Tres años después, contratado como orador de la Sociedad Antiesclavista Estadounidense, se trasladó con su familia a Lynn, cerca de Boston, donde hizo amistad con los Hutchinson Family Singers, creadores de populares canciones antiesclavistas.

Esta portada de la partitura de “La canción del fugitivo” convierte el formato de los volantes que anunciaban a los “fugitivos” en un tributo a Douglass por su “defensa valiente, capacidades admirables y extraordinario éxito en nombre de sus hermanos encadenados”.

Douglass aparece huyendo descalzo y señala un letrero del camino hacia Nueva Inglaterra (escapó por tren y barco). Douglass agradeció públicamente a los Hutchinson su música: “Han cantado para arrancar el yugo de los cuellos y los grilletes de los pies y manos de mi raza”. El compositor, Jesse Hutchinson, cantó “La canción del fugitivo” en el funeral de Douglass en 1895.

E. W. Bouvé Lithography Co. Publicado por Henry Prentiss Litografía, 1845

Anna Murray Douglass c. 1813–1882

Anna Murray, Douglass’s wife of forty-four years, was born in Caroline County, Maryland, about three miles from Douglass’s birthplace on the Eastern Shore. The two families knew one another, and the couple probably met in Baltimore, at the Sharp Street AME Church or at a debating and social society they frequented.

Murray was the seventh of twelve children and the first to be born free, following the manumission of her mother. Around 1830, she moved to Baltimore, where she worked as a housekeeper.

After becoming engaged to Douglass, Murray helped him escape, selling a feather bed to support his journey north. They were married in New York City on September 15, 1838, by the Reverend James W. C. Pennington. With Frederick Douglass almost always working, Anna Murray Douglass raised their five children: Rosetta, Lewis, Frederick Jr., Charles, and Annie.

Unidentified photographer Reproduction of undated photograph Courtesy of the National Park Service, Museum Management Program and Frederick Douglass National Historic Site. Photo: Carol M. Highsmith

Anna Murray, esposa de Douglass durante 44 años, nació en el condado de Caroline, Maryland, a unas tres millas de donde nació él, en la costa este del estado. Las dos familias se conocían, y es probable que la pareja se viera por primera vez en la Iglesia Episcopal Metodista Africana de la calle Sharp o en un grupo de debate y socialización que frecuentaban.

Murray era la séptima de 12 hijos y la primera que nació libre, tras la manumisión de su madre. Hacia 1830 se radicó en Baltimore, donde fue empleada doméstica.

Luego de comprometerse con Douglass, Murray lo ayudó a escapar vendiendo un colchón de plumas para costear su viaje al norte. Los casó en Nueva York el 15 de septiembre de 1838 el Rev. James W. C. Pennington. Dado que su esposo trabajaba mucho, Murray Douglass crio a sus cinco hijos: Rosetta, Lewis, Frederick Jr., Charles y Annie.

Fotógrafo desconocido Reproducción de fotografía sin fecha Cortesía del Servicio de Parques Nacionales, Programa de Manejo de Museos y Sitio Histórico Nacional Frederick Douglass. Foto: Carol M. Highsmith

Oration Delivered in Corinthian Hall, Rochester (“What to the Slave Is the Fourth of July?”)

Douglass gave his celebrated “Fourth of July” oration near his home in Rochester, New York, in 1852. He delivered the speech following a two-year stay in the British Isles, where friends purchased his freedom.

Employing a “double reversal,” Douglass began by comforting his mostly white audience but soon shifted his tone: “What have I, or those I represent, to do with your national independence?” For the next hour, he dramatized the national sins of slavery and racism before circling back:“I leave off where I began, with hope.” The speech is a jeremiad, a song of lament that seeks to restore the ideals of the nation’s founders.

“I leave off where I began, with hope.” The speech is a jeremiad, a song of lament that seeks to restore the ideals of the nation’s founders.

Frederick Douglass Pamphlet, 1852 The University of Rochester; Rare Books, Special Collections, and Preservation, River Campus Libraries

Alocución en el Corinthian Hall, Rochester (“¿Qué es para el esclavo el 4 de julio?”)

Douglass pronunció su celebrado discurso del “4 de julio” cerca de su hogar en Rochester, Nueva York, en 1852, tras dos años en las Islas Británicas, donde unos amigos compraron su libertad.

Empleando una “doble inversión”, Douglass comenzó por confortar a su público mayormente blanco, pero pronto cambió el tono: “¿Qué tengo que ver yo, o los que represento, con vuestra independencia nacional?”. Durante una hora dramatizó los pecados nacionales de la esclavitud y el racismo antes de cerrar el círculo: “Os dejo donde comencé, con esperanza”. El discurso es una jeremiada, o canto de lamento, que aspira a rescatar los ideales de los fundadores de la nación.

Frederick Douglass Panfleto, 1852 Universidad de Rochester, Libros Raros, Colecciones Especiales y Preservación, Bibliotecas del Recinto de River

My Bondage and My Freedom

Douglass published his second autobiography in 1855, amid escalating violence in Kansas. It sold some 15,000 copies in the first two months of publication, with one reviewer praising Douglass as “a genius.” Following the release of Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass (1845), the author had become a penetrating intellectual and revolutionary, one willing to accept violence to destroy the violence of slavery.

The artist John Chester Buttre (1821–1893) based this engraving on a daguerreotype (now lost) that depicts Douglass staring into the lens, with hands clenched as though ready for a fight. The portrait embodies a stance affirmed throughout the book—one of artful defiance or majestic wrath.

Frederick Douglass Anti-Slavery Office, Boston, 1855 Collection of John Stauffer

Mi esclavitud y mi libertad

Douglass publicó su segunda autobiografía en 1855, mientras crecía la violencia en Kansas. Vendió unos 15,000 ejemplares en los primeros dos meses y una reseña lo calificó de “genio”. Tras publicarse Historia de la vida de Frederick Douglass (1845), el autor se había convertido en un incisivo intelectual y revolucionario, dispuesto a aceptar la violencia si servía para destruir la violencia esclavista.

El artista John Chester Buttre (1821–1893) basó este grabado en un daguerrotipo (ahora perdido) de Douglass mirando fijamente a la cámara con los puños cerrados, como listo para pelear. El retrato encarna lo que se reafirma a lo largo del libro: una postura de calculado desafío, o quizás majestuosa ira.

Frederick Douglass Oficina Antiesclavista, Boston, 1855 Colección de John Stauffer

James McCune Smith 1813–1865

Born into slavery in New York City, James McCune Smith was the first African American to receive a medical degree (University of Glasgow). He ran an interracial medical practice on Broadway and was the chief physician of New York City’s Colored Orphan Asylum. In 1855, Smith helped found, with Douglass and Gerrit Smith, the Radical Abolition Party, which advocated freedom and full suffrage for all adults.

Smith penned the introduction to Douglass’s second autobiography, My Bondage and My Freedom , where he refers to him as “a burning and shining light.” Douglass reciprocated: “No man in this country more thoroughly understands the whole struggle between freedom and slavery than does Dr. Smith, and his heart is as broad as his understanding.”

Johnson, Williams &. Co. (active 1860s and 1870s) Albumen silver print, c. 1860 Schomburg Center for Research in Black Culture, Photographs and Prints Division; The New York Public Library, Astor, Lenox and Tilden Foundations

James McCune Smith, nacido esclavo en Nueva York, fue el primer afroamericano que recibió un título en medicina (Universidad de Glasgow). Tuvo un consultorio interracial en Broadway y fue jefe médico del Asilo para Huérfanos de Color de Nueva York. En 1855 Smith cofundó junto a Douglass y Gerrit Smith el Partido Abolicionista Radical, que abogaba por la libertad y el pleno sufragio para todos los adultos.

Smith escribió la introducción de la segunda autobiografía de Douglass, Mi esclavitud y mi libertad, refiriéndose a él como “una luz ardiente que nos ilumina”. Douglass lo reciprocó: “Ningún hombre de este país comprende más cabalmente la lucha entre la libertad y la esclavitud que el Dr. Smith, y su corazón es tan grande como su comprensión”.

Johnson, Williams &. Co. (activo décs. 1860 y 1870) Impresión en plata-albúmina, c. 1860 Centro Schomburg de Investigación de la Cultura Negra, División de Fotografías y Grabados; Biblioteca Pública de Nueva York, Fundaciones Astor, Lenox y Tilden

Representative Women

This portrait unites seven leading female suffragists. Clockwise from the top are portraits of Lucretia Mott, Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Mary Livermore, Lydia Maria Child, Susan B. Anthony, and Sara Jane Lippincott, who surround Anna Dickinson, the most popular woman on the lecture circuit; in a sense, Douglass’s counterpart. The visual power of the image stems from its ability to reveal both the cohesiveness of the movement and the strong personalities within it.

Douglass knew these women and, as a leading male advocate for women’s rights, often collaborated with them and attended their conventions. But when Congress passed the Fifteenth Amendment in 1869, granting suffrage to Black men but not to women, their cohesion crumbled. Anthony and Stanton argued that white women should have suffrage before Black men. Douglass supported the amendment but continued to advocate for women’s suffrage.

L. Schamer (active c. 1870) Louis Prang Lithography Co. (active 1856–1899) Lithograph, 1870 National Portrait Gallery, Smithsonian Institution

Mujeres representantes

Este retrato reúne a siete líderes sufragistas sobresalientes. En dirección del reloj, desde arriba, están Lucretia Mott, Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Mary Livermore, Lydia Maria Child, Susan B. Anthony y Sara Jane Lippincott, quienes rodean a Anna Dickinson, la mujer más popular del circuito de conferencias y, en cierto sentido, contraparte de Douglass. El poder de la imagen se debe a que revela tanto la cohesión del movimiento como las fuertes personalidades que lo componían.

