positive effects of social media on youth essay

The Bronfenbrenner Center for Translational Research

The Pros and Cons of Social Media for Youth

A new review article looks at how social media affects well-being in youth...

Posted October 16, 2021 | Reviewed by Lybi Ma

Social media has both positive and negative effects on well-being in youth.
Social media impacts four distinct areas for youth: connections, identity, learning, and emotions.

More than 90 percent of teenagers in the U.S. have a smartphone. Access to this type of technology and social networking changes the playing field for young people who are simultaneously developing a sense of identity and new social relationships.

We have certainly heard about the downside of teens and smartphones: cyberbullying, anxiety , and a misrepresented sense of body image . Research demonstrates there are some benefits too, including the ability to keep in touch with friends and loved ones – especially when the COVID-19 pandemic limited in-person social interactions.

A new systematic review published in the journal Adolescent Research Review combines the evidence from qualitative studies that investigate adolescent social media use.

The authors found, in short, that the links between adolescent well-being and social media are complicated and depend on a broad range of factors.

“Adults have always been concerned about how the latest technology will harm children,” said Amanda Purington, director of evaluation and research for ACT for Youth in the BCTR and a doctoral candidate in Cornell’s Social Media Lab. “This goes back to radio programs, comic books, novels – you name it, adults were worried about it. The same is now true for social media. And yes, there are concerns – there are many potential risks and harms. But there are potential benefits, too.”

Reviewing 19 studies of young people ages 11 to 20, the authors identified four major themes related to social media and well-being that ultimately affected aspects of young people’s mental health and sense of self.

The first theme, connections, describes how social media either supports or hinders young people’s relationships with their peers, friends, and family. The studies in the review provided plenty of examples of ways that social media helped youth build connections with others. Participants reported that social media helped to create intimacy with friends and could improve popularity. Youth who said they were shy reported having an easier time making friends through social media. Studies also found social media was useful in keeping in touch with family and friends who live far away and allowing groups to communicate in masse. In seven papers, participants identified social media as a source of support and reassurance.

In 13 of the papers, youth reported that social media also harmed their connections with others. They provided examples of bullying and threats and an atmosphere of criticism and negativity during social media interactions. Youth cited the anonymity of social media as part of the problem, as well as miscommunication that can occur online.

Study participants also reported a feeling of disconnection associated with relationships on social media. Some youth felt rejected or left out when their social media posts did not receive the feedback they expected. Others reported feeling frustrated, lonely , or paranoid about being left out.

The second theme, identity, describes how adolescents are supported or frustrated on social media in trying to develop their identities.

Youth in many of the studies described how social media helped them to “come out of their shells” and express their true identities. They reported liking the ability to write and edit their thoughts and use images to express themselves. They reported that feedback they received on social media helped to bolster their self-confidence and they reported enjoying the ability to look back on memories to keep track of how their identity changed over time.

In eight studies, youth described ways that social media led to inauthentic representations of themselves. They felt suspicious that others would use photo editing to disguise their identities and complained about how easy it was to deliver communications slyly, rather than with the honesty required in face-to-face communication. They also felt self-conscious about posting selfies, and reported that the feedback they received would affect their feelings of self-worth .

The third theme, learning, describes how social media use supports or hinders education . In many studies, participants reported how social media helped to broaden their perspectives and expose them to new ideas and topics. Many youths specifically cited exposure to political and social movements, such as Black Lives Matter.

positive effects of social media on youth essay

On the flip side, youth in five studies reported that social media interfered with their education. They said that phone notifications and the pressure to constantly check in on social media distracted them from their studies. Participants reported that they found it difficult to spend quiet time alone without checking their phones. Others said the 24-7 nature of social media kept them up too late at night, making it difficult to get up for school the next day.

The fourth theme, emotions, describes the ways that social media impacts young people’s emotional experiences in both positive and negative ways. In 11 papers, participants reported that social media had a positive effect on their emotions. Some reported it improved their mood, helped them to feel excited, and often prompted laughter . (Think funny animal videos.) Others reported that social media helped to alleviate negative moods, including annoyance, anger , and boredom . They described logging onto social media as a form of stress management .

But in nearly all of the papers included in the review, participants said social media was a source of worry and pressure. Participants expressed concern about judgment from their peers. They often felt embarrassed about how they looked in images. Many participants expressed worry that they were addicted to social media. Others fretted about leaving a digital footprint that would affect them later in life. Many participants reported experiencing pressure to constantly respond and stay connected on social media. And a smaller number of participants reported feeling disturbed by encountering troubling content, such as self-harm and seeing former partners in new relationships.

“As this review article highlights, social media provides spaces for adolescents to work on some of the central developmental tasks of their age, such as forming deeper connections with peers and exploring identity,” Purington said. “I believe the key is to help youth maximize these benefits while minimizing risks, and we can do this by educating youth about how to use social media in ways that are positive, safe, and prosocial.”

The take-home message: The body of evidence on social media and well-being paints a complicated picture of how this new technology is affecting youth. While there are certainly benefits when young people use social media, there is also a broad range of pressures and negative consequences.

The Bronfenbrenner Center for Translational Research at Cornell University is focused on using research findings to improve health and well-being of people at all stages of life.

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The Pros and Cons of Social Media for Youth

We have certainly heard about the downside of teens and smartphones: cyberbullying, anxiety, and a misrepresented sense of body image. Research demonstrates there are some benefits too, including the ability to keep in touch with friends and loved ones – especially when the COVID-19 pandemic limited in-person social interactions.

A new systematic review published in the journal Adolescent Research Review combines the evidence from qualitative studies that investigate adolescent social media use.

The authors found, in short, that the links between adolescent well-being and social media are complicated and depend on a broad range of factors.

The second theme, identity, describes how adolescents are supported or frustrated on social media in trying to develop their identities.

The third theme, learning, describes how social media use supports or hinders education. In many studies, participants reported how social media helped to broaden their perspectives and expose them to new ideas and topics. Many youths specifically cited exposure to political and social movements, such as Black Lives Matter.

The fourth theme, emotions, describes the ways that social media impacts young people’s emotional experiences in both positive and negative ways. In 11 papers, participants reported that social media had a positive effect on their emotions. Some reported it improved their mood, helped them to feel excited, and often prompted laughter. (Think funny animal videos.) Others reported that social media helped to alleviate negative moods, including annoyance, anger, and boredom. They described logging onto social media as a form of stress management.

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Connection, Creativity and Drama: Teen Life on Social Media in 2022

Majorities of teens credit social media with strengthening their friendships and providing support while also noting the emotionally charged side of these platforms, table of contents.

Teens reflect on parents’ concerns and assessments of teen life on social media
Teens who have a more positive outlook about social media are more likely to say these platforms benefit them
Online activism is not common on social media among teens; only a minority of teens are highly concerned about digital privacy
In their own words, teens share their thoughts about social media and the challenges and benefits of using it
Teens are far more likely to post about their accomplishments and family than their religious or political beliefs
Some teens – especially older girls – forego posting things on social media because it could be used to embarrass them
Most teens are not politically active on social media, but their experiences and views related to online activism vary across parties
Teens more likely to view social media as having a negative effect on others than themselves
Teen girls more likely than teen boys to cite certain negative experiences on social media
Pluralities of teens say teen experiences on social media are better than parents think and believe their parents aren’t too worried about their use
Majority of teens feel little to no control over their data being collected by social media, but just a fifth are extremely or very concerned about it
Teens’ reactions to what they see on social media and how they feel about posting run the emotional gamut from anxiety to excitement
Teens have appreciation for social connectivity on these platforms but also concerns about drama, unrealistic expectations and bullies
Different social media serve different purposes for teens like general socializing, entertainment and direct personal communication
Teens acknowledge the tensions of ‘cancel culture’ on social media
Teens have a range of definitions for digital privacy
Activism is a draw for some teens on social media
Some teens say their use of social media changed during the pandemic
Teens detail how their lives would change if social media disappeared overnight
Acknowledgments
Appendix A: Survey methodology
Appendix B: Focus groups methodology
Appendix C: Supplementary table

Pew Research Center conducted this study to better understand the experiences American teens are having with social media. For this analysis, we surveyed 1,316 U.S. teens. The survey was conducted online by Ipsos from April 14 to May 4, 2022.

This research was reviewed and approved by an external institutional review board (IRB), Advarra, which is an independent committee of experts that specializes in helping to protect the rights of research participants.

Ipsos recruited the teens via their parents who were a part of its KnowledgePanel , a probability-based web panel recruited primarily through national, random sampling of residential addresses. The survey is weighted to be representative of U.S. teens ages 13 to 17 who live with parents by age, gender, race, ethnicity, household income and other categories.

This report also includes quotes from teen focus groups. Pew Research Center worked with PSB Insights to conduct four live, online focus groups with a total of 16 U.S. 13- to 17-year-olds. The focus groups were conducted Jan. 12-13, 2022.

Here are the questions used for this report , along with responses. Here is the survey methodology and the focus groups methodology .

Society has long fretted about technology’s impact on youth. But unlike radio and television, the hyperconnected nature of social media has led to new anxieties , including worries that these platforms may be negatively impacting teenagers’ mental health . Just this year, the White House announced plans to combat potential harms teens may face when using social media.

Majorities of teens say social media provides them with a space for connection, creativity and support …

Despite these concerns, teens themselves paint a more nuanced picture of adolescent life on social media. It is one in which majorities credit these platforms with deepening connections and providing a support network when they need it, while smaller – though notable – shares acknowledge the drama and pressures that can come along with using social media, according to a Pew Research Center survey of U.S. teens ages 13 to 17 conducted April 14 to May 4, 2022. 1

Eight-in-ten teens say that what they see on social media makes them feel more connected to what’s going on in their friends’ lives, while 71% say it makes them feel like they have a place where they can show their creative side. And 67% say these platforms make them feel as if they have people who can support them through tough times. A smaller share – though still a majority – say the same for feeling more accepted. These positive sentiments are expressed by teens across demographic groups.

When asked about the overall impact of social media on them personally, more teens say its effect has been mostly positive (32%) than say it has been mostly negative (9%). The largest share describes its impact in neutral terms: 59% believe social media has had neither a positive nor a negative effect on them. For teens who view social media’s effect on them as mostly positive, many describe maintaining friendships, building connections, or accessing information as main reasons they feel this way, with one teen saying:

“It connects me with the world, provides an outlet to learn things I otherwise wouldn’t have access to, and allows me to discover and explore interests.” – Teen girl

While these youth describe the benefits they get from social media, this positivity is not unanimous. Indeed, 38% of teens say they feel overwhelmed by all the drama they see on social media, while about three-in-ten say these platforms have made them feel like their friends are leaving them out of things (31%) or have felt pressure to post content that will get lots of likes or comments (29%). Another 23% say these platforms make them feel worse about their own life.

Teen girls more likely than teen boys to say social media has made them feel overwhelmed by drama, excluded by friends or worse about their life

Teen girls report encountering some of these pressures at higher rates. Some 45% of girls say they feel overwhelmed because of all the drama on social media, compared with 32% of boys. Girls are also more likely than boys to say social media has made them feel like their friends are leaving them out of things (37% vs. 24%) or worse about their own lives (28% vs. 18%).

When asked how often they decide not to post on social media out of fear of it being using against them, older teen girls stand out. For example, half of 15- to 17-year-old girls say they often or sometimes decide not to post something on social media because they worry others might use it to embarrass them, compared with smaller shares of younger girls or boys.

These are some of the key findings from a Pew Research Center online survey of 1,316 U.S. teens conducted from April 14 to May 4, 2022.

Teens are more likely to view social media as having a negative effect on others than themselves

The strong presence of social media in many teenagers’ lives begs the question: What impact, if any, are these sites having on today’s youth?

More teens say social media has had a negative effect on people their age than on them, personally

Even as teens tend to view the impact of social media on their own lives in more positive than negative terms, they are more critical of its influence on their peers. While 9% of teens think social media has had a mostly negative effect on them personally, that share rises to 32% when the same question is framed about people their age .

There are also gaps when looking at the positive side of these platforms. Some 32% of teens say social media has had a positive effect on them personally, compared with a smaller share (24%) who say the same about these platforms’ impact on teens more broadly.

Still, regardless of whether teens are assessing social media’s impact on themselves or others, the most common way they describe its effect is as neither positive nor negative.

Only a minority of teens say their parents are extremely or very worried about their social media use

Parents are often on the front lines in navigating challenges their children may face when using social media. While previous Center surveys reflect parents’ anxieties about social media, only a minority of teens in this survey describe their parents as being highly concerned about their use of these sites.

Some 22% believe their parents are extremely or very worried about them using social media, while another 27% say their parents are somewhat worried. However, many teens – 41% – say their parents are worried only a little or not at all. And 9% say they aren’t sure about the level of concern their parents have over their social media use. These youth also weighed in on whether parents overall – not just their own – have an accurate picture of what it’s like to be a teenager on social media. Some 39% say teens’ experiences are better than parents think, while 27% say things on social media are worse for teens than parents think. Still, one-third believe parents’ assessments are about right.

Teens who see social media as a positive for all teens more likely to report positive personal experiences

Teens who see social media as having a mostly positive effect on people their age are more likely than teens who see mostly negative effects to say teens’ experiences on social media are better than parents think. They are also more likely to say they have had positive experiences while personally using these platforms.

Whether teens see social media’s effects as positive or negative relates to their perspective on whether parents’ views stack up to reality. About six-in-ten teens who say that social media has had a mostly positive effect on people their age say teens’ experiences on social media are better than parents think, while a plurality of teens who say social media has been mostly negative for people their age say teens’ experiences on social media are worse than parents think.

Teens who have a more positive view of social media’s effect on their peers report more positive personal experiences with these platforms. More than half (54%) of teens who see social media as having a mostly positive effect on people their age say that what they see on social media makes them feel a lot more connected to what’s going on in their friends’ lives. About four-in-ten say they feel a lot like they have a place where they can show their creative side. Some 35% of teens who see the effect as mostly positive say social media makes them feel a lot like they have people who can support them through tough times, and 28% say it makes them feel a lot more accepted. By comparison, much smaller shares – about or quarter or fewer – of teens who see social media as having a negative effect say what they see on social media makes them feel each of these positive experiences a lot.

While teens who have a positive outlook on the impact of social media are more likely to report personally benefiting from these sites, they tend to say they’ve experienced the more negative side in similar proportions as those who rate these sites’ effect on teens negatively. There is one exception: 12% of teens who believe social media has a mostly negative effect on teens say they feel overwhelmed by all of the drama on these platforms a lot, compared with 6% of those who see its impact as mostly positive.

Beyond broad measurement of social media, this survey also tackled two popular topics in the debates around social media: online activism and digital privacy .

Only small shares of teens are engaging in online activism on social media, but experiences and views vary by political affiliation

On topics from MAGA to Black Lives Matter , social media platforms have become an important way for people of all ages to share information, mobilize and discuss issues that are important to them.

Few teens engaged in online activism in past year; Democratic teens are more likely to have done so than Republicans

But this survey reveals that only a minority of teens say they have been civically active on social media in the past year via one of the three means asked about at the time of the survey. One-in-ten teens say they have encouraged others to take action on political or social issues that are important to them or have posted a picture to show their support for a political or social issue in the past 12 months. Some 7% say the same about using hashtags related to a political or social cause on social media during this period. Taken together, 15% of teens have engaged in at least one of these activities on social media in the past 12 months.

