how are committee assignments made in the house

Congressional Rules, Leadership, and Committee Selection

Published on January 31, 2023

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Every two years, at the beginning of each Congress, the House of Representatives is responsible for adopting rules that govern the procedure and process of the chamber, while the Senate uses its traditional rules and procedures. The adoption of these rules is necessary for sessions of Congress to run as smoothly as possible. Standing rules also dictate how party leadership and committee membership are selected. This is a basic guide to rules and procedures in both chambers of Congress.

Rules and Procedures in the House

At the beginning of each Congress, the House of Representatives must vote on a new rules package to determine the rules that will govern the body for the next two years. Before these rules are adopted, the House operates based on general parliamentarian rules. The House usually adopts the rules of the previous Congress and makes amendments the body feels are necessary. The rules package lays out the guidelines for the daily procedure in the House, how the chamber passes legislation, and other rules of decorum.

The House Committee on Rules is among the oldest standing committees and is the mechanism by which the Speaker maintains control of the House Floor. The House Rules Committee has two types of jurisdiction–special orders and original jurisdiction. Special orders, or special rules, determine the rules of debates on a matter or measure on the Floor and are the bulk of the Committee’s work. Original jurisdiction refers to changes being made to the standing rules. The Rules Committee can create or change almost any rule as long as a majority of the House agrees.\

Reporting a special rule to the House Committee on Rules is a process that begins with the committee of jurisdiction requesting a hearing by the Rules Committee. The Rules Committee then holds a hearing in which Members of Congress from the committee of jurisdiction can make their case.

Rules and Procedures in the Senate

Unlike the House of Representatives, the Senate, as a continuing body, does not have to adopt or readopt its rules with each new Congress. A set of standing rules govern proceedings in the Senate in conjunction with a body of precedents created by rulings of presiding officers or by votes of the Senate, a variety of established and customary practices, and ad hoc arrangements the Senate makes. The standing rules guarantee rights to senators, however, these rights are sometimes foregone by senators in the interest of conducting business more quickly.

One rule that separates the Senate from the House is the use of cloture to end a filibuster. Senators can prolong voting on bills by debating at length or using other delaying tactics, but a cloture vote by 60 out of the 100 senators can end the debate and force a vote on the bill.

The Senate Committee on Rules and Administration is responsible for upholding the rules of the Senate floor, the administration of Senate buildings, the credentials and qualifications of senators, and the development and implementation of strategic plans to improve the operations of the Senate. The committee has jurisdiction over any matters relating to the rules and procedures of the Senate rules and regulations. Unlike its counterpart in the House, the Senate Rules and Administration Committee does not need to develop a rules package for each new Congress.

Selection of House and Senate Leadership

Leadership in the House is decided by internal party elections. These elections typically take place behind closed doors via secret ballot in November following the general election. Leadership elections also determine the chairs of the Democratic Caucus and the Republican Conference and the chairs of the two parties’ campaign committees. The parties also elect their nominees for Speaker of the House. The Speaker is elected by a simple majority in a vote put to the entire House of Representatives.

The Speaker is the most powerful member of leadership, followed by the majority leader, minority leader, majority and minority whips, and finally the assistant speaker

In the Senate, leadership consists of the president pro tempore, the majority and minority leaders, conference chairs, policy committee chairs, conference secretaries, and campaign committee chairs. These positions are elected or appointed by their separate parties.

The vice president of the United States serves as the president of the Senate, but the president pro tempore presides over the Senate in the absence of the vice president. The president pro tempore is traditionally, but not always, the most senior member of the majority party in the Senate who is elected to the role by the chamber. Responsibilities of the president pro tempore include appointing the director of the Congressional Budget Office with the Speaker of the House, making appointments to various national commissions and advisory boards, and receiving reports from certain government agencies.

The Democratic leader in the Senate serves as chair of the party conference, but the Senate Republicans divide those duties, electing one person to serve as conference chair and another to serve as leader.

Selection of Committees in the House and Senate

Both parties in both chambers use steering committees, also known as committees on committees, to determine leadership and membership of committees. The Republican Steering Committee and the Democratic Steering and Policy Committee are selected during meetings in November and December after an election. The steering committees then make recommendations to the Republican Conference and Democratic Caucus respectively on committee chairs, ranking minority members, and general committee assignments.