Douglass conoció a estas mujeres y, como destacado defensor de los derechos femeninos, colaboró con ellas y asistió a sus convenciones. No obstante, esta cohesión se rompió en 1869, cuando el Congreso aprobó la Enmienda 15, otorgando el sufragio a los hombres negros pero no a las mujeres. Anthony y Stanton proponían que las mujeres blancas debían tener el sufragio antes que los hombres negros. Douglass apoyó la enmienda, pero siguió defendiendo el sufragio femenino.

L. Schamer (activo c. 1870) Louis Prang Lithography Co. (activo 1856–1899) Litografía, 1870 National Portrait Gallery, Smithsonian Institution

Sojourner Truth c. 1797–1883

Sojourner Truth was possibly more famous for her carte-de-visite photographs than for her actual presence at abolition meetings. Her carefully chosen images made her a familiar figure to millions of viewers. They depicted a respectable matron. Truth’s famous maxim that she included with her portrait, “I sell the shadow to support the substance,” links her image (shadow) to her actual self (substance) and to the growing demand for photographs during the war years.

Truth’s image becomes an extension of herself and her nation. The yarn forms the contours of the eastern United States, with Florida’s panhandle and Texas clearly visible. As a representative American woman, Truth’s piety, simplicity, and abolitionism were shaping the United States.

Unidentified photographer Albumen silver print, 1864 National Portrait Gallery, Smithsonian Institution

Sojourner Truth fue quizás más famosa por sus fotografías en formato “tarjeta de visita” que por su presencia en las reuniones de abolicionistas. Sus imágenes, escogidas con cuidado, la hicieron figura familiar para millones de personas y la presentan como una matrona respetable. La famosa máxima que Truth incluía en sus retratos, “Vendo la forma para mantener la sustancia”, vincula su imagen (sombra) con su verdadero ser (sustancia) y con la creciente demanda de fotografías durante la guerra.

La imagen de Truth se convierte en extensión de ella y de su nación. El hilo forma el contorno del este de EE.UU., dejando ver por el sur a Florida y Texas. Como representante de la mujer estadounidense, su piedad, sencillez e ideales abolicionistas estaban dando forma al país.

Fotógrafo desconocido Impresión en plata-albúmina, 1864 National Portrait Gallery, Smithsonian Institution

William Lloyd Garrison 1805–1879

After escaping enslavement, Douglass subscribed to William Lloyd Garrison’s newspaper, The Liberator , and read it as devoutly as his bible. “The paper became my meat and drink,” he recalled.

Garrison promoted Douglass’s 1845 autobiography, which made him famous and prompted him to flee to the British Isles to avoid capture and re-enslavement. British friends then purchased his freedom, and he returned to the United States in 1847, a free man. Wanting to launch his own paper, Douglass soon moved his family to Rochester, New York, a railroad and antislavery hub that lacked an abolitionist paper. The move ruptured his friendship with Garrison until after the Civil War.

Southworth & Hawes (active 1843–1862) Half-plate daguerreotype, c. 1851 National Portrait Gallery, Smithsonian Institution

Tras escapar de la esclavitud, Douglass se suscribió al periódico The Liberator, de William Lloyd Garrison, y lo leía como si fuera su biblia. “El periódico se convirtió en mi comida y mi bebida”, recordó.

Garrison promocionó la autobiografía de 1845 de Douglass, la cual lo hizo famoso y motivó su huída a las Islas Británicas para evitar que lo capturaran y devolvieran a la esclavitud. Unos amigos británicos compraron su libertad y pudo regresar en 1847 como hombre libre. Deseoso de fundar su propio periódico, Douglass pronto se radicó en Rochester, Nueva York, un centro antiesclavista y ferroviario que carecía de periódicos abolicionistas. Ese paso lesionó su amistad con Garrison hasta después de la Guerra Civil.

Southworth & Hawes (activo 1843–1862) Daguerrotipo de media placa, c. 1851 National Portrait Gallery, Smithsonian Institution

Gerrit Smith 1797–1874

Gerrit Smith, the upstate New York abolitionist and philanthropist, was a close friend of Douglass from the late 1840s to the Civil War. In 1846, Smith gave away 120,000 acres of land in the Adirondacks, known as “Timbuctoo,” to three thousand Black residents of New York State. Smith welcomed Douglass to New York with a deed for forty acres and provided crucial financial support to his newspaper. “You not only keep life in my paper but keep spirit in me,” Douglass wrote. Smith helped convert Douglass into a political abolitionist, one who interpreted the Constitution as an antislavery document.

Ezra Greenleaf Weld (1801–1874) Two-thirds daguerreotype, c. 1854 National Portrait Gallery, Smithsonian Institution; gift of an anonymous donor

Gerrit Smith, abolicionista y filántropo del norte del estado de Nueva York, fue amigo de Douglass desde fines de la década de 1840 hasta la Guerra Civil. En 1846 donó 120,000 acres de tierra en las Adirondacks (conocidos como “Timbuctú”) a 3,000 residentes negros del estado. Smith recibió a Douglass en Nueva York con una escritura de propiedad de 40 acres y le dio apoyo financiero crucial para su periódico. “No solo sostienes la vida en mi periódico, sino el espíritu en mí”, escribió Douglass. Smith ayudó a convertir a Douglass en un abolicionista político, alguien que veía en la Constitución un documento antiesclavista.

Ezra Greenleaf Weld (1801–1874) Daguerrotipo de dos tercios de placa, c. 1854 National Portrait Gallery, Smithsonian Institution; donación anónima

Fugitive Slave Law Convention, Cazenovia, New York

On August 21, 1850, two days after the Senate passed the Fugitive Slave Act, about two thousand abolitionists convened near Gerrit Smith’s home. Douglass presided as president. Participants approved Smith’s “Letter to the American Slaves,” urging captives to avenge their enslavers. “You are prisoners of war in an enemy’s country,” Smith declared.

Here, Douglass sits at the edge of the table next to Theodosia Gilbert, the fiancée of William Chaplin, who was in prison for aiding fugitives. Behind Douglass stands Gerrit Smith, in mid-speech, gesticulating. On either side of Smith, in checkered shawls and day bonnets, are Mary and Emily Edmonson, whose freedom had been orchestrated by Chaplin.

Ezra Greenleaf Weld (1801–1874) Half-plate copy daguerreotype, 1850 Collection of Mr. and Mrs. Set Charles Momjian

Convención sobre la Ley de Esclavos Fugitivos, Cazenovia, Nueva York

El 21 de agosto de 1850, a dos días de que el Senado aprobara la Ley de Esclavos Fugitivos, unos 2,000 abolicionistas se reunieron cerca de la casa de Gerrit Smith. Douglass presidió la reunión. Los participantes aprobaron la “Carta a los esclavos americanos” escrita por Smith, urgiendo a los cautivos a vengarse de sus esclavizadores: “Ustedes son prisioneros de guerra en un país enemigo”.

Aquí Douglass aparece sentado en el extremo de la mesa junto a Theodosia Gilbert, prometida de William Chaplin, encarcelado por ayudar a los fugitivos. De pie, detrás de Douglass, está Gerrit Smith gesticulando mientras habla. Flanqueando a Smith, con chales de cuadros y gorros, están Mary y Emily Edmonson, liberadas por gestión de Chaplin.

Ezra Greenleaf Weld (1801–1874) Copia en daguerrotipo de media placa, 1850 Colección del Sr. Set Charles Momjian y Sra

When sitting for a photograph, Douglass would pose as an artist or performer, forming part of a pas de trois with the photographer and the camera. He always dressed up and, as the activist Elizabeth Cady Stanton noted, often appeared “majestic in his wrath.”

Before the mid-1860s, Douglass typically stared into the camera lens with a dramatic look. He wanted the focus on himself. Here, he fills the frame, appearing as an accomplished, dignified activist, and projecting a visual voice of democracy. Through his images, voice, and writings, Douglass sought to “out-citizen” whites, many of whom questioned African American rights.

Unidentified photographer Sixth-plate daguerreotype, c. 1850 (after c. 1847 daguerreotype) National Portrait Gallery, Smithsonian Institution

Douglass posaba para sus retratos como una especie de artista, haciendo un pas de trois con el fotógrafo y la cámara. Siempre se ponía elegante y, como dijo la activista Elizabeth Cady Stanton, a menudo parecía “majestuoso en su ira”.

Hasta mediados de la década de 1860, Douglass solía mirar con dramatismo a la cámara. Quería centrar la atención en su persona. Aquí ocupa todo el encuadre, presentándose como un activista digno, consumado, proyectando una voz visual de la democracia. Con sus imágenes, discursos y escritos, Douglass aspiraba a ser “mejor ciudadano” que los blancos, muchos de quienes cuestionaban los derechos de los afroamericanos.

Fotógrafo desconocido Daguerrotipo de un sexto de placa, c. 1850 (según daguerrotipo de c. 1847) National Portrait Gallery, Smithsonian Institution

In this first known photographic image of Douglass, taken only one year after the first commercial daguerreotype studio opened in the United States, he appears somewhat dazed or “statue-like,” as he might have said. In 1841, the exposure time for a daguerreotype of this size could run up to fifteen seconds, depending on the time of day and the amount of available daylight in the daguerreotypist’s studio.