While majorities of both Democrats and Republicans have not used social media in this way, there are some notable partisan differences among those who engage in activism. For example, 14% of teens who identify as Democrats or who lean toward the Democratic Party say they have used social media to encourage others to take action on political or social issues that are important to them in the past 12 months, compared with 6% of teens who are Republicans or GOP leaners. And larger shares of Democrats than Republicans say they have posted pictures or used hashtags to show support for a political or social issue in the past year. In total, Democratic teens are twice as likely as Republican teens to have engaged in any of these activities during this time (20% vs. 10%).

Among teens, Democrats more likely than Republicans to see social media as extremely or very important for finding new viewpoints

Not only do small shares of teens participate in these types of activities on social media, relatively few say these platforms play a critical role in how they interact with political and social issues.

About one-in-ten or fewer teens say social media is extremely or very important to them personally when it comes to exposing them to new viewpoints, getting involved with issues that are important to them, finding other people who share their views, helping them figure out their own views on an issue or giving them a venue to express their political opinions.

Just as Democratic teens are more likely than Republican teens to engage in these forms of online activism, they also see social media as a more integral tool for civic engagement. For example, 18% of Democratic teens say social media is extremely or very important to them when it comes to exposing them to new points of view, compared with 8% of Republican teens. Democrats are also more likely than Republicans to say these platforms are at least very important to them for getting involved with issues that are important to them, finding others who share their views or helping them figure out their own way of thinking.

And when asked about what people should do more broadly, Democratic teens (22%) are more likely than Republican teens (12%) to say that regardless of whether they engage in online activism themselves, it is very or extremely important for people to speak out about political or social issues on social media.

Teens feel a lack of control over their personal data but aren’t too concerned about social media companies having this information

A majority of teens feel as if they have little to no control over their data being collected by social media companies … but only one-in-five are extremely or very concerned about the amount of information these sites have about them

Amid the continued privacy discussions in the media and among policymakers , teens have nuanced views on the topic. Just 14% of teens report feeling a lot of control over the personal information that social media companies collect about them. Meanwhile, 60% of teens feel like they have little to no control. A further 26% say they are not sure how much control they have over companies’ collection of this information.

Despite feeling a lack of control over their data being collected by social media companies, teens are largely unconcerned. A fifth of teens (20%) say they feel very or extremely concerned about the amount of their personal information social media companies might have. Still, a notable segment of teens – 44% – say they have little or no concern about how much these companies might know about them.

“TikTok is more of a place to watch videos … then Instagram [is] more to see what my friends are up to and then Snapchat [is] a way of more direct communication.” – Teen girl

To inform and supplement this survey, the Center conducted a series of teen focus groups to better understand how teens were using social media and thinking about topics related to it. These focus groups highlight how nuanced teens’ views on social media truly are.

Teens share how different platforms serve different purposes as they navigate online life and that using these platforms can lead to a variety of emotions and experiences, from anxiety to excitement and from improved social connections to bullying: 2

“I’ve liked, especially during the pandemic, being able to communicate with my friends more, since I couldn’t see them in person. And then also, having something to watch to entertain me, which was good, because we were just stuck at home.” – Teen girl

“Okay, for me, it is like bullies or like negative comments or stuff like that, you just see a lot of people hating under the comments, under your posts and stuff like that.” – Teen boy

“During the pandemic, I feel like less people were using social media in certain ways, because there wasn’t much to post, like going out. You’re just staying at home. But TikTok, everyone was on it, because it was their source of entertainment.” – Teen girl

As teens walk us through their perspectives, they also share how the pandemic changed (and didn’t change) their social media habits and what they think their lives would be like if social media disappeared overnight:

“I think it would be a little bit [messed up if social media disappeared]. I spend 99% of my time indoors in front of my computer, if I’m not playing games, I’m watching pirated videos. If I’m not watching videos, maybe I’m reading an article. I’m always online. And I hardly step out of my room. I have had issues with my dad. He said my room is too creepy. I should come outside and play with people but I’m not really good at making friends. So, it’s a bit hard on me.” – Teen boy

“[When] we were younger, [social media] didn’t have an effect on us and social media wasn’t as big as it is now. I feel like we were more free and more happy, and no stress or overthinking or insecure.” – Teen girl

For more quotes and themes from the focus groups, see Chapter 3 .

A 2018 Center survey also asked U.S teens some of the same questions about experiences and views related to social media (e.g., whether social media makes them feel more connected to what’s going on in their friend’s lives). Direct comparisons cannot be made across the two surveys due to mode, sampling and recruitment differences. Please read the Methodology section to learn more about how the current survey was conducted. ↩
Quotations in this report may have been lightly edited for grammar, spelling and clarity. ↩

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Open access
Published: 01 July 2020

The effect of social media on well-being differs from adolescent to adolescent

Ine Beyens ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0001-7023-867X 1 ,
J. Loes Pouwels ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0002-9586-392X 1 ,
Irene I. van Driel ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0002-7810-9677 1 ,
Loes Keijsers ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0001-8580-6000 2 &
Patti M. Valkenburg ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0003-0477-8429 1

Scientific Reports volume 10 , Article number: 10763 ( 2020 ) Cite this article

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Human behaviour

The question whether social media use benefits or undermines adolescents’ well-being is an important societal concern. Previous empirical studies have mostly established across-the-board effects among (sub)populations of adolescents. As a result, it is still an open question whether the effects are unique for each individual adolescent. We sampled adolescents’ experiences six times per day for one week to quantify differences in their susceptibility to the effects of social media on their momentary affective well-being. Rigorous analyses of 2,155 real-time assessments showed that the association between social media use and affective well-being differs strongly across adolescents: While 44% did not feel better or worse after passive social media use, 46% felt better, and 10% felt worse. Our results imply that person-specific effects can no longer be ignored in research, as well as in prevention and intervention programs.

Some socially poor but also some socially rich adolescents feel closer to their friends after using social media

Associations between youth’s daily social media use and well-being are mediated by upward comparisons

Variation in social media sensitivity across people and contexts

Introduction.

Ever since the introduction of social media, such as Facebook and Instagram, researchers have been studying whether the use of such media may affect adolescents’ well-being. These studies have typically reported mixed findings, yielding either small negative, small positive, or no effects of the time spent using social media on different indicators of well-being, such as life satisfaction and depressive symptoms (for recent reviews, see for example 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 ). Most of these studies have focused on between-person associations, examining whether adolescents who use social media more (or less) often than their peers experience lower (or higher) levels of well-being than these peers. While such between-person studies are valuable in their own right, several scholars 6 , 7 have recently called for studies that investigate within-person associations to understand whether an increase in an adolescent’s social media use is associated with an increase or decrease in that adolescent’s well-being. The current study aims to respond to this call by investigating associations between social media use and well-being within single adolescents across multiple points in time 8 , 9 , 10 .

Person-specific effects

To our knowledge, four recent studies have investigated within-person associations of social media use with different indicators of adolescent well-being (i.e., life satisfaction, depression), again with mixed results 6 , 11 , 12 , 13 . Orben and colleagues 6 found a small negative reciprocal within-person association between the time spent using social media and life satisfaction. Likewise, Boers and colleagues 12 found a small within-person association between social media use and increased depressive symptoms. Finally, Coyne and colleagues 11 and Jensen and colleagues 13 did not find any evidence for within-person associations between social media use and depression.

Earlier studies that investigated within-person associations of social media use with indicators of well-being have all only reported average effect sizes. However, it is possible, or even plausible, that these average within-person effects may have been small and nonsignificant because they result from sizeable heterogeneity in adolescents’ susceptibility to the effects of social media use on well-being (see 14 , 15 ). After all, an average within-person effect size can be considered an aggregate of numerous individual within-person effect sizes that range from highly positive to highly negative.

Some within-person studies have sought to understand adolescents’ differential susceptibility to the effects of social media by investigating differences between subgroups. For instance, they have investigated the moderating role of sex to compare the effects of social media on boys versus girls 6 , 11 . However, such a group-differential approach, in which potential differences in susceptibility are conceptualized by group-level moderators (e.g., gender, age) does not provide insights into more fine-grained differences at the level of the single individual 16 . After all, while girls and boys each represent a homogenous group in terms of sex, they may each differ on a wide array of other factors.

As such, although worthwhile, the average within-person effects of social media on well-being obtained in previous studies may have been small or non-significant because they are diluted across a highly heterogeneous population (or sub-population) of adolescents 14 , 15 . In line with the proposition of media effects theories that each adolescent may have a unique susceptibility to the effects of social media 17 , a viable explanation for the small and inconsistent findings in earlier studies may be that the effect of social media differs from adolescent to adolescent. The aim of the current study is to investigate this hypothesis and to obtain a better understanding of adolescents’ unique susceptibility to the effects of social media on their affective well-being.

Social media and affective well-being

Within-person studies have provided important insights into the associations of social media use with cognitive well-being (e.g., life satisfaction 6 ), which refers to adolescents’ cognitive judgment of how satisfied they are with their life 18 . However, the associations of social media use with adolescents’ affective well-being (i.e., adolescents’ affective evaluations of their moods and emotions 18 ) are still unknown. In addition, while earlier within-person studies have focused on associations with trait-like conceptualizations of well-being 11 , 12 , 13 , that is, adolescents’ average well-being across specific time periods 18 , there is a lack of studies that focus on well-being as a momentary affective state. Therefore, we extend previous research by examining the association between adolescents’ social media use and their momentary affective well-being. Like earlier experience sampling (ESM) studies among adults 19 , 20 , we measured adolescents’ momentary affective well-being with a single item. Adolescents’ momentary affective well-being was defined as their current feelings of happiness, a commonly used question to measure well-being 21 , 22 , which has high convergent validity, as evidenced by the strong correlations with the presence of positive affect and absence of negative affect.

To assess adolescents’ momentary affective well-being (henceforth referred to as well-being), we conducted a week-long ESM study among 63 middle adolescents ages 14 and 15. Six times a day, adolescents were asked to complete a survey using their own mobile phone, covering 42 assessments per adolescent, assessing their affective well-being and social media use. In total, adolescents completed 2,155 assessments (83.2% average compliance).

We focused on middle adolescence, since this is the period in life characterized by most significant fluctuations in well-being 23 , 24 . Also, in comparison to early and late adolescents, middle adolescents are more sensitive to reactions from peers and have a strong tendency to compare themselves with others on social media and beyond. Because middle adolescents typically use different social media platforms, in a complementary way 25 , 26 , 27 , each adolescent reported on his/her use of the three social media platforms that s/he used most frequently out of the five most popular social media platforms among adolescents: WhatsApp, followed by Instagram, Snapchat, YouTube, and, finally, the chat function of games 28 . In addition to investigating the association between overall social media use and well-being (i.e., the summed use of adolescents’ three most frequently used platforms), we examined the unique associations of the two most popular platforms, WhatsApp and Instagram 28 .

Like previous studies on social media use and well-being, we distinguished between active social media use (i.e., “activities that facilitate direct exchanges with others” 29 ) and passive social media use (i.e., “consuming information without direct exchanges” 29 ). Within-person studies among young adults have shown that passive but not active social media use predicts decreases in well-being 29 . Therefore, we examined the unique associations of adolescents’ overall active and passive social media use with their well-being, as well as active and passive use of Instagram and WhatsApp, specifically. We investigated categorical associations, that is, whether adolescents would feel better or worse if they had actively or passively used social media. And we investigated dose–response associations to understand whether adolescents’ well-being would change as a function of the time they had spent actively or passively using social media.

The hypotheses and the design, sampling and analysis plan were preregistered prior to data collection and are available on the Open Science Framework, along with the code used in the analyses ( https://osf.io/nhks2 ). For details about the design of the study and analysis approach, see Methods.

In more than half of all assessments (68.17%), adolescents had used social media (i.e., one or more of their three favorite social media platforms), either in an active or passive way. Instagram (50.90%) and WhatsApp (53.52%) were used in half of all assessments. Passive use of social media (66.21% of all assessments) was more common than active use (50.86%), both on Instagram (48.48% vs. 20.79%) and WhatsApp (51.25% vs. 40.07%).

Strong positive between-person correlations were found between the duration of active and passive social media use (overall: r = 0.69, p < 0.001; Instagram: r = 0.38, p < 0.01; WhatsApp: r = 0.85, p < 0.001): Adolescents who had spent more time actively using social media than their peers, had also spent more time passively using social media than their peers. Likewise, strong positive within-person correlations were found between the duration of active and passive social media use (overall: r = 0.63, p < 0.001; Instagram: r = 0.37, p < 0.001; WhatsApp: r = 0.57, p < 0.001): The more time an adolescent had spent actively using social media at a certain moment, the more time s/he had also spent passively using social media at that moment.

Table 1 displays the average number of minutes that adolescents had spent using social media in the past hour at each assessment, and the zero-order between- and within-person correlations between the duration of social media use and well-being. At the between-person level, the duration of active and passive social media use was not associated with well-being: Adolescents who had spent more time actively or passively using social media than their peers did not report significantly higher or lower levels of well-being than their peers. At the within-person level, significant but weak positive correlations were found between the duration of active and passive overall social media use and well-being. This indicates that adolescents felt somewhat better at moments when they had spent more time actively or passively using social media (overall), compared to moments when they had spent less time actively or passively using social media. When looking at specific platforms, a positive correlation was only found for passive WhatsApp use, but not for active WhatsApp use, and not for active and passive Instagram use.

Average and person-specific effects

The within-person associations of social media use with well-being and differences in these associations were tested in a series of multilevel models. We ran separate models for overall social media use (i.e., active use and passive use of adolescents’ three favorite social media platforms, see Table 2 ), Instagram use (see Table 3 ), and WhatsApp use (see Table 4 ). In a first step we examined the average categorical associations for each of these three social media uses using fixed effects models (Models 1A, 3A, and 5A) to investigate whether, on average, adolescents would feel better or worse at moments when they had used social media compared to moments when they had not (i.e., categorical predictors: active use versus no active use, and passive use versus no passive use). In a second step, we examined heterogeneity in the within-person categorical associations by adding random slopes to the fixed effects models (Models 1B, 3B, and 5B). Next, we examined the average dose–response associations using fixed effects models (Models 2A, 4A, and 6A), to investigate whether, on average, adolescents would feel better or worse when they had spent more time using social media (i.e., continuous predictors: duration of active use and duration of passive use). Finally, we examined heterogeneity in the within-person dose–response associations by adding random slopes to the fixed effects models (Models 2B, 4B, and 6B).

Overall social media use.

The model with the categorical predictors (see Table 2 ; Model 1A) showed that, on average, there was no association between overall use and well-being: Adolescents’ well-being did not increase or decrease at moments when they had used social media, either in a passive or active way. However, evidence was found that the association of passive (but not active) social media use with well-being differed from adolescent to adolescent (Model 1B), with effect sizes ranging from − 0.24 to 0.68. For 44.26% of the adolescents the association was non-existent to small (− 0.10 < r < 0.10). However, for 45.90% of the adolescents there was a weak (0.10 < r < 0.20; 8.20%), moderate (0.20 < r < 0.30; 22.95%) or even strong positive ( r ≥ 0.30; 14.75%) association between overall passive social media use and well-being, and for almost one in ten (9.84%) adolescents there was a weak (− 0.20 < r < − 0.10; 6.56%) or moderate negative (− 0.30 < r < − 0.20; 3.28%) association.