In the House, once the steering committees make recommendations to their parties, the relevant party caucus approves the recommendations of the selection committee. Then the House approves the recommendations of the caucuses, which are brought before the House as privileged resolutions.

Traditionally, though not exclusively, committee chairs have been selected by seniority, so that the longest-serving Members of the committee from the majority and minority parties become the chair and ranking member, respectively, of the committee. Members of the House are typically limited to service on two committees and four subcommittees, with exceptions for particular committees.

In the Senate, the committee assignment process is guided by Senate rules as well as party rules and practices. The Senate governs committee operations through its Standing Rules XXIV-XXVIII.

Senators are formally elected to standing committees by the entire membership of the Senate, but in practice, each party conference is largely responsible for determining which of its members will sit on each committee. Just as they do in the house, steering committees from both parties make recommendations on committee leadership and assignments. In both party conferences, the floor leader has the authority to make some committee assignments, which can provide the leader with a method of promoting party discipline through the granting or withholding of desired assignments. The number of seats a party holds in the Senate determines its share of seats on each committee.

Senate rules divide committees into three categories based on their importance: Class A, Class B, and Class C. Each senator may serve on no more than two Class A committees and one Class B committee, unless granted special permission. There are no limits to service on Class C committees.

In both chambers, the Republican party has term limits on committee leadership roles.

Links to Other Resources

• Congressional Research Service – ​ Commonly Used Motions and Requests in the House of Representatives
• Congressional Research Service – ​ House and Senate Rules of Procedure: A Comparison
• Congressional Research Service – House Standing Committee Chairs and Ranking Minority Members: Rules Governing Selection Procedures
• CNN – What to know about upcoming House leadership elections
• GovInfo – Congressional Calendars
• Office of the Historian of the United States House of Representatives – House Committees
• Roll Call – ​ House adopts rules package for 118th Congress
• United States Congress – ​Glossary of Legislative Terms
• United States House of Representatives – ​ A Guide to the Rules, Precedents, and Procedures of the House
• United States House of Representatives – ​ The Legislative Process
• Unites States Senate – Rules and Procedure
• United States Senate – ​When a New Congress Begins

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12.6 Committees

Learning objectives.

After reading this section, you should be able to answer the following questions:

• What criteria do members use when seeking congressional committee assignments?
• What are the prestige committees in the House and Senate?
• What is the function of investigative committees?

In 1885, Woodrow Wilson famously observed, “Congress in session is Congress on public exhibition, whilst Congress in its committee-rooms is Congress at work” (Wilson, 1885). This statement is no less true today. Committees are the lifeblood of Congress. They develop legislation, oversee executive agencies and programs, and conduct investigations.

There are different types of committees that are responsible for particular aspects of congressional work. Standing committees are permanent legislative committees. Select committees are special committees that are formed to deal with a particular issue or policy. Special committees can investigate problems and issue reports. Joint committees are composed of members of the House and Senate and handle matters that require joint jurisdiction, such as the Postal Service and the Government Printing Office. Subcommittees handle specialized aspects of legislation and policy.

Committee Assignments

Members seek assignments to committees considering the overlapping goals of getting reelected, influencing policy, and wielding power and influence. They can promote the interests of their constituencies through committee service and at the same time help their chances at reelection. Members from rural districts desire appointments to the Agriculture Committee where they can best influence farm policy. Those most interested in foreign policy seek appointment to committees such as the House Foreign Relations and Senate International Affairs Committees, where they can become embroiled in the pressing issues of the day. Power or prestige committee assignments in the House include Appropriations, Budget, Commerce, Rules, and Ways and Means. The most powerful committees in the Senate are Appropriations, Armed Services, Commerce, Finance, and Foreign Relations.

House and Senate Committees

A list and description of House and Senate committees can be found at https://www.govtrack.us/congress/committees/ .

Table 12.1 Congressional Committees

Most House members end up getting assigned to at least one committee that they request. In the House, committee assignments can be a ticket to visibility and influence. Committees provide House members with a platform for attracting media attention as journalists will seek them out as policy specialists. Senate committee assignments are not as strongly linked to press visibility as virtually every senator is appointed to at least one powerful committee. The average senator serves on eleven committees and subcommittees, while the average House member serves on five.

Figure 12.11

In the 1950s, Senator Estes Kefauver used controversial comics like “Frisco Mary” to generate press attention for his hearings on juvenile delinquency. This practice of using powerful exhibits to attract media attention to issues continues today.