Unidentified photographer Sixth-plate daguerreotype, c. 1841 Collection of Gregory French

Este es el primer retrato fotográfico que se conoce de Douglass, tomado apenas un año después de inaugurarse el primer estudio comercial de daguerrotipos en EE.UU. En él aparece como en trance, “como una estatua”, según él mismo diría. En 1841, el tiempo de exposición para un daguerrotipo de este tamaño podía llegar a 15 segundos, según la hora del día y la cantidad de luz que hubiera en el estudio.

Fotógrafo desconocido Daguerrotipo de un sexto de placa, c. 1841 Colección de Gregory French

John Brown 1800–1859

One of the nation’s first African American daguerreotypists, Augustus Washington was also a prominent abolitionist in Hartford, Connecticut, when he made this portrait of the militant abolitionist John Brown. At the time, Brown was working to establish a “Subterranean Pass Way,” a network of armed men in the Alleghenies for conducting fugitives to freedom in Canada.

In Washington’s daguerreotype, Brown apparently holds the Pass Way flag and pledges allegiance to his scheme, which never materialized. In 1853, Washington and his family emigrated to Liberia, the former West African colony founded by the American Colonization Society, which gained independence in 1847.

Augustus Washington (c. 1820–1875) Quarter-plate daguerreotype, c. 1846–47 National Portrait Gallery, Smithsonian Institution; purchased with major acquisition funds and with funds donated by Betty Adler Schermer in honor of her greatgrandfather, August M. Bondi

Augustus Washington fue uno de los primeros daguerrotipistas afroamericanos de la nación y prominente abolicionista de Hartford, Connecticut, donde hizo este retrato del abolicionista militante John Brown. Para entonces Brown estaba gestionando un “pasaje subterráneo”, una red de hombres armados en las montañas Allegheny para guiar a los fugitivos hacia la libertad en Canadá.

En este daguerrotipo, Brown sostiene la bandera del pasaje subterráneo y parece jurar lealtad a su proyecto, que nunca se materializó. En 1853, Washington y su familia emigraron a Liberia, la antigua colonia de África Occidental fundada por la Sociedad Americana de Colonización, que obtuvo su independencia en 1847.

Augustus Washington (c. 1820–1875) Daguerrotipo de un cuarto de placa, c. 1846–47 National Portrait Gallery, Smithsonian Institution; comprado con fondos para grandes adquisiciones y fondos donados por Betty Adler Schermer en honor a su bisabuelo, August M. Bondi

J. P. Ball Salon, 1867 (Lessons of the Hour)

J. P. Ball Salon, 1867 is a photograph from Isaac Julien’s Lessons of the Hour, a ten-screen film installation on Douglass’s life and times in relation to our own. The title “Lessons of the Hour” refers to Douglass’s 1894 anti-lynching speech, in which he declared that most whites had “no respect” for “the life of the negro.”

James Presley Ball, whose Cincinnati studio was known as the “Great Daguerreian Gallery of the West,” photographed Douglass in 1867 and produced two cartes de visite for him. According to Gleason’s Pictorial, a leading art journal, Ball photographed “with an accuracy and a softness of expression unsurpassed by any establishment in the Union.” The journal also praised Ball’s gallery: walls bordered with gold leaf; paintings from the African American Robert Duncanson, who worked in the studio; and sculptures of goddesses.

Julien reimagines Ball’s gallery: Actors portray Douglass and his friend and business partner Julia Griffiths, as they examine photographs in the gilded, inspiring salon.

Isaac Julien (born 1960) Gloss inkjet paper mounted on aluminum, 2019 Courtesy of the artist and Victoria Miro

Salón J. P. Ball, 1867 (Lecciones de la hora)

Salón J. P. Ball, 1867 es una fotografía de Lecciones de la hora, de Isaac Julien, una instalación fílmica de 10 pantallas sobre la vida y época de Douglass en relación con la nuestra. El título alude al discurso de Douglass de 1894 contra los linchamientos, cuando afirmó que la mayoría de los blancos “no respetaba [...] la vida del negro”.

James Presley Ball, cuyo estudio de Cincinnati se conocía como la “Gran Galería de Daguerrotipos del Oeste”, retrató a Douglass en 1867 y produjo para él dos fotos en formato “tarjeta de visita”. Según Gleason’s Pictorial, importante revista de arte, Ball retrataba “con una precisión y suavidad de expresión insuperada por los otros estudios de la Unión”. El texto también elogiaba la galería: paredes bordeadas en lámina de oro; pinturas del afroamericano Robert Duncanson, quien trabajaba en el estudio; y esculturas de diosas.

Julien reimagina la galería de Ball: dos actores interpretan a Douglass y a su amiga y socia Julia Griffiths examinando fotografías en el inspirador salón dorado.

Isaac Julien (n. 1960) Papel de brillo para inyección de tinta, montado en aluminio, 2019 Cortesía del artista y Victoria Miro

Harriet Tubman 1820–1913

Harriet Tubman was a close ally of Douglass. They both sought immediate abolition and equal rights and played important roles in the Civil War—Tubman as a nurse and spy for the Union army and Douglass as a recruiter, presidential advisor, orator, and essayist. They also helped hundreds of fugitives to freedom.

John Darby’s woodcut engraving was the frontispiece to Sarah Bradford’s 1869 biography, Scenes in the Life of Harriet Tubman, and evokes Tubman’s service as a spy. In 1899, Tubman petitioned Congress for a military pension; she received a widow’s pension for her husband’s Civil War service but nothing for her own.

John G. Darby (active 1830s–1860s) Wood engraving, c. 1868 National Portrait Gallery, Smithsonian Institution

Harriet Tubman fue una gran aliada de Douglass. Ambos buscaban la igualdad de derechos y la abolición inmediata de la esclavitud, y ambos se destacaron en la Guerra Civil: Tubman como enfermera y espía del Ejército de la Unión y Douglass como reclutador, asesor presidencial, orador y ensayista. También ayudaron a liberar a cientos de fugitivos.

El grabado en madera de John Darby apareció en el frontispicio de la biografía de Sarah Bradford Escenas de la vida de Harriet Tubman (1869), y alude al servicio de Tubman como espía. En 1899 Tubman solicitó al Congreso una pensión militar; recibió una pensión viudal por el servicio de su esposo en la Guerra Civil, pero ninguna propia.

John G. Darby (activo décs. 1830–1860) Grabado en madera, c. 1868 National Portrait Gallery, Smithsonian Institution

Douglass’s visual persona continually evolved, which undermined one of the key intellectual foundations of chattel slavery and racism that cast the self as fixed, unable to rise. Perhaps the most noticeable markers of Douglass’s continual evolution are his hairstyle and facial hair. In this salted paper print, he experiments with a mid-scalp part, unique among the 168 separate photographs. Five years later, in a carte de visite, he sports a ponytail, also distinct from his typical hairstyle.

Unidentified photographer Salted paper print, c. 1860 National Portrait Gallery, Smithsonian Institution

La imagen de Douglass evolucionaba constantemente, lo cual socavaba uno de los argumentos intelectuales a favor de la esclavitud y el racismo: la noción del ser como inmutable, incapaz de superarse. Quizás las señales más notables de la evolución de Douglass sean su peinado y su vello facial. En esta foto en papel a la sal, experimenta con el pelo partido al medio, caso único entre las 168 fotografías. Cinco años después, en una “tarjeta de visita”, aparece con una cola de caballo, otro peinado atípico.

Fotógrafo desconocido Impresión en papel a la sal, c. 1860 National Portrait Gallery, Smithsonian Institution

Douglass described John Brown as someone who, “though a white gentleman, is in sympathy a black man, and as deeply interested in our cause, as though his own soul had been pierced with the iron of slavery.” They became friends, and in 1859, Brown urged Douglass to join him in raiding the federal arsenal at Harpers Ferry. Douglass, however, refused and told Brown he thought he was entering a “steel trap.” Brown and sixteen others were killed, either during the raid or after they were found guilty of treason. Douglass later credited Brown with starting the war that ended slavery.

Unidentified photographer Salted paper print, c. 1857 (after c. 1855 daguerreotype) National Portrait Gallery, Smithsonian Institution

Douglass describió así a John Brown: “aunque es un caballero blanco, tiene empatía por el hombre negro y un profundo interés en nuestra causa, como si su propia alma hubiera sido atravesada por el hierro de la esclavitud”. Ambos se hicieron amigos, y en 1859 Brown quiso que Douglass se le uniera en el asalto al arsenal federal de Harpers Ferry. Douglass rehusó, diciéndole que iba hacia una “trampa de acero”. Brown y otros 16 hombres murieron, ya fuera en el asalto o tras ser declarados culpables de traición. Más tarde, Douglass adjudicó a Brown el haber iniciado la guerra que acabó con la esclavitud.

Fotógrafo desconocido Impresión en papel a la sal, c. 1857 (según daguerrotipo de c. 1855) National Portrait Gallery, Smithsonian Institution

Douglass likely sat for this daguerreotype in the Boston studio of Southworth & Hawes before he left for England in August 1845. The Twelfth National Anti-Slavery Bazaar, held at Faneuil Hall in December 1845, offered for sale “an excellent Daguerreotype of Frederick Douglass,” according to The Liberator (January 23, 1846). The daguerreotype was “the gift of Mr. Southworth” and “elicited much attention.” John Chester Buttre created an engraving from the daguerreotype, which appeared in Autographs for Freedom (1854), a gift book edited by Douglass’s friend Julia Griffiths to raise money for his North Star newspaper.