The model with continuous predictors (Model 2A) showed that, on average, there was a significant dose–response association for active use. At moments when adolescents had used social media, the time they spent actively (but not passively) using social media was positively associated with well-being: Adolescents felt better at moments when they had spent more time sending messages, posting, or sharing something on social media. The associations of the time spent actively and passively using social media with well-being did not differ across adolescents (Model 2B).

Instagram use

As shown in Model 3A in Table 3 , on average, there was a significant categorical association between passive (but not active) Instagram use and well-being: Adolescents experienced an increase in well-being at moments when they had passively used Instagram (i.e., viewing posts/stories of others). Adolescents did not experience an increase or decrease in well-being when they had actively used Instagram. The associations of passive and active Instagram use with well-being did not differ across adolescents (Model 3B).

On average, no significant dose–response association was found for Instagram use (Model 4A): At moments when adolescents had used Instagram, the time adolescents spent using Instagram (either actively or passively) was not associated with their well-being. However, evidence was found that the association of the time spent passively using Instagram differed from adolescent to adolescent (Model 4B), with effect sizes ranging from − 0.48 to 0.27. For most adolescents (73.91%) the association was non-existent to small (− 0.10 < r < 0.10), but for almost one in five adolescents (17.39%) there was a weak (0.10 < r < 0.20; 10.87%) or moderate (0.20 < r < 0.30; 6.52%) positive association, and for almost one in ten adolescents (8.70%) there was a weak (− 0.20 < r < − 0.10; 2.17%), moderate (− 0.30 < r < − 0.20; 4.35%), or strong ( r ≤ − 0.30; 2.17%) negative association. Figure 1 illustrates these differences in the dose–response associations.

The dose–response association between passive Instagram use (in minutes per hour) and affective well-being for each individual adolescent (n = 46). Red lines represent significant negative within-person associations, green lines represent significant positive within-person associations, and gray lines represent non-significant within-person associations. A graph was created for each participant who had completed at least 10 assessments. A total of 13 participants were excluded because they had completed less than 10 assessments of passive Instagram use. In addition, one participant was excluded because no graph could be computed, since this participant's passive Instagram use was constant across assessments.

WhatsApp use

As shown in Model 5A in Table 4 , just as for Instagram, we found that, on average, there was a significant categorical association between passive (but not active) WhatsApp use and well-being: Adolescents reported that they felt better at moments when they had passively used WhatsApp (i.e., read WhatsApp messages). For active WhatsApp use, no significant association was found. Also, in line with the results for Instagram use, no differences were found regarding the associations of active and passive WhatsApp use (Model 5B).

In addition, a significant dose–response association was found for passive (but not active) use (Model 6A). At moments when adolescents had used WhatsApp, we found that, on average, the time adolescents spent passively using WhatsApp was positively associated with well-being: Adolescents felt better at moments when they had spent more time reading WhatsApp messages. The time spent actively using WhatsApp was not associated with well-being. No differences were found in the dose–response associations of active and passive WhatsApp use (Model 6B).

This preregistered study investigated adolescents’ unique susceptibility to the effects of social media. We found that the associations of passive (but not active) social media use with well-being differed substantially from adolescent to adolescent, with effect sizes ranging from moderately negative (− 0.24) to strongly positive (0.68). While 44.26% of adolescents did not feel better or worse if they had passively used social media, 45.90% felt better, and a small group felt worse (9.84%). In addition, for Instagram the majority of adolescents (73.91%) did not feel better or worse when they had spent more time viewing post or stories of others, whereas some felt better (17.39%), and others (8.70%) felt worse.

These findings have important implications for social media effects research, and media effects research more generally. For decades, researchers have argued that people differ in their susceptibility to the effects of media 17 , leading to numerous investigations of such differential susceptibility. These investigations have typically focused on moderators, based on variables such as sex, age, or personality. Yet, over the years, studies have shown that such moderators appear to have little power to explain how individuals differ in their susceptibility to media effects, probably because a group-differential approach does not account for the possibility that media users may differ across a range of factors, that are not captured by only one (or a few) investigated moderator variables.

By providing insights into each individual’s unique susceptibility, the findings of this study provide an explanation as to why, up until now, most media effects research has only found small effects. We found that the majority of adolescents do not experience any short-term changes in well-being related to their social media use. And if they do experience any changes, these are more often positive than negative. Because only small subsets of adolescents experience small to moderate changes in well-being, the true effects of social media reported in previous studies have probably been diluted across heterogeneous samples of individuals that differ in their susceptibility to media effects (also see 30 ). Several scholars have noted that overall effect sizes may mask more subtle individual differences 14 , 15 , which may explain why previous studies have typically reported small or no effects of social media on well-being or indicators of well-being 6 , 11 , 12 , 13 . The current study seems to confirm this assumption, by showing that while the overall effect sizes are small at best, the person-specific effect sizes vary considerably, from tiny and small to moderate and strong.

As called upon by other scholars 5 , 31 , we disentangled the associations of active and passive use of social media. Research among young adults found that passive (but not active) social media use is associated with lower levels of affective well-being 29 . In line with these findings, the current study shows that active and passive use yielded different associations with adolescents’ affective well-being. Interestingly though, in contrast to previous findings among adults, our study showed that, on average, passive use of Instagram and WhatsApp seemed to enhance rather than decrease adolescents’ well-being. This discrepancy in findings may be attributed to the fact that different mechanisms might be involved. Verduyn and colleagues 29 found that passive use of Facebook undermines adults’ well-being by enhancing envy, which may also explain the decreases in well-being found in our study among a small group of adolescents. Yet, adolescents who felt better by passively using Instagram and WhatsApp, might have felt so because they experienced enjoyment. After all, adolescents often seek positive content on social media, such as humorous posts or memes 32 . Also, research has shown that adolescents mainly receive positive feedback on social media 33 . Hence, their passive Instagram and WhatsApp use may involve the reading of positive feedback, which may explain the increases in well-being.

Overall, the time spent passively using WhatsApp improved adolescents’ well-being. This did not differ from adolescent to adolescent. However, the associations of the time spent passively using Instagram with well-being did differ from adolescent to adolescent. This discrepancy suggests that not all social media uses yield person-specific effects on well-being. A possible explanation may be that adolescents’ responses to WhatsApp are more homogenous than those to Instagram. WhatsApp is a more private platform, which is mostly used for one-to-one communication with friends and acquaintances 26 . Instagram, in contrast, is a more public platform, which allows its users to follow a diverse set of people, ranging from best friends to singers, actors, and influencers 28 , and to engage in intimate communication as well as self-presentation and social comparison. Such diverse uses could lead to more varied, or even opposing responses, such as envy versus inspiration.

Limitations and directions for future research

The current study extends our understanding of differential susceptibility to media effects, by revealing that the effect of social media use on well-being differs from adolescent to adolescent. The findings confirm our assumption that among the great majority of adolescents, social media use is unrelated to well-being, but that among a small subset, social media use is either related to decreases or increases in well-being. It must be noted, however, that participants in this study felt relatively happy, overall. Studies with more vulnerable samples, consisting of clinical samples or youth with lower social-emotional well-being may elicit different patterns of effects 27 . Also, the current study focused on affective well-being, operationalized as happiness. It is plausible that social media use relates differently with other types of well-being, such as cognitive well-being. An important next step is to identify which adolescents are particularly susceptible to experience declines in well-being. It is conceivable, for instance, that the few adolescents who feel worse when they use social media are the ones who receive negative feedback on social media 33 .

In addition, future ESM studies into the effects of social media should attempt to include one or more follow-up measures to improve our knowledge of the longer-term influence of social media use on affective well-being. While a week-long ESM is very common and applied in most earlier ESM studies 34 , a week is only a snapshot of adolescent development. Research is needed that investigates whether the associations of social media use with adolescents’ momentary affective well-being may cumulate into long-lasting consequences. Such investigations could help clarify whether adolescents who feel bad in the short term would experience more negative consequences in the long term, and whether adolescents who feel better would be more resistant to developing long-term negative consequences. And while most adolescents do not seem to experience any short-term increases or decreases in well-being, more research is needed to investigate whether these adolescents may experience a longer-term impact of social media.

While the use of different platforms may be differently associated with well-being, different types of use may also yield different effects. Although the current study distinguished between active and passive use of social media, future research should further differentiate between different activities. For instance, because passive use entails many different activities, from reading private messages (e.g., WhatsApp messages, direct messages on Instagram) to browsing a public feed (e.g., scrolling through posts on Instagram), research is needed that explores the unique effects of passive public use and passive private use. Research that seeks to explore the nuances in adolescents’ susceptibility as well as the nuances in their social media use may truly improve our understanding of the effects of social media use.

Participants

Participants were recruited via a secondary school in the south of the Netherlands. Our preregistered sampling plan set a target sample size of 100 adolescents. We invited adolescents from six classrooms to participate in the study. The final sample consisted of 63 adolescents (i.e., 42% consent rate, which is comparable to other ESM studies among adolescents; see, for instance 35 , 36 ). Informed consent was obtained from all participants and their parents. On average, participants were 15 years old ( M = 15.12 years, SD = 0.51) and 54% were girls. All participants self-identified as Dutch, and 41.3% were enrolled in the prevocational secondary education track, 25.4% in the intermediate general secondary education track, and 33.3% in the academic preparatory education track.

The study was approved by the Ethics Review Board of the Faculty of Social and Behavioral Sciences at the University of Amsterdam and was performed in accordance with the guidelines formulated by the Ethics Review Board. The study consisted of two phases: A baseline survey and a personalized week-long experience sampling (ESM) study. In phase 1, researchers visited the school during school hours. Researchers informed the participants of the objective and procedure of the study and assured them that their responses would be treated confidentially. Participants were asked to sign the consent form. Next, participants completed a 15-min baseline survey. The baseline survey included questions about demographics and assessed which social media each adolescent used most frequently, allowing to personalize the social media questions presented during the ESM study in phase 2. After completing the baseline survey, participants were provided detailed instructions about phase 2.

In phase 2, which took place two and a half weeks after the baseline survey, a 7-day ESM study was conducted, following the guidelines for ESM studies provided by van Roekel and colleagues 34 . Aiming for at least 30 assessments per participant and based on an average compliance rate of 70 to 80% reported in earlier ESM studies among adolescents 34 , we asked each participant to complete a total of 42 ESM surveys (i.e., six 2-min surveys per day). Participants completed the surveys using their own mobile phone, on which the ESM software application Ethica Data was installed during the instruction session with the researchers (phase 1). Each 2-min survey consisted of 22 questions, which assessed adolescents’ well-being and social media use. Two open-ended questions were added to the final survey of the day, which asked about adolescents’ most pleasant and most unpleasant events of the day.

The ESM sampling scheme was semi-random, to allow for randomization and avoid structural patterns in well-being, while taking into account that adolescents were not allowed to use their phone during school time. The Ethica Data app was programmed to generate six beep notifications per day at random time points within a fixed time interval that was tailored to the school’s schedule: before school time (1 beep), during school breaks (2 beeps), and after school time (3 beeps). During the weekend, the beeps were generated during the morning (1 beep), afternoon (3 beeps), and evening (2 beeps). To maximize compliance, a 30-min time window was provided to complete each survey. This time window was extended to one hour for the first survey (morning) and two hours for the final survey (evening) to account for travel time to school and time spent on evening activities. The average compliance rate was 83.2%. A total of 2,155 ESM assessments were collected: Participants completed an average of 34.83 surveys ( SD = 4.91) on a total of 42 surveys, which is high compared to previous ESM studies among adolescents 34 .

The questions of the ESM study were personalized based on the responses to the baseline survey. During the ESM study, each participant reported on his/her use of three different social media platforms: WhatsApp and either Instagram, Snapchat, YouTube, and/or the chat function of games (i.e., the most popular social media platforms among adolescents 28 ). Questions about Instagram and WhatsApp use were only included if the participant had indicated in the baseline survey that s/he used these platforms at least once a week. If a participant had indicated that s/he used Instagram or WhatsApp (or both) less than once a week, s/he was asked to report on the use of Snapchat, YouTube, or the chat function of games, depending on what platform s/he used at least once a week. In addition to Instagram and WhatsApp, questions were asked about a third platform, that was selected based on how frequently the participant used Snapchat, YouTube, or the chat function of games (i.e., at least once a week). This resulted in five different combinations of three platforms: Instagram, WhatsApp, and Snapchat (47 participants); Instagram, WhatsApp, and YouTube (11 participants); Instagram, WhatsApp, and chatting via games (2 participants); WhatsApp, Snapchat, and YouTube (1 participant); and WhatsApp, YouTube, and chatting via games (2 participants).

Frequency of social media use

In the baseline survey, participants were asked to indicate how often they used and checked Instagram, WhatsApp, Snapchat, YouTube, and the chat function of games, using response options ranging from 1 ( never ) to 7 ( more than 12 times per day ). These platforms are the five most popular platforms among Dutch 14- and 15-year-olds 28 . Participants’ responses were used to select the three social media platforms that were assessed in the personalized ESM study.

Duration of social media use

In the ESM study, duration of active and passive social media use was measured by asking participants how much time in the past hour they had spent actively and passively using each of the three platforms that were included in the personalized ESM surveys. Response options ranged from 0 to 60 min , with 5-min intervals. To measure active Instagram use, participants indicated how much time in the past hour they had spent (a) “posting on your feed or sharing something in your story on Instagram” and (b) “sending direct messages/chatting on Instagram.” These two items were summed to create the variable duration of active Instagram use. Sum scores exceeding 60 min (only 0.52% of all assessments) were recoded to 60 min. To measure duration of passive Instagram use, participants indicated how much time in the past hour they had spent “viewing posts/stories of others on Instagram.” To measure the use of WhatsApp, Snapchat, YouTube and game-based chatting, we asked participants how much time they had spent “sending WhatsApp messages” (active use) and “reading WhatsApp messages” (passive use); “sending snaps/messages or sharing something in your story on Snapchat” (active use) and “viewing snaps/stories/messages from others on Snapchat” (passive use); “posting YouTube clips” (active use) and “watching YouTube clips” (passive use); “sending messages via the chat function of a game/games” (active use) and “reading messages via the chat function of a game/games” (passive use). Duration of active and passive overall social media use were created by summing the responses across the three social media platforms for active and passive use, respectively. Sum scores exceeding 60 min (2.13% of all assessments for active overall use; 2.90% for passive overall use) were recoded to 60 min. The duration variables were used to investigate whether the time spent actively or passively using social media was associated with well-being (dose–response associations).

Use/no use of social media

Based on the duration variables, we created six dummy variables, one for active and one for passive overall social media use, one for active and one for passive Instagram use, and one for active and one for passive WhatsApp use (0 = no active use and 1 = active use , and 0 = no passive use and 1 = passive use , respectively). These dummy variables were used to investigate whether the use of social media, irrespective of the duration of use, was associated with well-being (categorical associations).

Consistent with previous ESM studies 19 , 20 , we measured affective well-being using one item, asking “How happy do you feel right now?” at each assessment. Adolescents indicated their response to the question using a 7-point scale ranging from 1 ( not at all ) to 7 ( completely ), with 4 ( a little ) as the midpoint. Convergent validity of this item was established in a separate pilot ESM study among 30 adolescents conducted by the research team of the fourth author: The affective well-being item was strongly correlated with the presence of positive affect and absence of negative affect (assessed by a 10-item positive and negative affect schedule for children; PANAS-C) at both the between-person (positive affect: r = 0.88, p < 0.001; negative affect: r = − 0.62, p < 0.001) and within-person level (positive affect: r = 0.74, p < 0.001; negative affect: r = − 0.58, p < 0.001).