Wikimedia Commons – public domain.

Service on powerful subcommittees can provide a platform for attracting media attention. In 1955, the Senate Subcommittee on Juvenile Delinquency staged three days of hearings in New York City as part of its investigation into allegations brought by Senator Estes Kefauver (D-TN), a subcommittee member, that violent comic books could turn children into criminals. The press-friendly hearings featured controversial speakers and slides of comic strips depicting a machine gun–toting woman character named “Frisco Mary” blowing away law enforcement officials without remorse that were circulated widely in the media. Kefauver anticipated that the press generated by these hearings would help him gain publicity for a bid to get on the 1956 Democratic presidential ticket. He lost the presidential nomination battle but ended up the vice presidential candidate for the losing side (Nyberg, 1998).

Committee Work

Committees are powerful gatekeepers. They decide the fate of bills by determining which ones will move forward and be considered by the full House and Senate. Committee members have tremendous influence over the drafting and rewriting of legislation. They have access to experts and information, which gives them an advantage when debating bills on the floor (Shepsle & Weingast).

Committee chairs are especially influential, as they are able to employ tactics that can make or break bills. Powerful chairs master the committee’s subject matter, get to know committee members well, and form coalitions to back their positions. Chairs can reward cooperative members and punish those who oppose them by granting or withholding favors, such as supporting pork barrel legislation that will benefit a member’s district (Fenno, 1973).

Most committee work receives limited media coverage. Investigative hearings are the exception, as they can provide opportunities for high drama.

Committee Investigations

Conducting investigations is one of the most public activities in which congressional committees engage. During the Progressive Era of the 1890s through 1920s, members could gain the attention of muckraking journalists by holding investigative hearings to expose corruption in business and government. The first of these was the 1913 “Pujo hearings,” in which Rep. Arsene Pujo (D-LA) headed a probe of Wall Street financiers. High-profile investigations in the 1920s included an inquiry into the mismanagement of the Teapot Dome oil reserves. During the Great Depression of the 1930s, Congress conducted an investigation of the stock market, targeting Wall Street once again. Newspapers were willing to devote much front-page ink to these hearings, as reports on the hearings increased newspaper readership. In 1950, Senator Kefauver held hearings investigating organized crime that drew 30 million television viewers at a time when the medium was new to American homes (Mayhew, 2000).

The Senate convened a special committee to investigate the Watergate burglaries and cover-up in 1973. The burglars had been directed by President Richard Nixon’s reelection committee to break into and wiretap the Democratic National Committee headquarters at the Watergate building complex. The Watergate hearings became a national television event as 319 hours of the hearings were broadcast and watched by 85 percent of American households. Gavel-to-gavel coverage of the hearings was broadcast on National Public Radio. The senators who conducted the investigation, especially Chairman Sam Ervin (D-NC) and Senator Howard Baker (R-TN), became household names. The hearings resulted in the conviction of several of President Nixon’s aides for obstruction of justice and ultimately led to Nixon’s resignation (Gray, 1984).

Figure 12.12

The Senate Watergate hearings in 1973 were a major television and radio event that brought Congress to the attention of the entire nation. Film clips of highlights from the Watergate hearings are available on the Watergate Files website of the Gerald R. Ford Library & Museum.

Wikimedia Commons – CC BY-SA 3.0.

In 2002, the House Financial Services Committee held thirteen hearings to uncover how Enron Corporation was able to swindle investors and drive up electricity rates in California while its executives lived the high life. Prior to the hearings, which made “Enron” a household word, there was little press coverage of Enron’s questionable operating procedures.

Enron’s Skilling Answers Markey at Hearing; Eyes Roll

(click to see video)

A clip of the Enron hearings before the House illustrates how Congress exercises its investigative power.

Enduring Image

The House Un-American Activities Committee and Hollywood

Following World War II, chilly relations existed between the United States and the Communist Soviet Union, a nation that had emerged as a strong power and had exploded an atomic bomb (Giglio, 2000). The House Un-American Activities Committee (HUAC), which was established in 1939 to investigate subversive activities, decided to look into allegations that Communists were threatening to overthrow American democracy using force and violence. People in government, the labor movement, and the motion picture industry were accused of being communists. Especially sensational were hearings where Hollywood actors, directors, and writers were called before the HUAC. It was not uncommon for people in Hollywood to have joined the Communist Party during the Great Depression of the 1930s, although many were inactive at the time of the hearings. HUAC alleged that film “was the principle medium through which Communists have sought to inject their propaganda” (Gianos, 1998).