Southworth & Hawes (active 1843–1862) Whole-plate daguerreotype, c. 1845< Onondaga Historical Association Museum, Syracuse, NY

Es probable que Douglass posara para este daguerrotipo en el estudio Southworth & Hawes, en Boston, antes de partir para Inglaterra en 1845. En el 12o Bazar Antiesclavista Nacional, llevado a cabo en Faneuil Hall en diciembre de 1845, se vendió “un excelente daguerrotipo de Frederick Douglass”, según El Liberator (23 de enero de 1846). La foto fue “donación del Sr. Southworth” y “atrajo mucha atención”. A partir de ella, John Chester Buttre creó un grabado que apareció en Autógrafos por la libertad (1854), un libro de regalo editado por Julia Griffiths, amiga de Douglass, para recaudar dinero para el periódico de este, North Star .

Southworth & Hawes (activo 1843–1862) Daguerrotipo de placa entera, c. 1845 Museo de la Asociación Histórica Onondaga,Syracuse, NY

Douglass likely sat for this photograph by John White Hurn on January 14, 1862, when he spoke at National Hall in Philadelphia, a block from Hurn’s studio. Hurn photographed Douglass again in 1866 and 1873, for a total of nine extant photographs, the most of any Douglass photographer.

Hurn was also a telegraph operator and aided Douglass’s 1859 escape after news broke of John Brown’s capture at Harpers Ferry. Douglass had arrived in Philadelphia on October 17, a day after Brown launched his attack, and Hurn refused to deliver a telegram ordering Philadelphia’s sheriff to arrest Douglass as a conspirator in Brown’s raid. Hurn also warned Douglass about the situation and prompted him to flee by train to Rochester, New York, and then to Canada and England.

John W. Hurn (1823–1887) Albumen silver print, 1862 Collection of Gregory French

Es probable que Douglass posara para esta fotografía tomada por John White Hurn el 14 de enero de 1862, cuando habló en el National Hall de Filadelfia, muy cerca del estudio de Hurn. Este retrató a Douglass de nuevo en 1866 y 1873, y produjo nueve fotografías que aún existen, más que ningún otro fotógrafo de Douglass.

Hurn también era telegrafista y ayudó a Douglass a escapar en 1859, tras la noticia de la captura de John Brown en Harpers Ferry. Douglass llegó a Filadelfia el 17 de octubre, un día después del asalto de Brown al arsenal, y Hurn se negó a entregar un telegrama que ordenaba al alguacil arrestar a Douglass por conspirar con Brown. También advirtió a Douglass de la situación y le aconsejó que huyera por tren a Rochester, Nueva York, y luego a Canadá e Inglaterra.

John W. Hurn (1823–1887) Impresión en plata-albúmina, 1862 Colección de Gregory French

Men of Color to Arms

After President Lincoln’s final Emancipation Proclamation of January 1, 1863, which called for enlisting Black men into the Union army, Douglass became a zealous recruiter, traveling throughout the northern states. He wrote the script for this broadside, which was mass produced in many sizes: ”MEN OF COLOR! TO ARMS! TO ARMS! NOW OR NEVER.” Winning the war depended upon arming Black men, as Douglass and many others recognized. His youngest son, Charles, was the first to enlist in the Fifty-Fourth Massachusetts Infantry Regiment, soon followed by his eldest son, Lewis.

Unidentified artist Printed broadside, 1863 The Library Company of Philadelphia

Hombres de color, a las armas

Tras la Proclama de Emancipación del presidente Lincoln el 1 de enero de 1863, la cual exhortaba a alistar a los afroamericanos en el Ejército de la Unión, Douglass se dedicó a reclutar con fervor, recorriendo los estados del norte. Para ello redactó un volante que se reprodujo en masa en muchos tamaños: “¡HOMBRES DE COLOR! ¡A LAS ARMAS! ¡A LAS ARMAS! AHORA O NUNCA”. La victoria dependía de que se armara a los afroamericanos, como lo reconocían Douglass y otros muchos. Su hijo menor, Charles, fue el primero en alistarse en el 54o Regimiento de Infantería de Massachusetts, seguido por el hijo mayor, Lewis.

Artista desconocido Volante impreso, 1863 The Library Company of Philadelphia

Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass, an American Slave, Written by Himself

During his first six years of freedom, Douglass steeped himself in authors ranging from Byron and Shakespeare to Emerson and Milton, along with the King James Bible. Increasingly, audiences began accusing him of never having been enslaved. And so, he “threw caution to the wind,” as he said, and wrote his life story, exposing the inhumanity of slaveholders and naming names from Maryland’s Eastern Shore.

Published in May 1845, Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass became an international bestseller. One reviewer called it “the most thrilling work which the American press ever issued—and the most important.”

Frederick Douglass Anti-Slavery Office, Boston, 1845 Collection of Jeffrey Coopersmith

Historia de la vida de Frederick Douglass, esclavo americano, escrita por él mismo

Durante sus primeros seis años de libertad, Douglass estudió a numerosos escritores, desde Byron y Shakespeare hasta Emerson y Milton, además de la Biblia del Rey Jacobo. Cuando el público empezó a acusarlo de que nunca había sido esclavo, “abandonó la prudencia”, como decía, y escribió la historia de su vida, donde expuso la crueldad de los esclavistas y reveló nombres de los que vivían en la costa este de Maryland.

Publicada en mayo de 1845, Historia de la vida de Frederick Douglass fue un éxito de ventas internacional. Un crítico afirmó que era “la obra más apasionante jamás publicada por una editorial americana, y la más importante”.

Frederick Douglass Oficina Antiesclavista, Boston, 1845 Colección de Jeffrey Coopersmith

This painting was likely based on the engraved frontispiece of Douglass’s first autobiography, Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass (1845). The book included introductions by the Bostonians William Lloyd Garrison and Wendell Phillips, who were two of the nation’s leading white abolitionists.

Unidentified artist (formerly attributed to Elisha Livermore Hammond) Oil on canvas, c. 1845 National Portrait Gallery, Smithsonian Institution

Es probable que esta pintura se base en el grabado del frontispicio de la primera autobiografía de Douglass, Historia de la vida de Frederick Douglass (1845). El libro incluyó introducciones de los bostonianos William Lloyd Garrison y Wendell Phillips, dos de los principales abolicionistas blancos de la nación.

Artista desconocido (antes atribuido a Elisha Livermore Hammond) Óleo sobre lienzo, c. 1845 National Portrait Gallery, Smithsonian Institution

The Gallant Charge of the Fifty-Fourth Massachusetts (Colored) Regiment

On July 18, 1863, Col. Robert Gould Shaw led the Fifty-Fourth Massachusetts Infantry Regiment, the first northern Black regiment, in a fierce but disastrous attack on Fort Wagner, a beachhead protecting Charleston, South Carolina. The unit suffered heavy casualties. Douglass’s son Lewis was badly injured, and Shaw (shown atop a parapet, recoiling from a wound) died.

Shaw came from a prominent white abolitionist family and had been handpicked to command the regiment. He advocated equal pay for Black soldiers, who at the time received less than half of the pay of their white counterparts. In June 1864, after years of lobbying by Black veterans, Congress finally granted equal pay and made it retroactive.

The regiment’s “gallant charge” became legendary for its display of courage. The flag-bearing soldier behind Shaw recalls William Harvey Carney, who rescued the flag during the battle and was posthumously awarded the Medal of Honor in 1990.

Currier & Ives Lithography Co. (active 1857–1907) Hand-colored lithograph, 1863 National Portrait Gallery, Smithsonian Institution

La gallarda carga del 54o Regimiento (de Color) de Massachusetts

El 18 de julio de 1863, el coronel Robert Gould Shaw lideró al 54o Regimiento de Infantería de Massachusetts, primer regimiento negro del norte, en un valeroso aunque malogrado ataque al Fuerte Wagner, que protegía a Charleston, Carolina del Sur. Sufrieron grandes bajas. Lewis, hijo de Douglass, fue herido gravemente y Shaw (mostrado encima de un parapeto, crispado de dolor por una herida) murió.

Shaw venía de una prominente familia blanca abolicionista y fue elegido para comandar el regimiento. Abogó por igual paga para los soldados negros, quienes recibían menos de la mitad de lo pagado a los blancos. En junio de 1864, tras años de cabildeo de los veteranos negros, el Congreso les otorgó igual paga y la hizo retroactiva.

La “gallarda carga” del regimiento se hizo legendaria por la valentía demostrada. El soldado con la bandera detrás de Shaw recuerda a William Harvey Carney, quien rescató la bandera durante la batalla y fue condecorado póstumamente con la Medalla de Honor en 1990.

Currier & Ives Lithography Co. (activo 1857–1907) Litografía coloreada a mano, 1863 National Portrait Gallery, Smithsonian Institution

Abraham Lincoln 1809–1865

On January 8, 1864, when President Lincoln sat for Mathew Brady, he understood the power of a photograph; one by Brady had helped elect him in 1860. This image seems to have been inspired by Douglass, who had met Lincoln at the White House in August 1863. Lincoln appears well dressed and looks into the camera lens rather than away from it, as he usually did. He confronts the viewer with a look of firmness, if not resolve.

The war was going badly, and Lincoln feared losing reelection. With the massive death toll and their opposition to the Emancipation Proclamation, “peace Democrats,” also known as “Copperheads,” threatened Lincoln’s reelection. They wanted an end to the war with slavery intact.

Mathew B. Brady (c. 1823–1896) Albumen silver print, 1864 National Portrait Gallery, Smithsonian Institution

El 8 de enero de 1864, cuando el presidente Lincoln posó para Mathew Brady, ya comprendía bien el poder de la fotografía: una tomada por Brady lo había ayudado a salir electo en 1860. Esta imagen parece haber sido inspirada por Douglass, quien conoció a Lincoln en la Casa Blanca en agosto de 1863. Lincoln aparece bien vestido, mirando a la cámara en vez de evadirla, como solía. Confronta al observador con gesto de firmeza, determinación.