Statistical analyses

Before conducting the analyses, several validation checks were performed (see 34 ). First, we aimed to only include participants in the analyses who had completed more than 33% of all ESM assessments (i.e., at least 14 assessments). Next, we screened participants’ responses to the open questions for unserious responses (e.g., gross comments, jokes). And finally, we inspected time series plots for patterns in answering tendencies. Since all participants completed more than 33% of all ESM assessments, and no inappropriate responses or low-quality data patterns were detected, all participants were included in the analyses.

Following our preregistered analysis plan, we tested the proposed associations in a series of multilevel models. Before doing so, we tested the homoscedasticity and linearity assumptions for multilevel analyses 37 . Inspection of standardized residual plots indicated that the data met these assumptions (plots are available on OSF at https://osf.io/nhks2 ). We specified separate models for overall social media use, use of Instagram, and use of WhatsApp. To investigate to what extent adolescents’ well-being would vary depending on whether they had actively or passively used social media/Instagram/WhatsApp or not during the past hour (categorical associations), we tested models including the dummy variables as predictors (active use versus no active use, and passive use versus no passive use; models 1, 3, and 5). To investigate whether, at moments when adolescents had used social media/Instagram/WhatsApp during the past hour, their well-being would vary depending on the duration of social media/Instagram/WhatsApp use (dose–response associations), we tested models including the duration variables as predictors (duration of active use and duration of passive use; models 2, 4, and 6). In order to avoid negative skew in the duration variables, we only included assessments during which adolescents had used social media in the past hour (overall, Instagram, or WhatsApp, respectively), either actively or passively. All models included well-being as outcome variable. Since multilevel analyses allow to include all available data for each individual, no missing data were imputed and no data points were excluded.

We used a model building approach that involved three steps. In the first step, we estimated an intercept-only model to assess the relative amount of between- and within-person variance in affective well-being. We estimated a three-level model in which repeated momentary assessments (level 1) were nested within adolescents (level 2), who, in turn, were nested within classrooms (level 3). However, because the between-classroom variance in affective well-being was small (i.e., 0.4% of the variance was explained by differences between classes), we proceeded with estimating two-level (instead of three-level) models, with repeated momentary assessments (level 1) nested within adolescents (level 2).

In the second step, we assessed the within-person associations of well-being with (a) overall active and passive social media use (i.e., the total of the three platforms), (b) active and passive use of Instagram, and (c) active and passive use of WhatsApp, by adding fixed effects to the model (Models 1A-6A). To facilitate the interpretation of the associations and control for the effects of time, a covariate was added that controlled for the n th assessment of the study week (instead of the n th assessment of the day, as preregistered). This so-called detrending is helpful to interpret within-person associations as correlated fluctuations beyond other changes in social media use and well-being 38 . In order to obtain within-person estimates, we person-mean centered all predictors 38 . Significance of the fixed effects was determined using the Wald test.

In the third and final step, we assessed heterogeneity in the within-person associations by adding random slopes to the models (Models 1B-6B). Significance of the random slopes was determined by comparing the fit of the fixed effects model with the fit of the random effects model, by performing the Satorra-Bentler scaled chi-square test 39 and by comparing the Bayesian information criterion (BIC 40 ) and Akaike information criterion (AIC 41 ) of the models. When the random effects model had a significantly better fit than the fixed effects model (i.e., pointing at significant heterogeneity), variance components were inspected to investigate whether heterogeneity existed in the association of either active or passive use. Next, when evidence was found for significant heterogeneity, we computed person-specific effect sizes, based on the random effect models, to investigate what percentages of adolescents experienced better well-being, worse well-being, and no changes in well-being. In line with Keijsers and colleagues 42 we only included participants who had completed at least 10 assessments. In addition, for the dose–response associations, we constructed graphical representations of the person-specific slopes, based on the person-specific effect sizes, using the xyplot function from the lattice package in R 43 .

Three improvements were made to our original preregistered plan. First, rather than estimating the models with multilevel modelling in R 43 , we ran the preregistered models in Mplus 44 . Mplus provides standardized estimates for the fixed effects models, which offers insight into the effect sizes. This allowed us to compare the relative strength of the associations of passive versus active use with well-being. Second, instead of using the maximum likelihood estimator, we used the maximum likelihood estimator with robust standard errors (MLR), which are robust to non-normality. Sensitivity tests, uploaded on OSF ( https://osf.io/nhks2 ), indicated that the results were almost identical across the two software packages and estimation approaches. Third, to improve the interpretation of the results and make the scales of the duration measures of social media use and well-being more comparable, we transformed the social media duration scores (0 to 60 min) into scales running from 0 to 6, so that an increase of 1 unit reflects 10 min of social media use. The model estimates were unaffected by this transformation.

Reporting summary

Further information on the research design is available in the Nature Research Reporting Summary linked to this article.

Data availability

The dataset generated and analysed during the current study is available in Figshare 45 . The preregistration of the design, sampling and analysis plan, and the analysis scripts used to analyse the data for this paper are available online on the Open Science Framework website ( https://osf.io/nhks2 ).

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Acknowledgements

This study was funded by the NWO Spinoza Prize and the Gravitation grant (NWO Grant 024.001.003; Consortium on Individual Development) awarded to P.M.V. by the Dutch Research Council (NWO). Additional funding was received from the VIDI grant (NWO VIDI Grant 452.17.011) awarded to L.K. by the Dutch Research Council (NWO). The authors would like to thank Savannah Boele (Tilburg University) for providing her pilot ESM results.

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I.B., J.L.P., I.I.v.D., L.K., and P.M.V. designed the study; I.B., J.L.P., and I.I.v.D. collected the data; I.B., J.L.P., and L.K. analyzed the data; and I.B., J.L.P., I.I.v.D., L.K., and P.M.V. contributed to writing and reviewing the manuscript.

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Beyens, I., Pouwels, J.L., van Driel, I.I. et al. The effect of social media on well-being differs from adolescent to adolescent. Sci Rep 10 , 10763 (2020). https://doi.org/10.1038/s41598-020-67727-7

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Social media harms teens’ mental health, mounting evidence shows. what now.

Understanding what is going on in teens’ minds is necessary for targeted policy suggestions

A teen scrolls through social media alone on her phone.

Most teens use social media, often for hours on end. Some social scientists are confident that such use is harming their mental health. Now they want to pinpoint what explains the link.

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Increasing rigor

Concerns over the effects of social media use in children have been circulating for years, resulting in a massive body of scientific literature. But those mostly correlational studies could not show if teen social media use was harming mental health or if teens with mental health problems were using more social media.

Moreover, the findings from such studies were often inconclusive, or the effects on mental health so small as to be inconsequential. In one study that received considerable media attention, psychologists Amy Orben and Andrew Przybylski combined data from three surveys to see if they could find a link between technology use, including social media, and reduced well-being. The duo gauged the well-being of over 355,000 teenagers by focusing on questions around depression, suicidal thinking and self-esteem.

Digital technology use was associated with a slight decrease in adolescent well-being , Orben, now of the University of Cambridge, and Przybylski, of the University of Oxford, reported in 2019 in Nature Human Behaviour . But the duo downplayed that finding, noting that researchers have observed similar drops in adolescent well-being associated with drinking milk, going to the movies or eating potatoes.

Holes have begun to appear in that narrative thanks to newer, more rigorous studies.

In one longitudinal study, researchers — including Orben and Przybylski — used survey data on social media use and well-being from over 17,400 teens and young adults to look at how individuals’ responses to a question gauging life satisfaction changed between 2011 and 2018. And they dug into how the responses varied by gender, age and time spent on social media.

Social media use was associated with a drop in well-being among teens during certain developmental periods, chiefly puberty and young adulthood, the team reported in 2022 in Nature Communications . That translated to lower well-being scores around ages 11 to 13 for girls and ages 14 to 15 for boys. Both groups also reported a drop in well-being around age 19. Moreover, among the older teens, the team found evidence for the Goldilocks Hypothesis: the idea that both too much and too little time spent on social media can harm mental health.

“There’s hardly any effect if you look over everybody. But if you look at specific age groups, at particularly what [Orben] calls ‘windows of sensitivity’ … you see these clear effects,” says L.J. Shrum, a consumer psychologist at HEC Paris who was not involved with this research. His review of studies related to teen social media use and mental health is forthcoming in the Journal of the Association for Consumer Research.

Cause and effect

That longitudinal study hints at causation, researchers say. But one of the clearest ways to pin down cause and effect is through natural or quasi-experiments. For these in-the-wild experiments, researchers must identify situations where the rollout of a societal “treatment” is staggered across space and time. They can then compare outcomes among members of the group who received the treatment to those still in the queue — the control group.

That was the approach Makarin and his team used in their study of Facebook. The researchers homed in on the staggered rollout of Facebook across 775 college campuses from 2004 to 2006. They combined that rollout data with student responses to the National College Health Assessment, a widely used survey of college students’ mental and physical health.

The team then sought to understand if those survey questions captured diagnosable mental health problems. Specifically, they had roughly 500 undergraduate students respond to questions both in the National College Health Assessment and in validated screening tools for depression and anxiety. They found that mental health scores on the assessment predicted scores on the screenings. That suggested that a drop in well-being on the college survey was a good proxy for a corresponding increase in diagnosable mental health disorders.

Compared with campuses that had not yet gained access to Facebook, college campuses with Facebook experienced a 2 percentage point increase in the number of students who met the diagnostic criteria for anxiety or depression, the team found.

When it comes to showing a causal link between social media use in teens and worse mental health, “that study really is the crown jewel right now,” says Cunningham, who was not involved in that research.

A need for nuance

The social media landscape today is vastly different than the landscape of 20 years ago. Facebook is now optimized for maximum addiction, Shrum says, and other newer platforms, such as Snapchat, Instagram and TikTok, have since copied and built on those features. Paired with the ubiquity of social media in general, the negative effects on mental health may well be larger now.

Moreover, social media research tends to focus on young adults — an easier cohort to study than minors. That needs to change, Cunningham says. “Most of us are worried about our high school kids and younger.”

And so, researchers must pivot accordingly. Crucially, simple comparisons of social media users and nonusers no longer make sense. As Orben and Przybylski’s 2022 work suggested, a teen not on social media might well feel worse than one who briefly logs on.

Researchers must also dig into why, and under what circumstances, social media use can harm mental health, Cunningham says. Explanations for this link abound. For instance, social media is thought to crowd out other activities or increase people’s likelihood of comparing themselves unfavorably with others. But big data studies, with their reliance on existing surveys and statistical analyses, cannot address those deeper questions. “These kinds of papers, there’s nothing you can really ask … to find these plausible mechanisms,” Cunningham says.

One ongoing effort to understand social media use from this more nuanced vantage point is the SMART Schools project out of the University of Birmingham in England. Pedagogical expert Victoria Goodyear and her team are comparing mental and physical health outcomes among children who attend schools that have restricted cell phone use to those attending schools without such a policy. The researchers described the protocol of that study of 30 schools and over 1,000 students in the July BMJ Open.

Goodyear and colleagues are also combining that natural experiment with qualitative research. They met with 36 five-person focus groups each consisting of all students, all parents or all educators at six of those schools. The team hopes to learn how students use their phones during the day, how usage practices make students feel, and what the various parties think of restrictions on cell phone use during the school day.

Talking to teens and those in their orbit is the best way to get at the mechanisms by which social media influences well-being — for better or worse, Goodyear says. Moving beyond big data to this more personal approach, however, takes considerable time and effort. “Social media has increased in pace and momentum very, very quickly,” she says. “And research takes a long time to catch up with that process.”

Until that catch-up occurs, though, researchers cannot dole out much advice. “What guidance could we provide to young people, parents and schools to help maintain the positives of social media use?” Goodyear asks. “There’s not concrete evidence yet.”

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Published: 06 July 2023

Pros & cons: impacts of social media on mental health

Ágnes Zsila 1 , 2 &
Marc Eric S. Reyes ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0002-5280-1315 3

BMC Psychology volume 11 , Article number: 201 ( 2023 ) Cite this article

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The use of social media significantly impacts mental health. It can enhance connection, increase self-esteem, and improve a sense of belonging. But it can also lead to tremendous stress, pressure to compare oneself to others, and increased sadness and isolation. Mindful use is essential to social media consumption.

Social media has become integral to our daily routines: we interact with family members and friends, accept invitations to public events, and join online communities to meet people who share similar preferences using these platforms. Social media has opened a new avenue for social experiences since the early 2000s, extending the possibilities for communication. According to recent research [ 1 ], people spend 2.3 h daily on social media. YouTube, TikTok, Instagram, and Snapchat have become increasingly popular among youth in 2022, and one-third think they spend too much time on these platforms [ 2 ]. The considerable time people spend on social media worldwide has directed researchers’ attention toward the potential benefits and risks. Research shows excessive use is mainly associated with lower psychological well-being [ 3 ]. However, findings also suggest that the quality rather than the quantity of social media use can determine whether the experience will enhance or deteriorate the user’s mental health [ 4 ]. In this collection, we will explore the impact of social media use on mental health by providing comprehensive research perspectives on positive and negative effects.

Social media can provide opportunities to enhance the mental health of users by facilitating social connections and peer support [ 5 ]. Indeed, online communities can provide a space for discussions regarding health conditions, adverse life events, or everyday challenges, which may decrease the sense of stigmatization and increase belongingness and perceived emotional support. Mutual friendships, rewarding social interactions, and humor on social media also reduced stress during the COVID-19 pandemic [ 4 ].

On the other hand, several studies have pointed out the potentially detrimental effects of social media use on mental health. Concerns have been raised that social media may lead to body image dissatisfaction [ 6 ], increase the risk of addiction and cyberbullying involvement [ 5 ], contribute to phubbing behaviors [ 7 ], and negatively affects mood [ 8 ]. Excessive use has increased loneliness, fear of missing out, and decreased subjective well-being and life satisfaction [ 8 ]. Users at risk of social media addiction often report depressive symptoms and lower self-esteem [ 9 ].

Overall, findings regarding the impact of social media on mental health pointed out some essential resources for psychological well-being through rewarding online social interactions. However, there is a need to raise awareness about the possible risks associated with excessive use, which can negatively affect mental health and everyday functioning [ 9 ]. There is neither a negative nor positive consensus regarding the effects of social media on people. However, by teaching people social media literacy, we can maximize their chances of having balanced, safe, and meaningful experiences on these platforms [ 10 ].

We encourage researchers to submit their research articles and contribute to a more differentiated overview of the impact of social media on mental health. BMC Psychology welcomes submissions to its new collection, which promises to present the latest findings in the emerging field of social media research. We seek research papers using qualitative and quantitative methods, focusing on social media users’ positive and negative aspects. We believe this collection will provide a more comprehensive picture of social media’s positive and negative effects on users’ mental health.

Data Availability

Not applicable.

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Acknowledgements

Ágnes Zsila was supported by the ÚNKP-22-4 New National Excellence Program of the Ministry for Culture and Innovation from the source of the National Research, Development and Innovation Fund.

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AZ conceived and drafted the Editorial. MESR wrote the abstract and revised the Editorial. All authors read and approved the final manuscript.