Those accused of being communists, nicknamed “reds,” were called before the HUAC. They were subject to intense questioning by members of Congress and the committee’s counsel. In 1947, HUAC held hearings to investigate the influence of Communists in Hollywood. The “ Hollywood Ten ,” a group of nine screenwriters, including Ring Lardner, Jr. and Dalton Trumbo, and director Edward Dmytryk, were paraded before the committee. Members of Congress shouted to the witnesses, “Are you now or have you ever been a member of the Communist Party?” They were commanded to provide the names of people they knew to be Communists or face incarceration. Some of the Hollywood Ten responded aggressively to the committee, not answering questions and making statements asserting their First Amendment right to free expression. Blinding flashbulbs provided a constant backdrop to the hearings, as photographers documented images of dramatic face-offs between committee members and the witnesses. Images of the hearings were disseminated widely in front-page photos in newspapers and magazines and on television.

The HUAC hearings immortalized the dramatic image of the congressional investigation featuring direct confrontations between committee members and witnesses.

The Hollywood Ten refused to cooperate with HUAC, were cited for contempt of Congress, and sent to prison (Ceplair, 1994). They were blacklisted by the leaders of the film industry, along with two hundred other admitted or suspected communists, and were unable to work in the motion picture industry. Pressured by personal and financial ruin, Edward Dmytryk eventually gave in to HUAC’s demands.

Commercial films have perpetuated the dramatic image of congressional hearings made popular by the HUAC investigations. Films released around the time of the hearings tended to justify the actions the HUAC, including Big Jim McClain (1952) and On the Waterfront (1954). The few films made later are more critical. Woody Allen plays a small-time bookie who fronts for blacklisted writers in The Front (1976), a film depicting the personal toll exacted by the HUAC and blacklisting. In Guilty by Suspicion (1991), Robert DeNiro’s character refuses to name names and jeopardizes his career as a director. One of the Hollywood Ten (2000), graphically depicts film director Herbert Biberman’s experience in front of the HUAC before he is jailed for not cooperating.

Key Takeaways

Much of the important work in Congress is accomplished through committees. The fate of legislation—which bills will make it to the floor of the House and Senate—is determined in committees. Members seek committee assignments considering their desire to influence policy, exert influence, and get reelected. Most committee work receives little, if any, media coverage. Investigative committees are the exception when they are covering hearings on high-profile matters.

• What is the role of congressional committees? What determines which committees members of Congress seek to be on?
• What are generally considered to be the most powerful and prestigious committees in Congress? What do you think makes those committees so influential?

Ceplair, L., “The Hollywood Blacklist,” in The Political Companion to American Film , ed. Gary Crowdus (Chicago: Lakeview Press, 1994), 193–99.

Fenno, R., Congressmen in Committees (Boston: Little, Brown, 1973).

Gianos, P. L., Politics and Politicians in American Film (Westport, CT: Praeger, 1998), 65.

Giglio, E., Here’s Looking at You (New York: Peter Lang, 2000).

Gray, R., Congressional Television: A Legislative History (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1984).

Mayhew, D. R., America’s Congress (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2000).

Nyberg, A. K., Seal of Approval (Oxford: University of Mississippi Press, 1998).

Shepsle, K. A., and Barry R. Weingast, “The Institutional Foundations of Committee Power,” American Political Science Review 81: 85–104.

Wilson, W., Congressional Government (New York: Houghton Mifflin, 1885), 69.

American Government and Politics in the Information Age Copyright © 2016 by University of Minnesota is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 4.0 International License , except where otherwise noted.

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House of Representatives Committee on Rules

• Chairman Michael C. Burgess
• Rules Committee Members
• Subcommittees
• Special Rule Process
• Special Rule Types
• History of the Chairs of the Standing House Committee on Rules
• Hearing Room Committee Chair Portraits
• Submission Form
• Adding Cosponsors
• Withdrawing Amendments
• Submitting Revisions
• Amendment Resources
• Special Rules
• Original Jurisdiction Matters
• Rules of the House of Representatives
• Rules and Manuals of the House for Prior Congresses
• Rules of the Committees of the House of Representatives
• Surveys and Journals of Activities
• Additional Volumes
• Rules Committee Protocols
• Regulations for the 118th Congress
• Constitutional Authority and Single Subject Statements
• Rules Committee Prints
• Press Releases
• Announcements
• Minority Site

The Committee on Rules is amongst the oldest standing committees in the House, having been first formally constituted on April 2, 1789. The Committee is commonly known as “The Speaker’s Committee” because it is the mechanism that the Speaker uses to maintain control of the House Floor, and was chaired by the Speaker until 1910. Because of the vast power wielded by the Rules Committee, its ratio has traditionally been weighted in favor of the majority party, and has been in its “2 to 1” (9 majority and 4 minority members) configuration since the late 1970s.