La guerra iba mal y Lincoln temía perder la reelección, dado el enorme número de muertes en combate y la oposición de los llamados “demócratas de paz”, o “cabezas de cobre”, que rechazaban la Proclama de Emancipación y querían acabar la guerra dejando intacta la esclavitud.

Mathew B. Brady (c. 1823–1896) Impresión en plata-albúmina, 1864 National Portrait Gallery, Smithsonian Institution

Letter from Douglass to Lincoln

Douglass’s second meeting with President Lincoln at the White House, on August 19, 1864, was by invitation. Lincoln feared losing reelection and the war, and he believed Douglass could help.

Lincoln asked Douglass to organize a band of Black scouts “to go into the rebel states . . . carry the news of emancipation, and urge the slaves to come within our boundaries.” On August 29, 1864, Douglass sent his proposal, which called for a general agent (probably himself as a commissioned officer) and sub-agents to conduct “squads of slaves” northward. Douglass also encouraged collaboration between Union generals and sub-agents, and requested food and shelter for freedmen involved in the scheme. Four days later, the Union army took Atlanta, greatly improving the chances of Lincoln’s reelection.

Frederick Douglass Ink on paper, August 29, 1864 Abraham Lincoln Papers, Manuscript Division, Library of Congress, Washington, D.C

Carta de Douglass a Lincoln

La segunda reunión de Douglass con el presidente Lincoln en la Casa Blanca, el 19 de agosto de 1864, fue por invitación. Lincoln temía perder la reelección y la guerra, y pensaba que Douglass podía ayudarlo.

Lincoln pidió a Douglass que organizara una brigada de afroamericanos “para ir a los estados rebeldes [...,] llevar la noticia de la emancipación y urgir a los esclavos a venir a nuestro territorio”. El 29 de agosto de 1864 Douglass envió su plan, que proponía un agente general (quizás él mismo como oficial comisionado) y unos subagentes para guiar a los esclavos hacia el norte. También pedía colaboración entre los generales de la Unión y los subagentes, así como alimento y refugio para los libertos que trabajaran en el plan. Cuatro días después, el Ejército de la Unión tomó Atlanta, acrecentando las oportunidades de reelección de Lincoln.

Frederick Douglass Tinta sobre papel, 29 de agosto de 1864 Documentos de Abraham Lincoln, División de Manuscritos, Biblioteca del Congreso,Washington D.C.

When twenty-year-old Eva Webster Russell made a charcoal drawing of Douglass in early 1877, she was already a well-known Chicago artist and a member of the National Academy of Design. He was stopping in her city as part of a speaking tour and found time to sit for a portrait. Russell finished the drawing that May and wrote Douglass shortly thereafter to arrange for its shipping and negotiate its price. In their correspondence, which continued into the 1880s and 1890s, she refers to Douglass as “Uncle.” Their feeling of kinship was likely rooted in their connection to Martha Greene, an abolitionist comrade whose son, like Douglass’s, had been wounded in the war.

Eva Webster Russell (1856–1914) Reproduction of charcoal drawing from 1877 Courtesy of the National Park Service, Museum Management Program and Frederick Douglass National Historic Site. Photo: Carol M. Highsmith

Cuando Eva Webster Russell hizo un dibujo a carboncillo de Douglass a principios de 1877, tenía 20 años de edad y ya era una artista conocida de Chicago y miembro de la Academia Nacional de Diseño. Douglass visitó la ciudad en una gira de conferencias y sacó tiempo para posar para un retrato. Russell terminó el dibujo ese mayo y le escribió a Douglass para coordinar el envío y negociar el precio. En su correspondencia, que continuó hasta la década de 1890, ella lo llama “tío”. El sentimiento de familiaridad que los unía se debe quizás a la relación de ambos con Martha Greene, una camarada abolicionista cuyo hijo, como el de Douglass, había sido herido en la guerra.

Eva Webster Russell (1856–1914) Reproducción de dibujo a carboncillo de 1877 Cortesía del Servicio de Parques Nacionales, Programa de Manejo de Museos y Sitio Histórico Nacional Frederick Douglass. Foto: Carol M. Highsmith

The Result of the Fifteenth Amendment, and the Rise of Progress of the African Race in America and Its Final Accomplishment, and Celebration on May 19th A.D. 1870.

The parade in Baltimore on May 19, 1870, was the nation’s largest celebration of the ratification of the Fifteenth Amendment, which had recently granted African American men the right to vote. The central image of this lithograph depicts the parade around Mount Vernon Place, with African Americans marching on its west square and the city’s Washington Monument in the background. Above the monument are busts of U.S. Circuit Court Judge Hugh Lenox Bond, John Brown, and Schuyler Colfax, flanked by those of President Lincoln and Ulysses S. Grant.

Below the parade, we encounter scenes inside a Black church and schoolroom. Appearing on the right are busts of Martin Delany (with his name misspelled), Douglass, and Hiram Revels; on the left are Congressman Alexander Stevens and Senators Charles Sumner and Henry Winter Davis. Beneath each grouping are Black Masons in their regalia. The lithograph suggests that the “result” of the Fifteenth Amendment is national renewal, a Second Founding.

Metcalf & Clark (active c. 1870) Hand-colored lithograph, 1870 National Portrait Gallery, Smithsonian Institution

Resultado de la Decimoquinta Enmienda, y ascenso y progreso de la raza africana en América y su triunfo final y celebración el 19 de mayo de 1870 d.C.

El desfile del 19 de mayo de 1870 en Baltimore fue la celebración más grande de la nación por la ratificación de la Decimoquinta Enmienda, que otorgó el voto a los hombres afroamericanos. La imagen central de esta litografía muestra el desfile en Mount Vernon Place, con los afroamericanos marchando en la plaza oeste y, al fondo, el Monumento a Washington. Sobre el monumento se ven los bustos de Hugh Lenox Bond, juez del Tribunal de Circuito de EE.UU., John Brown y Schuyler Colfax, flanqueados por el presidente Lincoln y Ulysses S. Grant.

Debajo del desfile vemos escenas dentro de una iglesia y una escuela para afroamericanos. A la derecha están los bustos de Martin Delany (escrito incorrectamente), Douglass y Hiram Revels; a la izquierda están el congresista Alexander Stevens y los senadores Charles Sumner y Henry Winter Davis. Debajo de cada grupo están los masones negros con su atuendo de gala. La litografía sugiere que el “resultado” de la Decimoquinta Enmienda es una renovación nacional, una “segunda fundación”.

Metcalf & Clark (activo c. 1870) Litografía coloreada a mano, 1870 National Portrait Gallery, Smithsonian Institution

In September 1873, Douglass traveled to Nashville to speak at the third annual fair of the Tennessee Colored Agricultural Association. During his visit, he sat for Carl Giers (1828–1877), a local German American photographer. An unknown artist used Giers’s photograph to create an engraving for Harper’s Monthly in 1875, and in 1883, another unknown artist made an engraving from Giers’s photograph for the cover of Harper’s Weekly, among the nation’s leading illustrated papers.

George William Curtis, the political editor of Harper’s , wrote the feature article accompanying this engraving. He deemed Douglass “one of the most interesting figures in the country,” adding that “no American career has had more remarkable and suggestive vicissitudes than his. . . . He is today, by his own energy and character and courage, an eminent citizen, and his life has been a constant and powerful plea for his people.”

Unidentified artist, after Carl Giers Wood engraving, 1883 Harper’s Weekly cover, November 24, 1883 National Portrait Gallery, Smithsonian Institution

En septiembre de 1873, Douglass viajó a Nashville para hablar en la tercera feria anual de la Asociación Agrícola de Color de Tennessee. Durante su visita posó para Carl Giers (1828–1877), un fotógrafo local germanoamericano. Un artista desconocido usó la fotografía de Giers para crear un grabado para Harper’s Monthly en 1875, y en 1883 otro artista desconocido hizo un grabado de la misma fotografía para la portada de Harper’s Weekly , uno de los principales periódicos ilustrados del país.

George William Curtis, editor de política de Harper’s , escribió el artículo que acompañó el grabado. Consideraba a Douglass “una de las figuras más interesantes del país [...] ninguna trayectoria americana ha tenido vicisitudes tan extraordinarias y resonantes como la suya. [...] Él es hoy, por su energía, carácter y valentía, un ciudadano eminente, y su vida ha sido un alegato constante y poderoso por su pueblo”.

Artista desconocido, según Carl Giers Grabado en madera, 1883 Portada de Harper’s Weekly , 24 de noviembre de 1883 National Portrait Gallery, Smithsonian Institution

Frederick Douglass 1818–1895 Helen Pitts Douglass 1838–1903

Anna Murray Douglass died from “paralysis” in August 1882 at Cedar Hill, the family home in Washington, D.C. (now the Frederick Douglass National Historic Site). Eighteen months later, Douglass married Helen Pitts, a radical activist and intellectual from western New York. Douglass hired Pitts when he was working as the Recorder of Deeds for the District of Columbia. She was white and twenty years his junior, which led to scandalmongering in the press and tension within his family.

In 1884, the couple honeymooned in Niagara Falls, where this studio photograph was likely made.