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Is social media use bad for young people’s mental health? It’s complicated.

July 17, 2023 – On May 23, U.S. Surgeon General Vivek Murthy issued an advisory warning about the potential dangers of social media for the mental health of children and teens . Laura Marciano , postdoctoral research fellow at the Lee Kum Sheung Center for Health and Happiness and in the Department of Social and Behavioral Sciences at Harvard T.H. Chan School of Public Health, says that social media use might be detrimental for young people’s well-being but can also have positive effects.

Q: What are your thoughts on the Surgeon General’s advisory?

A: The advisory highlighted compelling evidence published during the last decade on the potential harmful impact of social media on children and adolescents. Some of what young people experience online—including cyberbullying, online harassment and abuse, predatory behaviors, and exposure to violent, sexual, and hate-based content—can undoubtedly be negative. But social media experiences are not limited to these types of content.

Much of the scientific literature on the effects of social media use has focused on negative outcomes. But the link between social media use and young people’s mental health is complicated. Literature reviews show that study results are mixed: Associations between social media use and well-being can be positive, negative, and even largely null when advanced data analyses are carried out, and the size of the effects is small. And positive and negative effects can co-exist in the same individual. We are still discovering how to compare the effect size of social media use with the effects of other behavioral habits—such as physical activity, sleep, food consumption, life events, and time spent in offline social connections—and psychological processes happening offline. We are also still studying how social media use may be linked positively with well-being.

It’s important to note that many of the existing studies relied on data from people living in so-called WEIRD countries (Western, Educated, Industrialized, Rich and Democratic), thus leaving out the majority of the worldwide population living in the Global South. In addition, we know that populations like minorities, people experiencing health disparities and chronic health conditions , and international students can find social media extremely helpful for creating and maintaining social communities to which they feel they belong.

A number of large cohort studies have measured social media use according to time spent on various platforms. But it’s important to consider not just time spent, but whether that time is displacing time for other activities promoting well-being, like physical activity and sleep. Finally, the effects of social media use are idiosyncratic, meaning that each child and adolescent might be affected differently, which makes it difficult to generalize about the effects.

Literature reviews on interventions limiting social media use present a more balanced picture. For example, one comprehensive review on the effects of digital detox—refraining from using devices such as smartphones—wasn’t able to draw any clear conclusions about whether such detox could be effective at promoting a healthy way of life in the digital era, because the findings were mixed and contradictory.

Q: What has your research found regarding the potential risks and benefits of social media use among young people?

A: In my work with Prof. Vish Viswanath , we have summarized all the papers on how social media use is related to positive well-being measures, to balance the ongoing bias of the literature on negative outcomes such as depression and anxiety. We found both positive and negative correlations between different social media activities and well-being. The most consistent results show a link between social media activities and hedonic well-being (positive emotions) and social well-being. We also found that social comparison—such as comparing how many likes you have with how many someone else has, or comparing yourself to digitally enhanced images online—drives the negative correlation with well-being.

Meanwhile, I am working on the “ HappyB ” project, a longitudinal project based in Switzerland, through which I have collected data from more than 1,500 adolescents on their smartphone and social media use and well-being. In a recent study using that cohort, we looked at how social media use affects flourishing , a construct that encompasses happiness, meaning and purpose, physical and mental health, character, close social relationships, and financial stability. We found that certain positive social media experiences are associated with flourishing. In particular, having someone to talk to online when feeling lonely was the item most related to well-being. That is not surprising, considering that happiness is related to the quality of social connections.

Our data suggest that homing in on the psychological processes triggered during social media use is key to determining links with well-being. For example, we should consider if a young person feels appreciated and part of a group in a particular online conversation. Such information can help us shed light on the dynamics that shape young people’s well-being through digital activities.

In our research, we work to account for the fact that social media time is a sedentary behavior. We need to consider that any behavior that risks diminishing the time spent on physical activity and sleep—crucial components of brain development and well-being—might be detrimental. Interestingly, some studies suggest that spending a short amount of time using social media, around 1-2 hours, is beneficial, but—as with any extreme behavior—it can cause harm if the time spent online dominates a child’s or adolescent’s day.

It’s also important to consider how long the effects of social media last. Social media use may have small ephemeral effects that can accumulate over time. A step for future research is to disentangle short- versus long-term effects and how long each last. In addition, we should better understand how digital media usage affects the adolescent brain. Colleagues and I have summarized existing neuroscientific studies on the topic, but more multidisciplinary research is needed.

Q: What are some steps you’d recommend to make social media use safer for kids?

A: I’ll use a metaphor to answer this question. Is a car safe for someone that is not able to drive? To drive safely, we need to learn how to accelerate, recognize road signs, make safe decisions according to certain rules, and wear safety belts. Similarly, to use social media safely, I think we as a society—including schools, educators, and health providers—should provide children and families with clear, science-based information on both its positive and negative potential impacts.

We can also ask social media companies to pay more attention to how some features—such as the number of “likes”—can modulate adolescent brain activity, and to think about ways to limit negative effects. We might even ask adolescents to advise designers on how to create social media platforms specifically for them. It would be extremely valuable to ask them which features would be best for them and which ones they would like to avoid. I think that co-designing apps and conducting research with the young people who use the platforms is a crucial step.

For parents, my suggestion is to communicate with your children and promote a climate of safety and empathy when it comes to social media use. Try to use these platforms along with them, for example by explaining how a platform works and commenting on the content. Also, I would encourage schools and parents to collaborate on sharing information with young people about social media and well-being.

Also, to offset children’s sedentary time spent on social media, parents could offer them alternative extracurricular activities to provide some balance. But it’s important to remember that social well-being depends on the quality of social connections, and that social media can help to promote this kind of well-being. So I’d recommend trying to keep what is good—according to my research that would include instant messaging, the chance to talk to people when someone is feeling lonely, and funny or inspirational content—and minimizing what’s negative, such as too much sedentary time or too much time spent on social comparison.

– Karen Feldscher

Positive & Negative Effects of Social Media on Teens Essay

Introduction, positive effects of social media, negative effects of social media.

In the twenty-first century, many teenagers spend their free time on social networks, which are an integral part of human life today. Scientists are still arguing about the harm and benefits of social media on teenagers. The environment of modern man, in which socialization takes place, has changed significantly. Nowadays, the younger generation spends more time on social networks. For teenagers, the social network has become a tool for self-expression. Communication is no longer limited to a certain circle of people with whom the teenager contacts physically. Therefore, the topic raises a serious problem: the socialization of a teenager under the influence of the Internet environment. This paper reveals the positive and negative aspects of the influence of social networks on the younger generation.

Self-Development

Social networks have everything a teenager needs for self-development. Many groups are directly related to studying. In order not to miss new publications, it is enough to enable notifications. The variety of groups in social networks is so great that every teenager will be able to find something for themselves, ranging from culinary recipes to international politics.

There is also a large database of videos and music files on social networks, among which one can find rare or necessary book copies. On the web, teenagers can get information that is significant for education. For example, Facebook is the largest repository of audio, video, and photo materials on many academic subjects that can be listened to, viewed, and downloaded (Nisar et al., 2019). In addition, a social network is a quick transfer or dissemination of information about the school, class, events, and student news.

The network provides an excellent opportunity to promote oneself as a person. Teenagers can try to start their own business or engage in blogging. They can also write books or stories on social networks, try to earn money, or realize their strengths in SMM (Pouwels et al., 2021). Social networks attract with their ability to express themselves, to acquaint everyone with their talents, hobbies, and achievements. Some post the results of their creativity – poems, songs, music, and videos.

Finding Friends

Communication has been simplified to the maximum level; nowadays, the huge distance between people is no longer a hindrance to their communication. It is enough to have a computer or laptop connected to the Internet, and special software that makes it possible to communicate, hear and see each other. Therefore, due to social networks, teenagers can stay in touch with friends who live at a great distance. There is a video call function that only requires the Internet. Teenagers can chat with friends without spending money on the balance.

In social networks, one can easily find people: when registering on a social network, the user provides their first and last name, as well as other data – age, educational institutions, contact phone numbers. This allows teenagers to find any person in a matter of seconds, provided that they have provided reliable information about themselves. However, social networks help not only to be aware of the lives of friends, acquaintances, and classmates. Teenagers can also look for like-minded people online (Nisar et al., 2019). There are many important groups where people can share their accumulated experience or their views on life. The network makes it possible to find friends, familiar classmates, and insecure teenagers to feel in demand (Pouwels et al., 2021). It makes new acquaintances without fear that there may be nothing to talk about with this person in the future. By joining interest groups, a teenager is not afraid that they might be rejected.

The ability to find friends is also associated with psychological comfort. Teenagers can say much more online than in real life, and not feel uncomfortable at the same time: they have time to formulate thoughts more clearly and express them most accurately (Pouwels et al., 2021). The Internet has the opportunity to follow the life of idols, to know what they are doing and what new things have happened to them. Friends can also watch the user, so one does not need to tell everyone about an important event, it is enough to share it on social networks. Thus, teenagers have the opportunity to realize themselves in the eyes of friends and acquaintances.

Physical & Mental Health

The properties of social networks have a negative impact when a teenager uses them non-stop. The flow of news, the change of emotions, impressions, and the solution of multi-level tasks lead to fatigue and harm to health. The radiation of the monitor has a detrimental effect on the retina of the eyes (Byrne et al., 2018). Many teenagers do not understand that most of the visitors of social networks embellish their reality. Perceiving the virtual image as reality, an inferiority complex is created. This perception affects self-esteem and harms the psyche. As a result, the body gets stressed, and the teenager is at risk of depression.

A constant presence in social networks develops the habit of receiving information in portions of the brain. Several processes are going on at the same time: listening to music, viewing photos, writing comments, and reading news. As a result, there is a decrease in the concentration of attention, and the teenager’s body is harmed (Charoensukmongkol, 2018). The term hyperactivity, well-known in psychology, accurately defines the state of a teenager. They cannot concentrate on one task, useful material is not assimilated, and the effectiveness of education decreases.

Social networks have a significant impact on the psyche of a teenager. A person needs constant recognition as a person for harmonious development. Before the advent of social networks, people had to constantly work on themselves to prove their worth. With the appearance of social media, everything has become simpler: it is enough to post a photo or video and one can collect likes. Having received approval on social networks, the user experiences a kind of euphoria (Byrne et al., 2018). Gradually, the teenager develops an addiction: the first thing their morning starts with is viewing their account. If there is free time during the day, they also constantly visit their page, spending too much time online.

Communication

Teenagers want to use easy ways to have fun, interaction in social networks is reduced to affixing likes, and correspondence is saturated with emoticons and abbreviations. For example, a story about one’s mood shortens to sending a smiley face. This way of communication becomes a habit, becomes the norm, and is used in everyday life. It is difficult for active visitors of social networks to rebuild their relationships into generally accepted forms (Szabla & Blommaert, 2020). This becomes an obstacle to a full-fledged dialogue, since people who are far from computer slang hardly understand such a narrative.

The presentation of information on the Internet occurs in such a way that, having the intention to view the weather forecast, the user is forced to close pop-up windows with advertisements, news blocks, or links to various sites. Many teenagers cannot cope with this task: all this attracts their attention and distracts them from the search (Charoensukmongkol, 2018). A teenager receives a stream of unnecessary information. If they do not control this process and do not block the excess, the brain is overloaded, fatigue accumulates, irritation and the body is harmed.

By texting, people lose the skills of real communication; in social networks, words and feelings that are transmitted through personal contact lose their meaning. It becomes easy to hide experiences or fake emotions (Szabla & Blommaert, 2020). A teenager addicted to social networks misjudges people and does not feel responsible. They become capable of insulting an opponent and causing harm without experiencing any remorse or empathy.

With the development of Internet technologies, the world has changed a lot, and it also changed the way of thinking of young people. Undoubtedly, it is possible to highlight numerous advantages of social networks. These are freely available groups where teenagers can find like-minded people, keep up to date with the latest developments, find a new hobby, develop their skills in some endeavor or relax by browsing interesting communities. However, social networks not only have a positive impact on a teenager but can also cause harm. It is associated with the distortion of reality in social networks, information overload, and a change like live communication. It is impossible to eliminate the negative impact of the use of social networks, however, by maintaining a balance, they can be minimized.

Byrne, E., Vessey, J. A., & Pfeifer, L. (2018). Cyberbullying and social media: Information and interventions for school nurses working with victims, students, and families. The Journal of School Nursing, 34 (1), 28-39.

Charoensukmongkol, P. (2018). The impact of social media on social comparison and envy in teenagers: The moderating role of the parent comparing children and in-group competition among friends. Journal of Child and Family Studies, 27 (3), 69-79.

Nisar, T. M., Prabhakar, G., & Strakova, L. (2019). Social media information benefits, knowledge management and smart organizations. Journal of Business Research, 94 (7), 264-272.

Pouwels, J. L., Valkenburg, P. M., Beyens, I., Driel, I. I., & Keijsers, L. (2021). Some socially poor but also some socially rich adolescents feel closer to their friends after using social media. Scientific Reports, 11 (1), 9-13.

Szabla, M., & Blommaert, J. (2020). Does context really collapse in social media interaction? Applied Linguistics Review, 11 (2), 251-279.

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Understanding the Impact of Social Media on Youth Mental Health

It’s not an exaggeration to say that social media has impacted almost every aspect of modern life. It’s changed how companies do business and how humans connect. Despite its positive effects, the impact of social media on youth mental health is something for parents to be concerned about.

Warnings from the American Psychological Association and United States Surgeon General , Vivek Murthy, MD, MBA, provide evidence of the growing harm social media is causing to the mental health of young people.

Avoiding social media altogether may not be a feasible or helpful approach, but balancing the pros and cons can be a delicate process. It may be helpful for parents to understand what exactly it is about social media that can positively and negatively impact their children.

Positive Aspects of Social Media

Overuse of social media can lead to problems, but the potentially positive impact of social media on youth mental health can’t be overlooked. Social media allows youth to:

Access information
Become a source of support for other young people
Connect with peers
Build online communities
Explore personal expression and acceptance
Reduce feelings of isolation
Find motivation to take positive action

At its best, social media provides opportunities for teens and tweens to support important causes, develop or assist with fundraising for their schools and other good causes, and connect to others.

Youth who feel isolated can find authentic friendships on social media. Some social media users report feeling less lonely and having higher self-esteem.

Acknowledging Potential Negative Effects

Unfortunately, there is a negative counterpart for almost every positive aspect of social media. The Mayo Clinic reports some of the negative side effects of social media use on teens include:

Receiving information that is incorrect or biased
Being distracted from homework, family activities, and other healthy behaviors
Experiencing exposure to unrealistic body images and lifestyles
Experiencing exposure to online predators and cyberbullying
Becoming involved in spreading rumors
Sharing too much personal information about themselves or others

Young people don’t always realize that the images they see online are carefully curated. These perfect images can give youth unrealistic ideas about how most people live and can make them feel bad about their own lives.

A lack of attention on their own social media posts can also be harmful to a child’s self-esteem. “Likes,” comments, and shares are a form of social validation. Posting a photo that doesn’t generate attention can be compared to singing in a competition and not receiving any applause at the end.

The presence of digital aggression on social media is another valid concern. Researchers point to the lack of eye contact online as one reason for the growth of cyberbullying.