The Rules Committee has two broad categories of jurisdiction:  special orders  for the consideration of legislation (known as “ special rules ” or “rules”) and  original jurisdiction  matters. A  special rule  provides the terms and conditions of debate on a measure or matter, consideration of which constitutes the bulk of the work of the Rules Committee. The Committee also considers  original jurisdiction  measures, which commonly represent changes to the standing rules of the House, or measures that contain special rules, such as the expedited procedures in trade legislation.

The Committee has the authority to do virtually anything during the course of consideration of a measure, including deeming it passed. The Committee can also include a self- executed amendment which could rewrite just parts of a bill, or the entire measure. In essence, so long as a majority of the House is willing to vote for a special rule, there is little that the Rules Committee cannot do.

How Are Members of a Committee in Congress Chosen?

Dell markey.

Before a bill comes before the U.S. Senate or House of Representatives for consideration, it must pass through a subcommittee and committee that specialize in the type of legislation the bill proposes. Both the House and the Senate have a three-step process to appoint committee members. Each committee is represented by legislators of both major political parties. Appointments on each committee are divided in proportion to the seats each party controls in the chamber the committee serves.

Explore this article

• Selection Process

1 Selection Process

Republicans and Democrats generally know how many seats they will receive in each committee before Congress convenes. Third party and independent legislators may be assigned to committees through either party. The parties select their desired committee appointments through a system which allows experienced legislators first choice of appointments by seniority. In most cases, legislators opt to stay on the committees they served in previous sessions of Congress. A drawing is held to determine the order in which new legislators may pick committee assignments. After all committee assignments are chosen within the parties, the parties' senators and representatives vote on whether to approve the slate of appointees. Once each party has approved its slate of appointees, they are presented to the full House or Senate for approval. Approval votes – both within the parties and before the legislative bodies – are usually approved without significant opposition.

• 1 Senate.gov: Senate Committees
• 2 Office of the Clerk, U.S. House of Representatives: Committee FAQs

About the Author

Dell Markey is a full-time journalist. When he isn't writing business spotlights for local community papers, he writes and has owned and operated a small business.

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House Committees: Assignment Process

The Legislative Process

"All Legislative Powers herein granted shall be vested in a Congress of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate and House of Representatives."

(Article I, Section 1, of the United States Constitution )

How Are Laws Made?

Laws begin as ideas. First, a representative sponsors a bill. The bill is then assigned to a committee for study. If released by the committee, the bill is put on a calendar to be voted on, debated or amended. If the bill passes by simple majority (218 of 435), the bill moves to the Senate. In the Senate, the bill is assigned to another committee and, if released, debated and voted on. Again, a simple majority (51 of 100) passes the bill. Finally, a conference committee made of House and Senate members works out any differences between the House and Senate versions of the bill. The resulting bill returns to the House and Senate for final approval. The Government Publishing Office prints the revised bill in a process called enrolling. The President has 10 days to sign or veto the enrolled bill.

What the 21 McCarthy holdouts got in committee assignments

WASHINGTON — The 21 House Republicans who initially blocked Rep. Kevin McCarthy from winning the speakership had demanded big changes to House rules, but they also wanted more influence on the congressional committees that will set the GOP agenda over the next two years.

While not every holdout got exactly what he or she had asked for, some won plum committee assignments from McCarthy, R-Calif., and his allies after they helped him secure the speaker's gavel , a process that took 15 rounds of voting.

As part of his deal with detractors, McCarthy named three conservative rabble rousers — Reps. Chip Roy of Texas, Ralph Norman of South Carolina and Thomas Massie of Kentucky — to the influential Rules Committee, which decides how exactly bills come to the House floor.