Unidentified photographer Reproduction of albumen silver print from 1884 Courtesy of Frederick Douglass National Historic Site

Anna Murray Douglass murió de “parálisis” en agosto de 1882 en Cedar Hill, hogar de la familia en Washington D.C. (ahora Sitio Histórico Nacional Frederick Douglass). Dieciocho meses después, Douglass se casó con Helen Pitts, intelectual y activista radical del oeste de Nueva York. Douglass contrató a Pitts cuando era registrador de la propiedad del Distrito de Columbia. Ella era blanca y 20 años menor, lo cual desató los chismes en la prensa y las tensiones en la familia de él.

En 1884, la pareja tuvo su luna de miel en las cataratas del Niágara, donde probablemente se tomó esta fotografía de estudio.

Fotógrafo desconocido Reproducción de impresión en plata-albúmina de 1884 Cortesía del Sitio Histórico Nacional Frederick Douglass

Johnson Marchant Mundy (1831–1897) was a well-known mid-nineteenth-century sculptor, who established an art school in Rochester, New York. When Douglass moved to Washington, D.C., in 1872, Rochester residents commissioned Mundy to create a bust. He visited Douglass in Washington and made a cast of his features, then produced two versions, one with a goatee and another with a full beard. A marble version of the full-bearded bust was unveiled in 1879 and placed on view at the University of Rochester. Another artist, C. Hess, made this plaster likeness with a full beard that Douglass kept for himself.

C. Hess (life dates unknown), after Johnson Marchant Mundy Plaster, 1880 National Park Service, Frederick Douglass National Historic Site

Johnson Marchant Mundy (1831–1897), reconocido escultor de mediados del siglo XIX, estableció una escuela de arte en Rochester, Nueva York. Cuando Douglass se mudó a Washington D.C. en 1872, los residentes de Rochester encargaron a Mundy un busto de él. Mundy visitó a Douglass en Washington y tomó un molde de sus facciones. Luego produjo dos versiones, una con barba de perilla y otra con barba completa. En 1879 se develó e instaló en la Universidad de Rochester una versión en mármol del busto con barba completa. Otro artista. C. Hess, hizo esta efigie en yeso con barba completa que Douglass conservó para sí.

C. Hess (fechas desconocidas), según Johnson Marchant Mundy Yeso, 1880 Servicio de Parques Nacionales, Sitio Histórico Nacional Frederick Douglass

Ida B. Wells-Barnett 1862–1931

Born into slavery in Holly Springs, Mississippi, Ida B. Wells became one of the nation’s leading activists. In 1884, she filed a lawsuit against the Chesapeake, Ohio and Southwestern Railroad after being forcibly removed from the ladies’ car because she was Black. She won her case in Shelby County but lost the appeal in the Tennessee Supreme Court.

Wells-Barnett devoted herself to civil rights, especially anti-lynching, and met Douglass in 1892. He became a mentor and friend and praised her pamphlet Southern Horrors: Lynch Law in All Its Phases . “There has been no word equal to it in convincing power,” Douglass wrote. Her life and writings remain an important influence on civil rights activists.

Sallie E. Garrity (c. 1862–1907) Reproduction of albumen silver print from c. 1893 National Portrait Gallery, Smithsonian Institution

Nacida esclava en Holly Springs, Misisipi, Ida B. Wells fue una de las principales activistas de la nación. En 1884 presentó una demanda contra la compañía ferroviaria Chesapeake, Ohio and Southwestern tras ser expulsada del vagón de damas por ser negra. Ganó el caso en el condado de Shelby, pero perdió la apelación ante el Tribunal Supremo de Tennessee.

Wells-Barnett se dedicó a los derechos civiles, luchando sobre todo contra los linchamientos, y conoció a Douglass en 1892. Él fue su mentor y amigo. Sobre su panfleto Horrores del sur: La ley de linchamientos en todas sus fases , Douglass escribió: “No ha habido palabras con igual poder de convencimiento”. La vida y los escritos de Wells-Barnett aún influyen a los activistas de los derechos civiles.

Sallie E. Garrity (c. 1862–1907) Reproducción de impresión en plata-albúmina de c. 1893 National Portrait Gallery, Smithsonian Institution

Booker T. Washington 1856–1915

Like most other African American leaders at the turn of the twentieth century, Booker T. Washington was inspired by Douglass’s life and writings, so much so that he published one of the first full biographies of Douglass in 1907. It is sympathetic but cursory. Most of it was ghostwritten, owing to Washington’s many other responsibilities.

Washington was principal of Tuskegee Institute, a trade school in Alabama for Black students that offered photography as part of its curriculum. By accepting the racial doctrine of “separate but equal,” he managed to raise millions of dollars for the school. Some of Tuskegee’s prominent white, northern benefactors included the well-known philanthropists Andrew Carnegie and John D. Rockefeller, as well as George Eastman, the founder of the Kodak camera and film that revolutionized photography.

Elmer Chickering was a well-known photographer in Boston, who photographed politicians, actors, athletes, and other public figures.

Elmer Chickering (1857–1915) Gelatin silver print, c. 1895 National Portrait Gallery, Smithsonian Institution

Al igual que la mayoría de los líderes afroamericanos en los umbrales del siglo XX, Booker T. Washington se inspiró en la vida y los escritos de Douglass, e incluso publicó una de sus primeras biografías en 1907. Es una obra empática, aunque somera. Casi toda fue redactada por un escritor fantasma, dado que Washington tenía tantas otras responsabilidades.

Washington fue director del Instituto de Tuskegee, una escuela de oficios de Alabama para estudiantes negros, que incluía en su currículo la fotografía. Aceptando la doctrina de “separados pero iguales”, logró recaudar millones de dólares para la escuela. Entre los prominentes benefactores blancos norteños del Tuskegee estuvieron los conocidos filántropos Andrew Carnegie y John D. Rockefeller, así como George Eastman, creador de la cámara y la película Kodak que revolucionaron la fotografía.

Elmer Chickering fue un destacado fotógrafo de Boston que retrató a políticos, actores, atletas y otras figuras públicas.

Elmer Chickering (1857–1915) Impresión en gelatina de plata, c. 1895 National Portrait Gallery, Smithsonian Institution

W.E.B. Du Bois 1868–1963

When Douglass passed away on February 20, 1895, W.E.B. Du Bois was finishing his Harvard doctoral thesis, “The Suppression of the African Slave Trade to the United States,” and had just accepted a faculty appointment at Wilberforce University in Ohio. He had heard Douglass speak, probably in Boston in late 1892. Douglass’s life and writings were a major inspiration for Du Bois, who would follow him to become one of the nation’s leading intellectuals and activists.

At Douglass’s memorial service, Du Bois called him one of the nation’s greatest statesmen, owing to his ability to mold public opinion through words. He quoted Douglass as having said, “Character and not color should be the sole basis of all differences.”

Cornelius Battey, who made this portrait, was one of the most prominent Black photographers of the period. He had also photographed Douglass in 1893, before becoming director of photography at Tuskegee Institute (now Tuskegee University, in Alabama).

Cornelius Marion Battey (1873–1927) Gelatin silver print, c. 1906 National Portrait Gallery, Smithsonian Institution; purchase funded in part by the photography acquisitions endowment established by the Joseph L. and Emily K. Gidwitz Memorial Foundation

Cuando murió Douglass el 20 de febrero de 1895, W.E.B. Du Bois terminaba su tesis doctoral en Harvard, “La supresión del comercio de esclavos africanos en Estados Unidos”, y había aceptado un nombramiento de profesor en la Universidad de Wilberforce, Ohio. Du Bois había escuchado a Douglass, tal vez en Boston a fines de 1892. La vida y los escritos de Douglass fueron una gran inspiración para él, quien también llegó a ser uno de los principales intelectuales y activistas de la nación.

En las exequias de Douglass, Du Bois declaró que era uno de los mejores hombres de estado del país por su talento para influir la opinión pública mediante la palabra, y le atribuyó haber dicho: “La única base de toda diferencia debe ser el carácter, no el color”.

Cornelius Battey, quien hizo este retrato de Du Bois, fue uno de los fotógrafos negros más destacados de la época. También retrató a Douglass en 1893, antes de ser director de fotografía del Instituto de Tuskegee (hoy Universidad de Tuskegee, Alabama).

Cornelius Marion Battey (1873–1927) Impresión en gelatina de plata, c. 1906 National Portrait Gallery, Smithsonian Institution; compra financiada en parte por la dotación para adquisición de fotografías establecida por la Joseph L. and Emily K. Gidwitz Memorial Foundation

Langston Hughes 1902–1967

Langston Hughes, a leading voice of the Harlem Renaissance, was so inspired by Douglass’s life and writings that he wrote a poem about him. The verse “Frederick Douglass: 1817–1895” was first published in the December 1966 issue of Liberator Magazine , the successor of William Lloyd Garrison’s The Liberator , which had inspired Douglass. As Hughes recognizes in his poem, Douglass frequently quoted lines from Lord Byron’s “Childe Harold’s Pilgrimage.”

After photographing Hughes in Carmel, California, Edward Weston wrote him a brief note:

Dear Langston Hughes, I have marked several [photographs] ‘E. W.’ These are my preference. We worked under difficulties—poor light—hurry—your weariness—nevertheless I think we achieved something. I am glad to have met you, heard you.

Edward Weston (1886–1958) Gelatin silver print, 1932 National Portrait Gallery, Smithsonian Institution

Langston Hughes, voz prominente del Renacimiento de Harlem, se encontró tan inspirado por la vida y los escritos de Douglass que escribió un poema sobre él. Los versos “Frederick Douglass: 1817–1895” se estrenaron en diciembre de 1966 en The Liberator Magazine, revista sucesora del Liberator de William Lloyd Garrison, periódico que había inspirado a Douglass. Como lo reconoce Hughes en su poema, Douglass solía citar versos de “La peregrinación de Childe Harold”, de Lord Byron.