Cyberbullying includes direct comments on social media, text messages, and posting photos or comments about another person in all types of digital spaces. Regarding cyberbullying, a 2020 study found that the impact of social media on youth mental health can lead to:

Low self-esteem
Substance use
Suicidal ideation

Youth are especially vulnerable to cyberbullying. They have a higher risk of developing depression or anxiety due to cyberbullying than adults.

Impact on Sleep and Physical Well-Being

Most electronic devices, including televisions, emit short-wavelength blue light that tricks the body into believing it is daytime. The more time you spend looking at a screen, the less melatonin (sleep-inducing hormone) your body produces. This interferes with the body’s natural sleep-wake cycle.

According to the Sleep Foundation, two out of three teenagers get less than the recommended amount of sleep , and screen time may be at least partially responsible for their sleep deprivation.

Sleep deprivation affects teens in many ways besides being sleepy. It can interfere with their ability to focus in school, increase the risk of depression, and make it more difficult to regulate their emotions.

Social Media and Body Image Issues

Social media is filled with heavily airbrushed and altered images representing “ideal” body shapes and features. Many of the most famous social media influencers make their living by promoting unrealistic beauty standards.

Constantly viewing these so-called “perfect” images can lead to poor self-esteem and body shaming. When young people feel ashamed of their bodies, it increases their risk of depression, lowers confidence, and can lead to suicidal behaviors.

Anxiety and Depression

FOMO — the fear of missing out — is a real phenomenon that can seriously impact a young person’s self-worth and self-esteem. FOMO is the feeling that others are having fun without you. Whether it is true or not, believing you have been excluded from the fun can lead to anxiety, depression, and feelings of emotional distress.

Digital Detox and Healthy Online Habits

Taking a digital detox means taking a break from scrolling for a predetermined amount of time. A break may mean putting your phone away two hours before bedtime each night or staying off social media during the weekend.

Taking a digital detox can be a fun way for a family to reconnect. Agree to go for a family bike ride or play a board game instead of engaging in social media. Regular breaks may help promote more positive interactions and responsible content consumption when you do decide to go online.

Parental and Educational Roles

When it comes to teaching responsible online habits, parental involvement is vital. It’s up to parents to set a good example in their use of social media and their efforts to communicate with their children.

Educators can also get involved with counteracting the negative effects of social media through digital literacy programs . Digital educational programs can show students how to focus on the positive aspects of social media and protect themselves from negative influences.

Social media is not going away anytime soon. Learning how to behave responsibly online and model good behavior for others is key.

Learning to Balance Social Media Use

People of every age could benefit from a better balance and mindful use of social media. Rachel’s Challenge offers resources to help students and educators find that balance.

Book an event or consider supporting Rachel’s Challenge , educators and students by learning more about how you can counter the impact of social media on youth mental health.

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Essay on Impact of Social Media on Teenager

Students are often asked to write an essay on Impact of Social Media on Teenager in their schools and colleges. And if you’re also looking for the same, we have created 100-word, 250-word, and 500-word essays on the topic.

Let’s take a look…

100 Words Essay on Impact of Social Media on Teenager

Introduction.

Social media has become an integral part of our lives, especially for teenagers. It provides a platform to connect, share, and learn.

Positive Impact

Social media can be beneficial. It helps teenagers to express themselves and connect with friends. It’s also a source of information.

Negative Impact

However, excessive use can lead to issues like cyberbullying, anxiety, and depression. It can also impact their physical health and academic performance.

In conclusion, while social media has its advantages, it’s essential for teenagers to use it responsibly.

250 Words Essay on Impact of Social Media on Teenager

Social media has become an integral part of our lives, particularly for teenagers. It’s a platform that offers a myriad of opportunities for communication, entertainment, and learning. However, it also presents challenges and potential harms.

Firstly, social media offers a platform for self-expression and identity formation, critical aspects of adolescent development. Teenagers can explore various facets of their personalities, interests, and values. Moreover, it provides an avenue for social interaction and friendship formation, connecting teenagers globally.

On the flip side, the pervasive nature of social media can lead to addictive behaviors, impacting teenagers’ mental health. The constant need for validation through likes and comments can lead to anxiety and low self-esteem. Furthermore, cyberbullying is a significant concern, with its effects often devastating, leading to depression or even suicidal thoughts.

Role of Digital Literacy

To mitigate the negative impacts, it’s crucial to foster digital literacy among teenagers. They need to be educated about responsible social media use, privacy settings, and how to handle cyberbullying.

In conclusion, while social media offers significant benefits to teenagers, it also poses considerable risks. It’s a double-edged sword that can either enhance or hinder adolescent development. Therefore, it’s crucial to provide teenagers with the necessary tools and education to navigate this digital landscape safely and responsibly.

500 Words Essay on Impact of Social Media on Teenager

Social media has become an integral part of our lives, shaping our interactions, relationships, and the way we perceive the world. However, its impact on teenagers, who are at a critical stage of their development, is a topic of intense debate and concern.

The Positive Impact

On the one hand, social media can be a powerful educational tool for teenagers. It provides a platform where they can access a wealth of knowledge and information, enhancing their learning experience. It also fosters creativity and self-expression, allowing teenagers to share their thoughts, ideas, and talents with a global audience.

Moreover, social media helps teenagers build connections and socialize, especially those who may be introverted or socially anxious. It offers a space where they can engage in discussions, participate in online communities, and build friendships beyond geographical boundaries.

The Negative Impact

Conversely, the pervasive use of social media also has potential downsides. Cyberbullying is a significant issue, with teenagers being particularly vulnerable to online harassment and abuse. This can lead to serious emotional and psychological consequences, including depression, anxiety, and low self-esteem.

Additionally, the pressure to maintain an idealized online persona can be detrimental to teenagers’ mental health. The constant comparison with others’ seemingly perfect lives can lead to feelings of inadequacy and dissatisfaction.

Furthermore, excessive use of social media can negatively affect teenagers’ physical health. It can lead to sedentary behaviors, sleep disturbances, and even addictive tendencies, disrupting their overall wellbeing and development.

Given these impacts, it is crucial to promote digital literacy among teenagers. They need to be educated about the potential risks and benefits of social media, and how to use it responsibly. This includes understanding privacy settings, recognizing and reporting inappropriate content or behavior, and being mindful of the amount of time spent online.

In conclusion, while social media can be a beneficial tool for teenagers, it also presents significant challenges. It is imperative that parents, educators, and policymakers work together to ensure a safe and positive online environment for teenagers, fostering their growth and development in the digital age. The key lies in balance and mindful usage, allowing teenagers to harness the potential of social media while mitigating its risks.

That’s it! I hope the essay helped you.

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The Impact of Social Media on the Mental Health of Adolescents and Young Adults: A Systematic Review

Abderrahman m khalaf.

1 Psychiatry Department, Saudi Commission for Health Specialties, Ministry of Health, Riyadh, SAU

Abdullah A Alubied

Ahmed m khalaf.

2 College of Medicine, Imam Mohammad Ibn Saud Islamic University, Riyadh, SAU

Abdallah A Rifaey

3 College of Medicine, Almaarefa University, Riyadh, SAU

Adolescents increasingly find it difficult to picture their lives without social media. Practitioners need to be able to assess risk, and social media may be a new component to consider. Although there is limited empirical evidence to support the claim, the perception of the link between social media and mental health is heavily influenced by teenage and professional perspectives. Privacy concerns, cyberbullying, and bad effects on schooling and mental health are all risks associated with this population's usage of social media. However, ethical social media use can expand opportunities for connection and conversation, as well as boost self-esteem, promote health, and gain access to critical medical information. Despite mounting evidence of social media's negative effects on adolescent mental health, there is still a scarcity of empirical research on how teens comprehend social media, particularly as a body of wisdom, or how they might employ wider modern media discourses to express themselves. Youth use cell phones and other forms of media in large numbers, resulting in chronic sleep loss, which has a negative influence on cognitive ability, school performance, and socio-emotional functioning. According to data from several cross-sectional, longitudinal, and empirical research, smartphone and social media use among teenagers relates to an increase in mental distress, self-harming behaviors, and suicidality. Clinicians can work with young people and their families to reduce the hazards of social media and smartphone usage by using open, nonjudgmental, and developmentally appropriate tactics, including education and practical problem-solving.

Introduction and background

Humans are naturally social species that depend on the companionship of others to thrive in life. Thus, while being socially linked with others helps alleviate stress, worry, and melancholy, a lack of social connection can pose major threats to one's mental health [ 1 ]. Over the past 10 years, the rapid emergence of social networking sites like Facebook, Twitter, Instagram, and others has led to some significant changes in how people connect and communicate (Table 1 ). Over one billion people are currently active users of Facebook, the largest social networking website, and it is anticipated that this number will grow significantly over time, especially in developing countries. Facebook is used for both personal and professional interaction, and its deployment has had a number of positive effects on connectivity, idea sharing, and online learning [ 2 ]. Furthermore, the number of social media users globally in 2019 was 3.484 billion, a 9% increase year on year [ 3 ].

Mental health is represented as a state of well-being in which individuals recognize their potential, successfully navigate daily challenges, perform effectively at work, and make a substantial difference in the lives of others [ 4 ]. There is currently debate over the benefits and drawbacks of social media on mental health [ 5 ]. Social networking is an important part of safeguarding our mental health. Mental health, health behavior, physical health, and mortality risk are all affected by the quantity and quality of social contacts [ 5 ].

Social media use and mental health may be related, and the displaced behavior theory could assist in clarifying why. The displaced behavior hypothesis is a psychology theory that suggests people have limited self-control and, when confronted with a challenging or stressful situation, may engage in behaviors that bring instant gratification but are not in accordance with their long-term objectives [ 6 ]. In addition, when people are unable to deal with stress in a healthy way, they may act out in ways that temporarily make them feel better but ultimately harm their long-term goals and wellness [ 7 , 8 ]. In the 1990s, social psychologist Roy Baumeister initially suggested the displaced behavior theory [ 9 ]. Baumeister suggested that self-control is a limited resource that can be drained over time and that when self-control resources are low, people are more likely to engage in impulsive or self-destructive conduct [ 9 ]. This can lead to a cycle of bad behaviors and outcomes, as individuals may engage in behaviors that bring short respite but eventually add to their stress and difficulties [ 9 ]. According to the hypothetical terms, those who participate in sedentary behaviors, including social media, engage in fewer opportunities for in-person social interaction, both of which have been demonstrated to be protective against mental illnesses [ 10 ]. Social theories, on the other hand, discovered that social media use influences mental health by affecting how people interpret, maintain, and interact with their social network [ 4 ].

Numerous studies on social media's effects have been conducted, and it has been proposed that prolonged use of social media sites like Facebook may be linked to negative manifestations and symptoms of depression, anxiety, and stress [ 11 ]. A distinct and important time in a person's life is adolescence. Additionally, risk factors such as family issues, bullying, and social isolation are readily available at this period, and it is crucial to preserve social and emotional growth. The growth of digital technology has affected numerous areas of adolescent lives. Nowadays, teenagers' use of social media is one of their most apparent characteristics. Being socially connected with other people is a typical phenomenon, whether at home, school, or a social gathering, and adolescents are constantly in touch with their classmates via social media accounts. Adolescents are drawn to social networking sites because they allow them to publish pictures, images, and videos on their platforms. It also allows teens to establish friends, discuss ideas, discover new interests, and try out new kinds of self-expression. Users of these platforms can freely like and comment on posts as well as share them without any restrictions. Teenagers now frequently post insulting remarks on social media platforms. Adolescents frequently engage in trolling for amusement without recognizing the potentially harmful consequences. Trolling on these platforms focuses on body shaming, individual abilities, language, and lifestyle, among other things. The effects that result from trolling might cause anxiety, depressive symptoms, stress, feelings of isolation, and suicidal thoughts. The authors explain the influence of social media on teenage well-being through a review of existing literature and provide intervention and preventative measures at the individual, family, and community levels [ 12 ].

Although there is a "generally correlated" link between teen social media use and depression, certain outcomes have been inconsistent (such as the association between time spent on social media and mental health issues), and the data quality is frequently poor [ 13 ]. Browsing social media could increase your risk of self-harm, loneliness, and empathy loss, according to a number of research studies. Other studies either concluded that there is no harm or that some people, such as those who are socially isolated or marginalized, may benefit from using social media [ 10 ]. Because of the rapid expansion of the technological landscape in recent years, social media has become increasingly important in the lives of young people. Social networking has created both enormous new challenges and interesting new opportunities. Research is beginning to indicate how specific social media interactions may impair young people's mental health [ 14 ]. Teenagers could communicate with one another on social media platforms, as well as produce, like, and share content. In most cases, these individuals are categorized as active users. On the other hand, teens can also use social media in a passive manner by "lurking" and focusing entirely on the content that is posted by others. The difference between active and passive social media usage is sometimes criticized as a false dichotomy because it does not necessarily reveal whether a certain activity is goal-oriented or indicative of procrastination [ 15 ]. However, the text provides no justification for why this distinction is wrong [ 16 ]. For instance, one definition of procrastination is engaging in conversation with other people to put off working on a task that is more important. The goal of seeing the information created by other people, as opposed to participating with those same individuals, may be to keep up with the lives of friends. One of the most important distinctions that can be made between the various sorts is whether the usage is social. When it comes to understanding and evaluating all these different applications of digital technology, there are a lot of obstacles to overcome. Combining all digital acts into a single predictor of pleasure would, from both a philosophical and an empirical one, invariably results in a reduction in accuracy [ 17 ].

Methodology

This systematic review was carried out and reported in accordance with the Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses (PRISMA) statement and standard practices in the field. The purpose of this study was to identify studies on the influence of technology, primarily social media, on the psychosocial functioning, health, and well-being of adolescents and young adults.

The MEDLINE bibliographical database, PubMed, Google Scholar, CINAHL (Cumulative Index to Nursing and Allied Health Literature), and Scopus were searched between 1 January 2000 and 30 May 2023. Social media AND mental health AND adolescents AND young adults were included in the search strategy (impact or relation or effect or influence).

Two researchers (AK and AR) separately conducted a literature search utilizing the search method and evaluated the inclusion eligibility of the discovered papers based on their titles and abstracts. Then, the full texts of possibly admissible publications were retrieved and evaluated for inclusion. Disagreements among the researchers were resolved by debate and consensus.

The researchers included studies that examined the impact of technology, primarily social media, on the psychosocial functioning, health, and well-being of adolescents and young adults. We only considered English publications, reviews, longitudinal surveys, and cross-sectional studies. We excluded studies that were not written in English, were not comparative, were case reports, did not report the results of interest, or did not list the authors' names. We also found additional articles by looking at the reference lists of the retrieved articles.

Using a uniform form, the two researchers (AK and AA) extracted the data individually and independently. The extracted data include the author, publication year, study design, sample size and age range, outcome measures, and the most important findings or conclusions.

A narrative synthesis of the findings was used to analyze the data, which required summarizing and presenting the results of the included research in a logical and intelligible manner. Each study's key findings or conclusions were summarized in a table.

Study Selection

A thorough search of electronic databases, including PubMed, Embase, and Cochrane Library, was done from 1 January 2000 to 20 May 2023. Initial research revealed 326 potentially relevant studies. After deleting duplicates and screening titles and abstracts, the eligibility of 34 full-text publications was evaluated. A total of 23 papers were removed for a variety of reasons, including non-comparative studies, case reports, and studies that did not report results of interest (Figure (Figure1 1 ).

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PRISMA: Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses.