Here's what we know so far:

• Rep. Andy Biggs of Arizona , a former head of the Freedom Caucus and one of the five so-called Never Kevins , will keep his spots on the powerful Judiciary and Oversight committees. He was also named chairman of Judiciary's subcommittee on Crime and Federal Government Surveillance. Biggs changed his vote to "present" on the final ballot for speaker, helping push McCarthy over the finish line.
• Rep. Dan Bishop of North Carolina , one of 13 holdouts who flipped to back McCarthy on the 12th ballot, will continue to serve on both the Judiciary and Homeland Security committees. McCarthy also named Bishop to Judiciary's new subcommittee on the "Weaponization of the Federal Government."
• Rep. Lauren Boebert of Colorado , a vocal McCarthy critic who voted "present" on the 14th and 15th ballots, was awarded a seat on the Oversight and Accountability Committee, which plans to launch numerous investigations into the Biden administration. She will continue to serve on the Natural Resources panel, on which she served in the previous Congress.
• Freshman Rep. Josh Brecheen of Oklahoma , who flipped to McCarthy on the 12th ballot, won seats on the Homeland Security Committee and Budget committees.
• Rep. Mike Cloud of Texas , who also flipped to McCarthy on the 12th ballot, won a new seat on the powerful Appropriations Committee, which controls federal spending. McCarthy also named him to the new select committee investigating the origins of the Covid pandemic.
• Rep. Andrew Clyde of Georgia , another lawmaker who flipped to McCarthy on the 12th ballot, will serve for the first time on Appropriations.
• Freshman Rep. Eli Crane of Arizona , who voted "present" on the 15th ballot, will serve on the Homeland Security Committee.
• Rep. Byron Donalds of Florida , who was nominated to run against McCarthy for speaker and flipped to him on the 12th ballot, was named by McCarthy as the "speaker's designee" on the influential Steering Committee, which decides which lawmakers get committee gavels and seats. Donalds also won a coveted spot on the Financial Services Committee, a top panel known on Capitol Hill as an "A" committee.
• Rep. Matt Gaetz of Florida , perhaps the most vocal McCarthy foe during the speaker fight, who flipped to "present" in the 14th round, will continue to serve on the Judiciary panel and was appointed by McCarthy to the new weaponization subcommittee .
• Rep. Bob Good of Virginia , one of the Never Kevins who flipped to "present" in the last round of voting, will serve on the Budget and Education and Workforce committees.
• Rep. Paul Gosar of Arizona , who flipped to McCarthy on the 12th ballot, was reinstated by Republicans on two committees —Oversight and Natural Resources panels — after Democrats removed him two years ago for posting threats to lawmakers on social media. He was named chairman of the Natural Resources subcommittee on Oversight and Investigations.
• Rep. Andy Harris of Maryland , who flipped to McCarthy on the 13th ballot, will continue to serve on the Appropriations panel. Harris, a physician, will be the chairman of the Agriculture, Rural Development, Food and Drug Administration subcommittee.
• Freshman Rep. Anna Paulina Luna of Florida , who flipped to McCarthy on the 12th ballot, won a seats on the Oversight and Natural Resources panels.
• Rep. Mary Miller of Illinois , who flipped to McCarthy on the 12th ballot, will remain on the Agriculture Committee.
• Rep. Ralph Norman of South Carolina , one of the Never Kevins who flipped to McCarthy on the 12th ballot, was named by the speaker as one of nine Republicans on the Rules Committee. Norman also will remain on the Financial Services panel, which he joined in June, and will serve on the Budget Committee too.
• Freshman Rep. Andy Ogles of Tennessee , who flipped to McCarthy on the 12th ballot, also won a seat on Financial Services.
• Rep. Scott Perry of Pennsylvania , the chairman of the far-right House Freedom Caucus who brokered a deal between conservatives and McCarthy, will remain on the Foreign Affairs Committee. A subject of Jan. 6 investigations , Perry won a new seat on the Oversight committee.
• Rep. Matt Rosendale of Montana , a Never Kevin who flipped to "present" on the final ballot, will continue to serve on Natural Resources.
• Rep. Chip Roy of Texas , who along with Perry helped negotiate a deal with McCarthy, was tapped to serve on the Budget committee and the influential Rules Committee. Roy will also keep his seat on the Judiciary panel.
• Freshman Rep. Keith Self, R-Texas , who flipped to McCarthy on the 12th ballot, will serve on the Foreign Affairs panel.
• Rep. Victoria Spartz of Indiana , who flipped from "present" to vote for McCarthy on the 12th ballot, will continue to serve on the Judiciary panel.