Después de retratar a Hughes en Carmel, California, Edward Weston le escribió una brevenota:

Estimado Langston Hughes, he marcado varias [fotografías] ‘E. W.’. Son mis preferidas. Trabajamos con dificultades (poca luz, apuro, su cansancio),pero creo que logramos algo. Me alegró conocerlo, oírlo.

Edward Weston (1886–1958) Impresión en gelatina de plata, 1932 National Portrait Gallery, Smithsonian Institution

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On This Day: Life and Contributions of Frederick Douglass

While the year of Frederick Douglass' birth has been narrowed down to two possible candidates, either 1817 or 1818, the actual month and day are still unknown, according to the National Constitution Center. "In his autobiographical writings, Douglass believed he was born in the month of February, and he thought the year was 1818." Ultimately choosing to celebrate his birthday on February 14th (Britannica), Douglass "became the first Black U.S. marshal and was the most photographed American man of the 19th century." Using the included C-SPAN clips, learn more about Douglass' "brilliant words and brave actions," which "continue to shape the ways that we think about race, democracy, and the meaning of freedom" (National Park Service).

Life and Legacy of Frederick Douglass

Museum curator for the National Capital Parks - East Ka’mal McClarin talked about the life and legacy of Frederick Douglass.

Frederick Douglass - Frederick Douglass National Historic Site (U.S. National Park Service)
Frederick Douglass | Biography, Accomplishments, & Facts (Britannica)
The story behind the Frederick Douglass birthday celebration (Constitution Center)

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On This Day in History Handout - Google Docs
Bell Ringer: The Civil Rights Act of 1875 and the Civil Rights Cases of 1883
Lesson Plan: Book That Shaped America - "Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass"

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World Biography

Frederick Douglass Biography

Born: February 1817 Maryland Died: February 20, 1895 Washington, D.C. African American abolitionist and publisher

The most important African American abolitionist (opponent of slavery) in pre–Civil War America, Frederick Douglass was the first nationally known African American leader in U.S. history.

Growing up without freedom

Frederick Douglass was born in February 1817 on the eastern shore of Maryland. His exact date of birth remains unknown. His mother, from whom he was separated at an early age, was a slave named Harriet Bailey. She named her son Frederick Augustus Washington Bailey. He never knew or saw his father. Frederick took the name Douglass much later. As a slave, Douglass was not allowed to have much of a childhood. He was separated from his parents, and he was forced to work hard and suffered cruel treatment while working on the property of Captain Aaron Anthony. In 1825 Anthony, who often hired his slaves out to others, decided to send Douglass to Baltimore, Maryland, to live with a man named Hugh Auld and his family.

Douglass's life improved somewhat while working for the Aulds. Mrs. Auld was a northerner, and northern slaveholders generally did not treat their slaves as badly as people in the South did. She even taught young Douglass the basics of reading and writing until her husband stopped her. Even though things were a little better than they had been, Douglass was still unhappy with his situation and began to think of ways to change it.

Escape from slavery

After the death of Captain Anthony, Douglass became the property of Anthony's son-in-law. He was then hired out to a professional slave breaker, a man who would beat and mistreat slaves until they gave up and did whatever they were told. After weeks of being whipped, Douglass finally fought back; after that the whippings stopped. The Aulds then brought him back to Baltimore and put him to work in the shipyards. There in 1838 he borrowed the identification papers of an African American sailor. By passing himself off as the sailor, he was able to escape to New York. He adopted the name Douglass and married a free African American woman from the South. They settled in New Bedford, Massachusetts, where several of their children were born.

Frederick Douglass. Courtesy of the National Archives and Records Administration.

Fearing capture, Douglass fled to Britain, staying from 1845 to 1847 to speak on behalf of abolition and to earn enough money to purchase his freedom once he returned to America. Upon his return Douglass settled in Rochester, New York, and started a newspaper, North Star, which called for an end to slavery. The paper would continue to be published under various names until 1863. In 1858, as a result of his fame and position as the voice of African Americans, Douglass was sought out by abolitionist John Brown (1800–1859). Brown asked Douglass to help him in an attack on an arsenal in Harpers Ferry, Virginia, which he thought would help the antislavery cause. Douglass, however, could see no benefit from Brown's plan and refused to lend his support.

Civil War and Reconstruction

With the beginning of the Civil War (1861–1865), a war between Northern and Southern states in which the main issues were slavery and the Southern states' decision to leave the Union and form an independent nation, Douglass insisted that African Americans should be allowed to fight. After all, they would be fighting for their own freedom. In 1863, as a result of Douglass's continued urging, President Abraham Lincoln (1809–1865) asked him to recruit African American soldiers for the Union (Northern) army. As the war proceeded, Douglass had several meetings with Lincoln to discuss the use and treatment of African American soldiers by the Union forces. As a result, the role of African American soldiers was upgraded each time, making them a more effective force in the fight.

The end of the Civil War and the freeing of the slaves did not mean that Douglass was able to rest. The Reconstruction period, as the years after the Civil War came to be known, presented a new set of challenges for the country. While slavery had ended, the racism (unequal treatment based on race) that went along with slavery was still in place. Some Southerners even went to court to try to overturn the slaves' emancipation (freedom). In 1870 Douglass and his sons began publishing the New National Era newspaper in Washington, D.C. He used the newspaper to make statements on these issues.

Later years

In 1877 Douglass was appointed by President Rutherford B. Hayes (1822–1893) to the post of U.S. marshal for the District of Columbia. From this time until approximately two years before his death Douglass held a succession of offices, including that of recorder of deeds for the District of Columbia and minister to the Republic of Haiti. He resigned his assignment in Haiti when he discovered that American businessmen were taking advantage of his position in their dealings with the Haitian government.

Frederick Douglass died in Washington, D.C., on February 20, 1895. He had played a major role in changing history. After reaching his goal of escaping slavery, he could have lived out his days as a free man. Instead he risked it all by speaking out in favor of freedom and improved treatment for all African Americans.

For More Information

Blight, David W. Frederick Douglass' Civil War: Keeping Faith in Jubilee. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1989.

Douglass, Frederick. Escape From Slavery. Edited by Michael McCurdy. New York: Knopf, 1994.

Douglass, Frederick. The Life and Times of Frederick Douglass. Hartford, CT, Park Publishing, 1881. Reprint, Grand Rapids, MI: Candace Press, 1996.

Douglass, Frederick. My Bondage and My Freedom. New York: Miller, Orton and Mulligan, 1855. Reprint, Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1987.

Douglass, Frederick. Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass. Boston: Anti-slavery Office, 1845. Reprint, New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers, 1997.

McFeeley, William S. Frederick Douglass. New York: Norton, 1991.

Russell, Sharman. Frederick Douglass. New York: Chelsea House, 1992.

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CPS board to continue discussion on school consolidation after public outcry

Dr. Charles Dillard, 89, a retired physician in the community and alumni of Frederick Douglass Elementary in Walnut Hills, speaks during a press conference Monday. The Cincinnati Public School Board is discussing the possibility of closing the elementary school and merging it with Evanston.

Cincinnati Public Schools board will continue discussion on a budget that could include consolidation of some schools at its Feb. 14 meeting, after protests from community members Monday evening.

Dozens of parents, staff members and other community members spoke during Monday's school board meeting for more than two hours. Most speakers expressed disappointment in school consolidation and reconfiguration, particularly regarding schools in Walnut Hills, Avondale and Madisonville.

The school board formed an ad hoc committee 18 months ago to look at district programming, equity and planning. Part of that task includes addressing a roughly $100 million budget "cliff."

In response to comments that communities were left out of the process, board members noted there were 17 community engagement sessions where 343 people responded to surveys about the ad hoc recommendations. The survey found more than 50% of respondents showed support for school consolidation and reconfiguration.

CPS Superintendent Iranetta Wright said she asked for recommendations by July and board members weren't sure what the recommendations would be until they received them in January.

"Prior to tonight, it was shared with me that there wouldn't be a lot of concern about the consolidation," Wright said. "What got people here tonight was the conversation around consolidation, so I am so open to think about what we might be able to do to get more than 343 (responses)."

Board president Eve Bolton suggested another discussion during the next meeting, set for Feb. 14.

The budget recommendations

The federal government has been providing school districts with funds in the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic. For this school year, Cincinnati Public Schools received about $98.6 million from the federal Elementary and Secondary School Emergency Relief Fund, also called the Esser Fund. The district is not expecting to receive any money from this fund next school year.

Some of the money was used for one-time expenses, some for new programs and ongoing costs.

District administrators reported about $63.5 million of the ongoing expenses can be made up for in other ways from other portions of the budget. However, they are recommending $22.9 million in cuts, according to district documents .

The committee is also trying to align savings with larger, broader goals it has proposed such as the creation of middle schools and creating a better flow for students as they progress from elementary school to high school.

Savings and other mergers

The committee has outlined a long slate of school changes, including mergers, for the board to consider. It has also presented dozens of ways to save money. Many may never happen because they depend on what paths the board chooses to focus on.

The administration reviewed "prioritized" requests focused on balancing the budget for the next school year, including recommendations from the ad hoc committee. The board is required to have a balanced budget every year.

Two of those requests are school consolidations:

The Evanson and Fredrick Douglass consolidation would save an estimated $1,058,978 in staff expenses and another $400,000 in transportation costs.
A consolidation between South Avondale Elementary and Rockdale Academy would save an estimated 1.3 million in staff costs and $100,000 in transportation costs. Committee documents describe a plan to split up the grades covered by each of these schools, but at the time of this report, it is unclear where students would go to school if there was a full consolidation.
A "school phase-out" of Riverview East Academy is also listed, but at the time of this report, it is unclear what this would be for students there.