This systematic review identified 11 studies that examined the connection between social media use and depression symptoms in children and adolescents. The research demonstrated a modest but statistically significant association between social media use and depression symptoms. However, this relationship's causality is unclear, and additional study is required to construct explanatory models and hypotheses for inferential studies [ 18 ].

Additional research studied the effects of technology on the psychosocial functioning, health, and well-being of adolescents and young adults. Higher levels of social media usage were connected with worse mental health outcomes [ 19 ], and higher levels of social media use were associated with an increased risk of internalizing and externalizing difficulties among adolescents, especially females [ 20 ]. The use of social media was also connected with body image problems and disordered eating, especially among young women [ 21 ], and social media may be a risk factor for alcohol consumption and associated consequences among adolescents and young adults [ 22 ].

It was discovered that cyberbullying victimization is connected with poorer mental health outcomes in teenagers, including an increased risk of sadness and anxiety [ 23 ]. The use of social media was also connected with more depressive symptoms and excessive reassurance-seeking, but also with greater popularity and perceived social support [ 24 ], as well as appearance comparisons and body image worries, especially among young women [ 25 ]. Children and adolescents' bedtime media device use was substantially related to inadequate sleep quantity, poor sleep quality, and excessive daytime drowsiness [ 26 ].

Online friends can be a significant source of social support, but in-person social support appears to provide greater protection against persecution [ 27 ]. Digital and social media use offers both benefits and risks to the health of children and adolescents, and an individualized family media use plan can help strike a balance between screen time/online time and other activities, set boundaries for accessing content, promote digital literacy, and support open family communication and consistent media use rules (Tables (Tables2, 2 , ,3) 3 ) [ 28 ].

Does Social Media Have a Positive or Negative Impact on Adolescents and Young Adults?

Adults frequently blame the media for the problems that younger generations face, conceptually bundling different behaviors and patterns of use under a single term when it comes to using media to increase acceptance or a feeling of community [ 29 , 30 ]. The effects of social media on mental health are complex, as different goals are served by different behaviors and different outcomes are produced by distinct patterns of use [ 31 ]. The numerous ways that people use digital technology are often disregarded by policymakers and the general public, as they are seen as "generic activities" that do not have any specific impact [ 32 ]. Given this, it is crucial to acknowledge the complex nature of the effects that digital technology has on adolescents' mental health [ 19 ]. This empirical uncertainty is made worse by the fact that there are not many documented metrics of how technology is used. Self-reports are the most commonly used method for measuring technology use, but they can be prone to inaccuracy. This is because self-reports are based on people's own perceptions of their behavior, and these perceptions can be inaccurate [ 33 ]. At best, there is simply a weak correlation between self-reported smartphone usage patterns and levels that have been objectively verified [ 34 , 35 ].

When all different kinds of technological use are lumped together into a single behavioral category, not only does the measurement of that category contribute to a loss of precision, but the category also contributes to a loss of precision. To obtain precision, we need to investigate the repercussions of a wide variety of applications, ideally guided by the findings of scientific research [ 36 ]. The findings of this research have frequently been difficult to interpret, with many of them suggesting that using social media may have a somewhat negative but significantly damaging impact on one's mental health [ 36 ]. There is a growing corpus of research that is attempting to provide a more in-depth understanding of the elements that influence the development of mental health, social interaction, and emotional growth in adolescents [ 20 ].

It is challenging to provide a succinct explanation of the effects that social media has on young people because it makes use of a range of different digital approaches [ 37 , 38 ]. To utilize and respond to social media in either an adaptive or maladaptive manner, it is crucial to first have a solid understanding of personal qualities that some children may be more likely to exhibit than others [ 39 ]. In addition to this, the specific behaviors or experiences on social media that put teenagers in danger need to be recognized.

When a previous study particularly questioned teenagers in the United States, the authors found that 31% of them believe the consequences are predominantly good, 45% believe they are neither positive nor harmful, and 24% believe they are unfavorable [ 21 ]. Teens who considered social media beneficial reported that they were able to interact with friends, learn new things, and meet individuals who shared similar interests because of it. Social media is said to enhance the possibility of (i) bullying, (ii) ignoring face-to-face contact, and (iii) obtaining incorrect beliefs about the lives of other people, according to those who believe the ramifications are serious [ 21 ]. In addition, there is the possibility of avoiding depression and suicide by recognizing the warning signs and making use of the information [ 40 ]. A common topic that comes up in this area of research is the connection that should be made between traditional risks and those that can be encountered online. The concept that the digital age and its effects are too sophisticated, rapidly shifting, or nuanced for us to fully comprehend or properly shepherd young people through is being questioned, which challenges the traditional narrative that is sent to parents [ 41 ]. The last thing that needs to be looked at is potential mediators of the link between social factors and teenage depression and suicidality (for example, gender, age, and the participation of parents) [ 22 ].

The Dangers That Come With Young Adults Utilizing Social Media

The experiences that adolescents have with their peers have a substantial impact on the onset and maintenance of psychopathology in those teenagers. Peer relationships in the world of social media can be more frequent, intense, and rapid than in real life [ 42 ]. Previous research [ 22 ] has identified a few distinct types of peer interactions that can take place online as potential risk factors for mental health. Being the target of cyberbullying, also known as cyber victimization, has been shown to relate to greater rates of self-inflicted damage, suicidal ideation, and a variety of other internalizing and externalizing issues [ 43 ]. Additionally, young people may be put in danger by the peer pressure that can be found on social networking platforms [ 44 ]. This can take the form of being rejected by peers, engaging in online fights, or being involved in drama or conflict [ 45 ]. Peer influence processes may also be amplified among teenagers who spend time online, where they have access to a wider diversity of their peers as well as content that could be damaging to them [ 46 ]. If young people are exposed to information on social media that depicts risky behavior, their likelihood of engaging in such behavior themselves (such as drinking or using other drugs) may increase [ 22 ]. It may be simple to gain access to online materials that deal with self-harm and suicide, which may result in an increase in the risk of self-harm among adolescents who are already at risk [ 22 ]. A recent study found that 14.8% of young people who were admitted to mental hospitals because they posed a risk to others or themselves had viewed internet sites that encouraged suicide in the two weeks leading up to their admission [ 24 ]. The research was conducted on young people who were referred to mental hospitals because they constituted a risk to others or themselves [ 24 ]. They prefer to publish pictures of themselves on social networking sites, which results in a steady flow of messages and pictures that are often and painstakingly modified to present people in a favorable light [ 24 ]. This influences certain young individuals, leading them to begin making unfavorable comparisons between themselves and others, whether about their achievements, their abilities, or their appearance [ 47 , 48 ].

There is a correlation between higher levels of social networking in comparison and depressed symptoms in adolescents, according to studies [ 25 ]. When determining how the use of technology impacts the mental health of adolescents, it is essential to consider the issue of displacement. This refers to the question of what other important activities are being replaced by time spent on social media [ 49 ]. It is a well-established fact that the circadian rhythms of children and adolescents have a substantial bearing on both their physical and mental development.

However, past studies have shown a consistent connection between using a mobile device before bed and poorer sleep quality results [ 50 ]. These results include shorter sleep lengths, decreased sleep quality, and daytime tiredness [ 50 ]. Notably, 36% of adolescents claim they wake up at least once over the course of the night to check their electronic devices, and 40% of adolescents say they use a mobile device within five minutes of going to bed [ 25 ]. Because of this, the impact of social media on the quality of sleep continues to be a substantial risk factor for subsequent mental health disorders in young people, making it an essential topic for the continuation of research in this area [ 44 ].

Most studies that have been conducted to investigate the link between using social media and experiencing depression symptoms have concentrated on how frequently and problematically people use social media [ 4 ]. Most of the research that was taken into consideration for this study found a positive and reciprocal link between the use of social media and feelings of depression and, on occasion, suicidal ideation [ 51 , 52 ]. Additionally, it is unknown to what extent the vulnerability of teenagers and the characteristics of substance use affect this connection [ 52 ]. It is also unknown whether other aspects of the environment, such as differences in cultural norms or the advice and support provided by parents, have any bearing on this connection [ 25 ]. Even if it is probable that moderate use relates to improved self-regulation, it is not apparent whether this is the result of intermediate users having naturally greater self-regulation [ 25 ].

Gains From Social Media

Even though most of the debate on young people and new media has centered on potential issues, the unique features of the social media ecosystem have made it feasible to support adolescent mental health in more ways than ever before [ 39 ]. Among other benefits, using social media may present opportunities for humor and entertainment, identity formation, and creative expression [ 53 ]. More mobile devices than ever before are in the hands of teenagers, and they are using social media at never-before-seen levels [ 27 ]. This may not come as a surprise given how strongly young people are drawn to digital devices and the affordances they offer, as well as their heightened craving for novelty, social acceptance, and affinity [ 27 ]. Teenagers are interacting with digital technology for longer periods of time, so it is critical to comprehend the effects of this usage and use new technologies to promote teens' mental health and well-being rather than hurt it [ 53 ]. Considering the ongoing public discussion, we should instead emphasize that digital technology is neither good nor bad in and of itself [ 27 ].

One of the most well-known benefits of social media is social connection; 81% of students say it boosts their sense of connectedness to others. Connecting with friends and family is usually cited by teenagers as the main benefit of social media, and prior research typically supports the notion that doing so improves people's well-being. Social media can be used to increase acceptance or a feeling of community by providing adolescents with opportunities to connect with others who share their interests, beliefs, and experiences [ 29 ]. Digital media has the potential to improve adolescent mental health in a variety of ways, including cutting-edge applications in medical screening, treatment, and prevention [ 28 ]. In terms of screening, past research has suggested that perusing social media pages for signs of melancholy or drug abuse may be viable. More advanced machine-learning approaches have been created to identify mental disease signs on social media, such as depression, post-traumatic stress disorder, and suicidality. Self-report measures are used in most studies currently conducted on adolescent media intake. It is impossible to draw firm conclusions on whether media use precedes and predicts negative effects on mental health because research has only been conducted once. Adults frequently blame the media for the problems that younger generations face [ 30 ]. Because they are cyclical, media panics should not just be attributed to the novel and the unknown. Teenagers' time management, worldview, and social interactions have quickly and dramatically changed as a result of technology. Social media offers a previously unheard-of opportunity to spread awareness of mental health difficulties, and social media-based health promotion programs have been tested for a range of cognitive and behavioral health conditions. Thanks to social media's instant accessibility, extensive possibilities, and ability to reach remote areas, young people with mental health issues have exciting therapy options [ 54 ]. Preliminary data indicate that youth-focused mental health mobile applications are acceptable, but further research is needed to assess their usefulness and effectiveness. Youth now face new opportunities and problems as a result of the growing significance of digital media in their life. An expanding corpus of research suggests that teenagers' use of social media may have an impact on their mental health. But more research is needed [ 18 ] considering how swiftly the digital media landscape is changing.

Conclusions

In the digital era, people efficiently employ technology; it does not "happen" to them. Studies show that the average kid will not be harmed by using digital technology, but that does not mean there are no situations where it could. In this study, we discovered a connection between social media use and adolescent depression. Since cross-sectional research represents the majority, longitudinal studies are required. The social and personal life of young people is heavily influenced by social media. Based on incomplete and contradictory knowledge on young people and digital technology, professional organizations provide guidance to parents, educators, and institutions. If new technologies are necessary to promote social interaction or develop digital and relational (digitally mediated) skills for growing economies, policies restricting teen access to them may be ineffective. The research on the impact of social media on mental health is still in its early stages, and more research is needed before we can make definitive recommendations for parents, educators, or institutions. Reaching young people during times of need and when assistance is required is crucial for their health. The availability of various friendships and services may improve the well-being of teenagers.

The authors have declared that no competing interests exist.

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Social Media Use Has Upsides and Downsides for Youth Mental Health

A teen boy in a gray shirt is sitting on a bed and looking at a phone.

Social media continues to bring both benefits and costs for young people when it comes to supporting their mental health and well-being. Amid the ongoing focus on improving the mental health of young people, social media's growing influence remains a key concern for families, schools, and communities.

Our new report, " A Double-Edged Sword: How Diverse Communities of Young People Think About the Multifaceted Relationship Between Social Media and Mental Health, " released in partnership with Hopelab, explores the influence of social media experiences on mental well-being. Our findings show that young people's experiences with social media vary based on many factors, including an individual's lived experience, racial-ethnic identity, age, and sexual and gender identity. This is the third report in a series begun in 2018 that has been tracking the role of social media in how young people age 14–22 support their mental health and well-being. Uniquely, this study was co-created with young people themselves, who not only provided direction and input regarding survey content, but also worked with the study team to prioritize and interpret results through focus groups and individual interviews.

Young people bring their own unique lived experiences to social media spaces, and as a result, have different experiences with the content and communities they find there—and those experiences are a decidedly mixed bag as an LGBTQ+ youth, a young person of color, or a young person who has symptoms of depression.

Here are a few of the contrasting realities around social media that our study reveals:

Frequent social media use continues to be widespread, and it can be both supportive and challenging for young people.

Upside : Young people turn to these digital technologies for emotional support, connection, and to learn about ways to support their mental health and well-being. Many join communities that are challenging to find locally (especially for Black and LGBTQ+ youth). Others use social media to just decompress and have fun.

Downside : Young people also encounter enough potentially harmful content that they must actively take steps to manage their exposure to it, including taking temporary and permanent breaks from a social media account.

53% of young adults say they can't control their social media use or use it longer than intended, compared to 42% of teens. But 81% of young adults and 68% of teens say they enact strategies to avoid content they dislike.

Young people of color and LGBTQ+ youth have more to gain and lose on social media than their peers.

Upside : Black youth find social media incredibly important for connection, creativity, community, support, and professional resources—more so than White youth. For LGBTQ+ young people, it helps them combat feelings of loneliness and connects them with content that validates their identities.

Downside : For many LGBTQ+ youth and youth of color, the same spaces that provide affirmation and support can also expose them to harassment and potential harm.

74% of LGBTQ+ social media users say social media is important in helping them feel less alone. But 72% of LGBTQ+ young people feel that posting content to public accounts would open themselves to harassment.

While depression levels have improved since the peak of the pandemic, they're still too high among young people. Social media has an especially heightened impact on youth with depressive symptoms—in good and bad ways.

Upside : Young people with depressive symptoms more often report that social media helps them cheer up, feel less alone, or find support and advice.

Downside : Youth who report depressive symptoms more often say they have a host of concerns connected to social media, including worries about self-presentation and harassment.

78% of young people with moderate to severe depressive symptoms say that social media is important for cheering them up. But 64% of those with moderate to severe symptoms indicate that when they use social media, they feel as if others' lives are better than theirs, compared to 38% of those with no symptoms.

Young people need more support and industry action to make social media a safe space.

Our study shows that teens and young adults are taking steps to limit and manage negative exposure to social media, but they shouldn't have to do this alone. Everyone in communities, schools, families, and tech spaces can do their part to ensure that social media is a safe, supportive, and healthy place for young people.

We need more research and public understanding of the specific challenges that groups like youth with depressive symptoms, youth of color, and LGBTQ+ young people face with social media. We also need more public education for families, schools, teens, and beyond on how to manage the challenges that social media presents, without diminishing the benefits.

We also need action from companies and policymakers. Social media companies must change their design features and algorithms and put more guardrails in and around their products to limit harm and make it easier for young people to manage their use effectively. If companies are hesitant or refuse to make these changes on their own, then it is imperative that policymakers step up and enact evidence-based state and federal legislation informed by the experiences of young people.