In addition to committee assignments, McCarthy had made other concessions to his right flank.

In the package of rules changes McCarthy and the Freedom Caucus negotiated for the 118th Congress was a provision allowing a single lawmaker to force a floor vote to oust McCarthy as speaker. They also agreed to make it harder to raise federal spending, taxes and the debt ceiling, and to create select committees to investigate the Chinese Communist Party and the "weaponization of the federal government."

Some Freedom Caucus members who stuck with McCarthy from the very start also did well for themselves. Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene, R-Ga., a McCarthy ally whom Democrats stripped of her committee assignments two years ago, won seats on the Oversight and Homeland Security committees.

Meanwhile, Rep. Warren Davidson of Ohio, a Freedom Caucus member who nominated McCarthy on the fifth ballot , was named chairman of the Financial Services subcommittee on Housing and Insurance.

Scott Wong is a senior congressional reporter for NBC News.

Kyle Stewart is a field producer covering Congress for NBC News.

• Committee Activity

Full Committee Markup

April 30, 2024, subcommittee: house administration.

On Tuesday, April 30, 2024, at 10:15 a.m. ET, the Committee on House Administration will hold a full committee markup in 1310 of the Longworth House Office building. The Committee may consider the following:

• H.R. 7592 - A bill to replace the requirement for the Library of Congress to  prepare hardbound versions of the Constitution Annotated and supplements with a requirement to instead prepare and publish digital versions online.

• H.R. 7593 - “Modernizing the Congressional Research Service’s Access to Data  Act”

• Committee Resolution 118-33 - Resolution to Approve Allocation from the Paid  House Committee Internship Program to Committees for 2024

• Committee Resolution 118-34 - Resolution to Amend the Members’  Congressional Handbook (authorizing co-s ponsored constituent service events  and making other Handbook revisions)

Watch live here.

Related Files

• Notice Final 4.30.24.pdf (138.1 KBs)

Permalink: https://cha.house.gov/2024/4/full-committee-markup

Congressman Carson statement on sexual assault and harassment in the CIA

WASHINGTON, DC —Today, Congressman Carson made the following statement in reaction to the House Intelligence Committee’s report on sexual assault and harassment in the CIA:

“As Ranking Member of the House Intelligence Committee’s CIA Subcommittee, I was proud to author several provisions in the Intelligence Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2024 addressing sexual assault and harassment policies in the CIA. As our country’s first line of defense, the CIA must function efficiently and effectively. Like any federal agency, the CIA has a responsibility to prevent sexual harassment and assault and to hold perpetrators accountable. According to this report, the CIA failed on both counts.

“Sexual harassment and assault are unfortunately prevalent in the intelligence community as well as in workplaces across the country. To address this serious issue, we must look at every level of the reporting and disciplinary processes. In my leadership capacity on the CIA Subcommittee, I’ve heard from survivors who described a confusing process for reporting sexual assault in the CIA and who felt reluctant to come forward without the promise of anonymity. My provisions in the Intelligence Authorization Act directly address those concerns, requiring the development of policies that protect employees’ confidentiality. However, one of the best ways we can encourage survivors to come forward is by setting a clear example: those who have been proven to perpetrate sexual harassment and assault will be held accountable.

“I’m encouraged by the CIA’s willingness to participate in this report and lead a new era and culture in the agency where survivors are empowered to come forward without fearing repercussions. We have a long way to go, but I will continue this important work with my colleagues on both sides of the aisle.”   

Granger Remarks During Floor Consideration of H.R. 2882, The Further Consolidated Appropriations Act, 2024

Mr. speaker, I rise today in support of this appropriations package. 

I want to start by thanking all of the members and staff who were involved in this process.

Two weeks ago, I talked about the changes house republicans made in how we fund the government.

We made targeted cuts to wasteful programs.

This package is proof of that.

I also mentioned that we increased defense funding – the world around us is becoming more dangerous. 

I am proud to say that this bill strengthens our national security and funds critical defense efforts.

These efforts include:

          • Countering china,

          • Developing next-generation weapons,

          • And investing in the quality-of-life of our service members.

Overall, the defense bill is increased by $27 billion above last year.

This package also includes other key priorities:

          • It continues our strong support for Israel,

          • Combats the flow of illegal drugs,

          •  And fully funds medical research for cancer and chronic diseases. 