Walnut Hills' Frederick Douglass Elementary recommended to consolidate with Evanston Academy

About 30 Walnut Hills community members gathered Monday morning to oppose a potential merger of Frederick Douglass Elementary School with a nearby school in Evanston .

The merger is a possible solution to budget issues in the Cincinnati Public Schools district.

Watch online: Attend Cincinnati's school board meetings virtually

"It's more than just a building, it's the history of our community," said Dr. Charles Dillard, an alumnus of earlier Frederick Douglass School who has practiced medicine in the neighborhood for 40 years.

There has been a school in Walnut Hills serving Black children since before the Civil War and Frederick Douglass Elementary is the historical successor to those earliest efforts of minorities seeking education.

"It's easier to build strong children than repair broken men," said Mona Jenkins, the Walnut Hills Council President, quoting Frederick Douglass.

Jenkins said the community was blindsided by this proposal. She said there has not been enough engagement with the community or explanation from the district.

The recommendation is to move students from Fredrick Douglass to Evanston Academy, about 1.3 miles away, and potentially turn the Frederick Douglass building into a school for 7th to 12th graders.

The school board is slated to discuss this proposal along with others at Monday night's meeting. The district said Monday before the meeting it had no comment on the proposal

"We're drowning our babies"

Jenkins said the district had known that the COVID relief money was going away and that it should have taken more time to plan.

She said this is an ongoing issue when it comes to education. Ohio ruled that the property tax-based school funding model was unconstitutional in the 1990s and yet it persists, she said, then came city tax abatements for developers.

She compared it all to a slow leak in a dam, but now for Frederick Douglass students, it's a flood.

"We're drowning our babies," Jenkins said.

Geoff Sutton, the chair of Frederick Douglass's local school decision-making committee, said students at the school in Walnut Hills school led the way after the pandemic getting a perfect score for progress and earning a 3.5 on the state report card.

Sutton said the school has been doing good work and he cannot understand how closing the school to its current students is an option for saving money.

Jenkins said the community of Walnut Hills is intentional and has worked hard to foster support around its children. On Monday, on the school steps, she said the community wants a delay in any votes on this issue until more information is available and more discussions happen.

She said the community wants to know the costs, the expected growth in Walnut Hills and how students will be transported to Evanston.

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Biography for Kids: Frederick Douglass
Frederick Douglass was born on a plantation in Talbot County, Maryland. His mother was an enslaved person and when Frederick was born, he became one of the enslaved, too. His birth name was Frederick Bailey. He did not know who his father was or the exact date of his birth. He later picked February 14 to celebrate as his birthday and estimated ...
Frederick Douglass
His brilliant speaking and writing made Frederick Douglass a leader of the movement to abolish slavery . A former slave himself, Douglass was also the first African American citizen to hold an important position in the U.S. government.
Frederick Douglass
Frederick Douglass was born an enslaved person in February 1818. When he was about eight, his owner sent him to work in Baltimore, Maryland. Although most people didn't want enslaved people to learn to read, the wife of the man Douglass worked for taught him anyway. When he was about 20, Douglass disguised himself as a sailor and escaped to ...
Frederick Douglass
Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass: An American Slave. National Park Service The excerpts below come from the autobiography of Frederick Douglass, one of the foremost human rights leaders of the 1800s. Born into slavery in 1818, he was separated from his mother as an infant. ... The year he died, he urged a Black student to "Agitate ...
Frederick Douglass
Frederick Douglass (born February 1818, Talbot county, Maryland, U.S.—died February 20, 1895, Washington, D.C.) was an African American abolitionist, orator, newspaper publisher, and author who is famous for his first autobiography, Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass, an American Slave, Written by Himself.
Frederick Douglass
Frederick Douglass: Later Life and Death In 1877, Douglass met with Thomas Auld , the man who once "owned" him, and the two reportedly reconciled. Douglass' wife Anna died in 1882, and he ...
Frederick Douglass
Frederick Douglass (born Frederick Augustus Washington Bailey, c. February 1817 or February 1818 - February 20, 1895) was an American social reformer, abolitionist, orator, writer, and statesman.He became the most important leader of the movement for African-American civil rights in the 19th century.. After escaping from slavery in Maryland in 1838, Douglass became a national leader of the ...
Frederick Douglass
Gender: Male. Best Known For: Frederick Douglass was a leader in the abolitionist movement, an early champion of women's rights and author of 'Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass ...
Frederick Douglass
Frederick Douglass. On July 5, 1852 approximately 3.5 million African Americans were enslaved — roughly 14% of the total population of the United States. That was the state of the nation when Frederick Douglass was asked to deliver a keynote address at an Independence Day celebration. He accepted and, on a day white Americans celebrated their ...
Frederick Douglass for kids (cartoon biography)
Lesson Plan created by Tobye Ertelt. Before there was a Civil Rights Movement, before there was a Civil War, there were people who stood against slavery. Frederick Douglass was one of the most prominent of those who spoke out against slavery. Watch this video biography of Frederick Douglass and learn about one of the Civil Rights.
TIME for Kids
Douglass's accounts of life under slavery attracted the attention of William Lloyd Garrison. He was the editor of the abolitionist newspaper The Liberator. Garrison encouraged Douglass to write about his experiences. The result was Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass, An American Slave. The book was published in 1845.
Frederick Douglass
Douglass began giving lectures at abolitionist conventions, quickly earning a reputation as an eloquent and compelling speaker. In 1845, Douglass, with the encouragement of Garrison and Wendell Phillips, another prominent abolitionist, published his celebrated Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass: An American Slave.
Frederick Douglass
Frederick Douglass is the Father of the Civil Rights Movement in the United States. PLACE OF BIRTH: Talbot County, MD. DATE OF BIRTH: February, 1818, He later selects Valentine's Day (February 14th) because that was the last time he saw his mother; she sat him on her lap and gave him a heart-shaped ginger cake.
TIME for Kids
Garrison encouraged Douglass to write about his experiences. The result was the Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass, An American Slave. The book was published in 1845. It became a best-seller. In 1847, Douglass's supporters raised money to buy his freedom. He moved to Rochester, New York, and started an antislavery newspaper.
Frederick Douglass
Frederick Douglass. Frederick Douglass (c. 1817-1895) is a central figure in U.S. and African American history. [ 1] He was born into slavery circa 1817; his mother was an enslaved black woman, while his father was reputed to be his white master. Douglass escaped from slavery in 1838 and rose to become a principal leader and spokesperson for ...
Frederick Douglass Facts, Worksheets & Biography Information for Kids
Early Life. In February 1818, Frederick Douglass, originally named Augustus Washington Bailey, was born as an enslaved person on Maryland's Eastern Shore. His family life was challenging. ... Frederick persuaded the kids in the area to tutor him since he was determined to get an education. He practiced writing by copying the scribbles of his ...
One Life: Frederick Douglass
One Life: Frederick Douglass. June 16, 2023 - April 21, 2024. Frederick Douglass (1818-1895), the preeminent African American voice of the nineteenth century, is remembered as one of the nation's greatest orators, writers, and picture makers. Born on the Eastern Shore of Maryland in 1818, Frederick Augustus Washington Bailey was the son of ...
Life and Contributions of Frederick Douglass
On This Day: Life and Contributions of Frederick Douglass. While the year of Frederick Douglass' birth has been narrowed down to two possible candidates, either 1817 or 1818, the actual month and ...
Book Pairings
Frederick Douglass 1868. Passage Summary: In this "Letter from Frederick Douglass to Harriet Tubman," Douglass praises Tubman for her work in the abolitionist movement as a biography about her life is being prepared. When and How to Pair: Introduce "Letter from Frederick Douglass to Harriet Tubman" after students have read Chapter XI, after ...
PDF The Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass, an American Slave
• What other causes did Frederick Douglass advocate for in addition to the end of slavery? Narrative of the Life Frederick Douglass, an American Slave 4. Tell students that they are each going to be reading an excerpt from Frederick Douglass' most popular autobiography, Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass, An American Slave.
Biography of Frederick Douglass for Kids: American Civil ...
Frederick Douglass was a famous speaker, writer, civil rights activist, and abolitionist. Born into slavery, he escaped to freedom and dedicated the rest of ...
Frederick's Journey: The Life of Frederick Douglass
Frederick's Journey: The Life of Frederick Douglass | Black History for Kids. Meet an American icon! Frederick Douglass rose from slavery to becoming a bests...
Frederick Douglass Timeline
Timeline Description: Frederick Douglass was an African-American orator, writer, statesman, and social reformer. After his escape from slavery, Douglass became the leader of the abolitionist movement and wrote several famous autobiographies. He was often called the most important black leader of slavery abolishment.
Frederick Douglass Biography
Some Harvard students who had heard him speak were so impressed that they persuaded him to write an autobiography (the story of his life). ... My Bondage and My Freedom, appeared. His third autobiography, Life and Times of Frederick Douglass, was published in 1881 and enlarged in 1892.) Publishing Frederick Douglass.
Cincinnati Public Schools to discuss budget, consolidation Feb 14
The recommendation is to move students from Fredrick Douglass to Evanston Academy, about 1.3 miles away, and potentially turn the Frederick Douglass building into a school for 7th to 12th graders.

Frederick Douglass

Frederick Douglass

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Frederick Douglass

In the years leading up to the Civil War, Frederick Douglass (February 1818—February 20, 1895) was the most powerful speaker and writer of the abolitionist movement.

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