Amy Green, PhD , head of research at Hopelab, is a co-author of this article.

Additional authors on "A Double-Edged Sword: How Diverse Communities of Young People Think About the Multifaceted Relationship Between Social Media and Mental Health" include Mary Madden, Angela Calvin, and Alexa Hasse.

Amanda Lenhart leads research efforts at Common Sense Media. She has spent her career studying how technology affects human lives, with a special focus on families and children. Most recently, as the program director for Health and Data at Data & Society Research Institute, Amanda investigated how social media platforms design for the digital well-being of youth. She began her career at the Pew Research Center, pioneering the Center’s work studying how teens and families use social and mobile technologies.

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Effects of Social Media On Adolescents and Teens

Social media is a big part of any young teenager or adolescents life. It provides a way for teenagers to escape the reality of their lives while also being able to pass the time in a fun way. However social media can also have a negative effect. The negative effects of social media are often downplayed by young teenagers and may not be known to adults. Here are 3 negative effects of social media on teens and adolescents. Social media can help bring new ways for people to meet and...

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About Adverse Childhood Experiences
Risk and Protective Factors
Program: Essentials for Childhood: Preventing Adverse Childhood Experiences through Data to Action
Adverse childhood experiences can have long-term impacts on health, opportunity and well-being.
Adverse childhood experiences are common and some groups experience them more than others.

diverse group of children lying on each other in a park

What are adverse childhood experiences?

Adverse childhood experiences, or ACEs, are potentially traumatic events that occur in childhood (0-17 years). Examples include: 1

Experiencing violence, abuse, or neglect.
Witnessing violence in the home or community.
Having a family member attempt or die by suicide.

Also included are aspects of the child’s environment that can undermine their sense of safety, stability, and bonding. Examples can include growing up in a household with: 1

Substance use problems.
Mental health problems.
Instability due to parental separation.
Instability due to household members being in jail or prison.

The examples above are not a complete list of adverse experiences. Many other traumatic experiences could impact health and well-being. This can include not having enough food to eat, experiencing homelessness or unstable housing, or experiencing discrimination. 2 3 4 5 6

Quick facts and stats

ACEs are common. About 64% of adults in the United States reported they had experienced at least one type of ACE before age 18. Nearly one in six (17.3%) adults reported they had experienced four or more types of ACEs. 7

Preventing ACEs could potentially reduce many health conditions. Estimates show up to 1.9 million heart disease cases and 21 million depression cases potentially could have been avoided by preventing ACEs. 1

Some people are at greater risk of experiencing one or more ACEs than others. While all children are at risk of ACEs, numerous studies show inequities in such experiences. These inequalities are linked to the historical, social, and economic environments in which some families live. 5 6 ACEs were highest among females, non-Hispanic American Indian or Alaska Native adults, and adults who are unemployed or unable to work. 7

ACEs are costly. ACEs-related health consequences cost an estimated economic burden of $748 billion annually in Bermuda, Canada, and the United States. 8

ACEs can have lasting effects on health and well-being in childhood and life opportunities well into adulthood. 9 Life opportunities include things like education and job potential. These experiences can increase the risks of injury, sexually transmitted infections, and involvement in sex trafficking. They can also increase risks for maternal and child health problems including teen pregnancy, pregnancy complications, and fetal death. Also included are a range of chronic diseases and leading causes of death, such as cancer, diabetes, heart disease, and suicide. 1 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17

ACEs and associated social determinants of health, such as living in under-resourced or racially segregated neighborhoods, can cause toxic stress. Toxic stress, or extended or prolonged stress, from ACEs can negatively affect children’s brain development, immune systems, and stress-response systems. These changes can affect children’s attention, decision-making, and learning. 18

Children growing up with toxic stress may have difficulty forming healthy and stable relationships. They may also have unstable work histories as adults and struggle with finances, jobs, and depression throughout life. 18 These effects can also be passed on to their own children. 19 20 21 Some children may face further exposure to toxic stress from historical and ongoing traumas. These historical and ongoing traumas refer to experiences of racial discrimination or the impacts of poverty resulting from limited educational and economic opportunities. 1 6

Adverse childhood experiences can be prevented. Certain factors may increase or decrease the risk of experiencing adverse childhood experiences.

Preventing adverse childhood experiences requires understanding and addressing the factors that put people at risk for or protect them from violence.

Creating safe, stable, nurturing relationships and environments for all children can prevent ACEs and help all children reach their full potential. We all have a role to play.

Merrick MT, Ford DC, Ports KA, et al. Vital Signs: Estimated Proportion of Adult Health Problems Attributable to Adverse Childhood Experiences and Implications for Prevention — 25 States, 2015–2017. MMWR Morb Mortal Wkly Rep 2019;68:999-1005. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.15585/mmwr.mm6844e1 .
Cain KS, Meyer SC, Cummer E, Patel KK, Casacchia NJ, Montez K, Palakshappa D, Brown CL. Association of Food Insecurity with Mental Health Outcomes in Parents and Children. Science Direct. 2022; 22:7; 1105-1114. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1016/j.acap.2022.04.010 .
Smith-Grant J, Kilmer G, Brener N, Robin L, Underwood M. Risk Behaviors and Experiences Among Youth Experiencing Homelessness—Youth Risk Behavior Survey, 23 U.S. States and 11 Local School Districts. Journal of Community Health. 2022; 47: 324-333.
Experiencing discrimination: Early Childhood Adversity, Toxic Stress, and the Impacts of Racism on the Foundations of Health | Annual Review of Public Health https://doi.org/10.1146/annurev-publhealth-090419-101940 .
Sedlak A, Mettenburg J, Basena M, et al. Fourth national incidence study of child abuse and neglect (NIS-4): Report to Congress. Executive Summary. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Health an Human Services, Administration for Children and Families.; 2010.
Font S, Maguire-Jack K. Pathways from childhood abuse and other adversities to adult health risks: The role of adult socioeconomic conditions. Child Abuse Negl. 2016;51:390-399.
Swedo EA, Aslam MV, Dahlberg LL, et al. Prevalence of Adverse Childhood Experiences Among U.S. Adults — Behavioral Risk Factor Surveillance System, 2011–2020. MMWR Morb Mortal Wkly Rep 2023;72:707–715. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.15585/mmwr.mm7226a2 .
Bellis, MA, et al. Life Course Health Consequences and Associated Annual Costs of Adverse Childhood Experiences Across Europe and North America: A Systematic Review and Meta-Analysis. Lancet Public Health 2019.
Adverse Childhood Experiences During the COVID-19 Pandemic and Associations with Poor Mental Health and Suicidal Behaviors Among High School Students — Adolescent Behaviors and Experiences Survey, United States, January–June 2021 | MMWR
Hillis SD, Anda RF, Dube SR, Felitti VJ, Marchbanks PA, Marks JS. The association between adverse childhood experiences and adolescent pregnancy, long-term psychosocial consequences, and fetal death. Pediatrics. 2004 Feb;113(2):320-7.
Miller ES, Fleming O, Ekpe EE, Grobman WA, Heard-Garris N. Association Between Adverse Childhood Experiences and Adverse Pregnancy Outcomes. Obstetrics & Gynecology . 2021;138(5):770-776. https://doi.org/10.1097/AOG.0000000000004570 .
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Adverse Childhood Experiences (ACEs)

ACEs can have a tremendous impact on lifelong health and opportunity. CDC works to understand ACEs and prevent them.

How teens view social media’s impact on their mental health

Editor’s note: If you or someone you know is struggling with suicidal thoughts or mental health matters, please call the 988 Suicide & Crisis Lifeline by dialing 988 to connect with a trained counselor, or visit the 988 Lifeline website .

A new report details the role social media plays in the lives of young people, and how they manage the various pros and cons — including in the context of being a person of color or LGBTQ+, or having depression.

Those benefits and drawbacks include valuing online platforms for social connection , self-expression and information, while also feeling the brunt of social media’s effects on their attention span, confidence and contentedness, according to the report released Tuesday by Common Sense Media and Hopelab, a social innovation lab and impact investor aiming to support the well-being of young people.

READ MORE: How to know if you have ‘phone addiction’ — and 12 ways to address it

“Most conversations and headlines surrounding social media and youth mental (health) focus solely on the harms, portraying young people as passive consumers. This research shows that it’s much more complex,” said Amy Green, head of research at Hopelab, in a news release. “If we truly want to improve the well-being of young people, we need to listen to their experiences and ensure that we do not inadvertently remove access to crucial positive benefits.”

Also driving the research is the national youth mental health crisis, the authors said, marked by increasing rates of mental disorders , such as anxiety and depression, suicidal thoughts and attempts , and antidepressant medications prescribed to youth. In conversations about these phenomena, social media has consistently been at the center, though mental health issues can have multiple contributing factors.

Conducted by the NORC — previously called the National Opinion Research Center — at the University of Chicago, the research includes 1,274 teens (ages 14 to 17) and young adults (ages 18 to 22) recruited online between October and November 2023. The young people “provided direction and input regarding survey content” and participated in focus groups and interviews to help the research team prioritize and interpret results, according to a news release. The report is the third in a series tracking the influence of social media on well-being among youth.

The researchers found the rate of depressive symptoms among youth is about 10% down from pandemic highs but is still high and comparable to the elevated levels of 2018. Nearly half of young people reported experiencing any severity of depression, and nearly a third (28%) said they had moderate to severe symptoms.

Additionally, about half of LGBTQ+ youth reported moderate to severe symptoms of depression, compared to nearly one-quarter of their non-LGBTQ+ peers.

Those with depression were more susceptible to social comparison and pressure to show their best selves on social media. But they were also more likely to find resources to support their well-being and curate their feeds for this purpose — done by selecting a “not interested” button on content they don’t like, flagging inappropriate or offensive content, or blocking someone whose content bothered them. These youth also positively curated feeds by “liking” and spending more time on content they did enjoy, since many social media algorithms work by giving you more content based on your level of engagement with certain topics.

This was especially important for LGBTQ+ youth who, along with Black and Latinx young people, faced more exposure to harassment and stress online.

“In focus groups, Black youth told us their experiences with in-person harassment lowered their tolerance for similar behavior on social media, and meant they were more willing to give up the benefits to protect themselves from hateful comments,” said lead researcher Amanda Lenhart, head of research at Common Sense Media, via email.

The findings confirm what many researchers have seen scientifically and anecdotally, said Dr. Mitch Prinstein, chief science officer at the American Psychological Association, via email. Prinstein wasn’t involved in the study.

Social media and mental health

Many participants also revealed the positives they gain from social media, citing online platforms as a place to seek support and advice; decompress; connect with loved ones and others who share their experiences, interests or identities; stay informed; and keep up with their favorite influencers or content creators.

“Another important finding is the importance of social media as a space of connection, creativity and professional opportunities for Black youth,” Lenhart said.

Dr. Douglas Gentile, distinguished professor of psychology at Iowa State University, encouraged being “careful about interpreting (self-reported) data like these,” he said via email.

“People are surprisingly bad at actually knowing what the effects of media use are on themselves,” Gentile, who wasn’t involved in the research, added. “I don’t mean to say that anyone is lying. Just that we only see little pieces of how the media influence us.”

Nearly one-fourth of participants reported using social media almost constantly throughout the day, up 7% from the rate the authors found in their 2018 report, the authors found. Many young people reported an inability to control their use, social media distracting from other activities and unconsciously reaching for social media when bored. To counteract these behaviors, on top of customizing their feeds, many have also taken breaks from social media to avoid the temptation or deleted their accounts permanently.

“Social media could offer (more) benefits to youth if it was designed with a primary focus on youth well-being rather than a focus on keeping kids engaged for as long as possible to make a profit from their data,” Prinstein said.

While, or after, using social media, try doing an emotional check-in, Lenhart said. “Ask yourself, ‘How am I feeling right now? Did I see anything that made me feel sad?’”

Taking a temporary or permanent break from the content causing the most distress could be helpful, Lenhart added, especially if you already struggle with depression.

If you’re a parent or guardian wondering how to best manage your teen’s social media use, one of the most important things you can do is “keep communication channels open,” Lenhart said.

Parental involvement is important, as young adults have expressed regret that their parents allowed them to use social media so young, wishing they could go back and tell their parents to not give in to their demands, Prinstein said.

Ask the teens in your life what they like about these platforms and what types of connections or activities support their mental health, Lenhart said. Let them know you’re there to help figure out a solution if social media is upsetting them or interfering with other responsibilities.

Respect “that each young person is an expert in their own lived experience,” Lenhart said. “Young people are valuable teachers in their own right.”

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A new report details the benefits and drawbacks young people see in social media, and how they manage both.

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Key points. Social media has both positive and negative effects on well-being in youth. Social media impacts four distinct areas for youth: connections, identity, learning, and emotions. More than ...
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The influence of social media on youth mental health is shaped by many complex factors, including, but not limited to, the amount of time children and adolescents spend on platforms, the type of content they consume or are otherwise exposed to, the activities and interactions social media affords, and the degree to which it disrupts activities that are essential for health like sleep and ...
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Research suggests that setting limits and boundaries around social media, combined with discussion and coaching from adults, is the best way to promote positive outcomes for youth (Wachs, S., et al., Computers & Education, Vol. 160, No. 1, 2021). Parents should talk to kids often about social media and technology and also use strategies like ...
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For instance, in a nationally representative survey of teens in the United States (743 youth between the ages of 13 and 17) by the Pew Research Center, 31 percent of teens said that social media has had a mostly positive impact, especially when it comes to connecting and staying in touch with friends and family [2,77]. Respondents also ...
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In 11 papers, participants reported that social media had a positive effect on their emotions. Some reported it improved their mood, helped them to feel excited, and often prompted laughter. (Think funny animal videos.) Others reported that social media helped to alleviate negative moods, including annoyance, anger, and boredom.
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January 6, 2020—Mesfin Awoke Bekalu, research scientist in the Lee Kum Sheung Center for Health and Happiness at Harvard T.H. Chan School of Public Health, discusses a new study he co-authored on associations between social media use and mental health and well-being. What is healthy vs. potentially problematic social media use? Our study has brought preliminary evidence to answer this question.
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Society has long fretted about technology's impact on youth. But unlike radio and television, the hyperconnected nature of social media has led to new anxieties, including worries that these platforms may be negatively impacting teenagers' mental health.Just this year, the White House announced plans to combat potential harms teens may face when using social media.
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The effects of social media consumption on adolescent psychological well-being. Journal of the Association for Consumer Research , in press, 2024. doi: 10.1086/728739.
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Social media use can have a serious negative impact on areas of well-being including feelings of depression, anxiety, fear of missing out, body image, bullying and sleep. Mojtabai, Olfson and Han (2016) cite the problematic use of mobile phones and social
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Many teenagers do not understand that most of the visitors of social networks embellish their reality. Perceiving the virtual image as reality, an inferiority complex is created. This perception affects self-esteem and harms the psyche. As a result, the body gets stressed, and the teenager is at risk of depression.
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About Adverse Childhood Experiences
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The effect of social media on well-being differs from adolescent to adolescent

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Some socially poor but also some socially rich adolescents feel closer to their friends after using social media

Associations between youth’s daily social media use and well-being are mediated by upward comparisons

Variation in social media sensitivity across people and contexts

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Social media and affective well-being

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