Against all odds, house republicans re-focused spending on America's most crucial needs at home and abroad.

I urge my colleagues to support this bill, and I reserve the balance of my time.

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U.S. House GOP bars earmarks for certain non-profits, after controversy over LGBTQ projects

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The U.S. Capitol in Washington, D.C., is pictured on March 14. (Photo by Jennifer Shutt/States Newsroom)

WASHINGTON — U.S. House lawmakers will no longer be able to request earmarked funding for some nonprofits under a change in eligibility made by the Republican chairman of the Appropriations Committee on Thursday.

The alteration is related to an uproar during last year’s annual government funding process, when House Republicans, who are in the majority, included three LGBTQ projects in one of their spending bills and then stripped that funding during a tense public markup.

The change to eligibility in the House affects nonprofits that fall under the Economic Development Initiative account within the Transportation-HUD spending bill, one of the dozen funding bills that are written by congressional appropriators.

The new guidance laid out by Chairman Tom Cole doesn’t apply to House lawmakers seeking funding for nonprofits in the other accounts eligible for earmark requests.

It also doesn’t affect how the earmark process will work on the Senate side. That means there is another avenue for lawmakers to secure funding for LGBTQ projects if they decide to make those requests and the Senate spending panel chooses to include it in its version of the bill.

“Similar to previous reforms made in this Congress, this change aims to ensure projects are consistent with the community development goals of the federal program,” Cole wrote in a “Dear Colleague” letter .

Cole, an Oklahoma Republican, became chairman of the powerful spending panel earlier this month after the former chairwoman, Kay Granger of Texas, decided to leave that leadership post early.

Connecticut Democratic Rep. Rosa DeLauro, ranking member on the committee, released a written statement, saying the change “is a seismic shift, as nearly half of all the 2024 House-funded EDI projects were directed to non-profit recipients.”

“In order to accommodate the extreme Republican wing, Republicans are trying to root out any help for the LGBTQ+ community,” DeLauro wrote. “They are willing to hurt their own religious organizations, seniors, and veterans.”

The eligibility change, she wrote, would exclude House lawmakers from requesting funding for “YMCAs, Boys & Girls Clubs, and other groups vital to our communities.”

Three LGBTQ projects

House Republicans originally included $1.8 million in funding for the William Way LGBT Center in Philadelphia, $970,000 for the LGBT Center of Greater Reading’s Transitional Housing Program in Pennsylvania and $850,000 for affordable senior housing at LGBTQ Senior Housing, Inc. in Massachusetts in their Transportation-HUD spending bill released last summer.

All three projects were requested by House lawmakers, the first step in the earmark process.

The projects were funded under the Economic Development Initiatives account that at the time was eligible for earmarks in the Housing and Urban Development section of the Transportation-HUD spending bill.

Cole, then-chairman of that subcommittee, removed the three projects through a so-called manager’s amendment that made numerous changes to the bill during committee debate.

While manager’s amendments are standard and typically bipartisan, the removal infuriated Democrats on the committee, who urged their GOP colleagues to reconsider during a heated debate last July.

Wisconsin Democratic Rep. Mark Pocan said at the time removing the funding was an insult to LGBTQ Americans as well as their families and allies.

“The fact that you would take away members’ earmarks simply because they refer to the LGBTQI+ community is insane, is bigoted,” Pocan said in July.

The final batch of spending bills Congress approved in March, following House-Senate negotiations, was slated to include $1 million for the William Way LGBT Center in Philadelphia, since the Pennsylvania senators also requested funding. But that was removed from the bill after it had been released , setting off a confusing blame game among lawmakers.

The final Labor-HHS-Education spending bill approved in March included $850,000 for LGBTQ Senior Housing, Inc., MA, for services for older adults within the Administration for Community Living account within the HHS section of the bill.

That funding in Massachusetts had been stripped from the House’s Transportation-HUD bill by GOP lawmakers, but was also requested by the state’s two senators and included in the Labor-HHS-Education spending bill within that chamber.

That final spending bill also included $400,000 for the Garden State Equality Education Fund, Inc., for trauma-informed strategies to support LGBTQ+ youth in New Jersey, within the Innovation and Improvement account for the Department of Education.

That funding was never requested by House lawmakers, but was asked for by the state’s two senators.

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The post U.S. House GOP bars earmarks for certain non-profits, after controversy over LGBTQ projects appeared first on Oklahoma Voice .

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