political research exchange

Political Research Exchange

Subject Area and Category

• Political Science and International Relations

Taylor and Francis Ltd.

Publication type

Information.

How to publish in this journal

[email protected]

The set of journals have been ranked according to their SJR and divided into four equal groups, four quartiles. Q1 (green) comprises the quarter of the journals with the highest values, Q2 (yellow) the second highest values, Q3 (orange) the third highest values and Q4 (red) the lowest values.

The SJR is a size-independent prestige indicator that ranks journals by their 'average prestige per article'. It is based on the idea that 'all citations are not created equal'. SJR is a measure of scientific influence of journals that accounts for both the number of citations received by a journal and the importance or prestige of the journals where such citations come from It measures the scientific influence of the average article in a journal, it expresses how central to the global scientific discussion an average article of the journal is.

Evolution of the number of published documents. All types of documents are considered, including citable and non citable documents.

This indicator counts the number of citations received by documents from a journal and divides them by the total number of documents published in that journal. The chart shows the evolution of the average number of times documents published in a journal in the past two, three and four years have been cited in the current year. The two years line is equivalent to journal impact factor ™ (Thomson Reuters) metric.

Evolution of the total number of citations and journal's self-citations received by a journal's published documents during the three previous years. Journal Self-citation is defined as the number of citation from a journal citing article to articles published by the same journal.

Evolution of the number of total citation per document and external citation per document (i.e. journal self-citations removed) received by a journal's published documents during the three previous years. External citations are calculated by subtracting the number of self-citations from the total number of citations received by the journal’s documents.

International Collaboration accounts for the articles that have been produced by researchers from several countries. The chart shows the ratio of a journal's documents signed by researchers from more than one country; that is including more than one country address.

Not every article in a journal is considered primary research and therefore "citable", this chart shows the ratio of a journal's articles including substantial research (research articles, conference papers and reviews) in three year windows vs. those documents other than research articles, reviews and conference papers.

Ratio of a journal's items, grouped in three years windows, that have been cited at least once vs. those not cited during the following year.

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The Battle of Bruges: Margaret Thatcher, the foreign office and the unravelling of British European policy

• Politics & International Relations

Research output : Contribution to journal › Article › Research › peer-review

• Margaret Thatcher
• Bruges Speech
• Euroscepticism
• Foreign and Commonwealth Office
• European Community

Access to Document

• 10.1080/2474736X.2019.1643681
• 341812418-oa Final published version, 1.99 MB

T1 - The Battle of Bruges

T2 - Margaret Thatcher, the foreign office and the unravelling of British European policy

AU - Daddow, Oliver

AU - Gifford, Christopher

AU - Wellings, Ben

PY - 2019/7/31

Y1 - 2019/7/31

N2 - Drawing on newly released archival material, this article reassesses Margaret Thatcher’s 1988 Bruges speech, widely depicted to have instigated Britain's drift towards Brexit. It opens by giving an essential recap of the main contents of the speech. Next, the article explains why and how we use the address as a prism through which to see Thatcher's European policy-making in action. The third section tells how the speech was written to show how intra-government fault lines began to surface in its earliest incarnations. We then process trace to the two main battles publicly rehearsed at Bruges: over the Conservative Party's approach to European integration (fourth section); and, reinforcing this, over the desirability of an Anglo-American reading of British history in which ‘Europe’ occupied a subordinate place (fifth section). Our central claim is that the study of political speeches, including the speechwriting process, can be a compelling addition to our accounts of the ways in which politicians frame policy dilemmas, debate them behind the scenes and manage their political communication to achieved desired policy objectives, in this case opening up Britain's place in ‘Europe’ for domestic discussion. We therefore contribute to three overlapping domains of inquiry: Thatcher's foreign and European policy decision-making; the Conservative Party and European integration leading to Brexit; and finally, speeches as tools for policy-making and agenda setting.

AB - Drawing on newly released archival material, this article reassesses Margaret Thatcher’s 1988 Bruges speech, widely depicted to have instigated Britain's drift towards Brexit. It opens by giving an essential recap of the main contents of the speech. Next, the article explains why and how we use the address as a prism through which to see Thatcher's European policy-making in action. The third section tells how the speech was written to show how intra-government fault lines began to surface in its earliest incarnations. We then process trace to the two main battles publicly rehearsed at Bruges: over the Conservative Party's approach to European integration (fourth section); and, reinforcing this, over the desirability of an Anglo-American reading of British history in which ‘Europe’ occupied a subordinate place (fifth section). Our central claim is that the study of political speeches, including the speechwriting process, can be a compelling addition to our accounts of the ways in which politicians frame policy dilemmas, debate them behind the scenes and manage their political communication to achieved desired policy objectives, in this case opening up Britain's place in ‘Europe’ for domestic discussion. We therefore contribute to three overlapping domains of inquiry: Thatcher's foreign and European policy decision-making; the Conservative Party and European integration leading to Brexit; and finally, speeches as tools for policy-making and agenda setting.

KW - Margaret Thatcher

KW - Bruges Speech

KW - Euroscepticism

KW - Brexit

KW - Foreign and Commonwealth Office

KW - European Community

U2 - 10.1080/2474736X.2019.1643681

DO - 10.1080/2474736X.2019.1643681

M3 - Article

SN - 2474-736X

JO - Political Research Exchange

JF - Political Research Exchange

M1 - 1643681

Political Research Exchange - Impact Score, Ranking, SJR, h-index, Citescore, Rating, Publisher, ISSN, and Other Important Details

Published By: Taylor and Francis Ltd.

Impact Score The impact Score or journal impact score (JIS) is equivalent to Impact Factor. The impact factor (IF) or journal impact factor (JIF) of an academic journal is a scientometric index calculated by Clarivate that reflects the yearly mean number of citations of articles published in the last two years in a given journal, as indexed by Clarivate's Web of Science. On the other hand, Impact Score is based on Scopus data.

Important details, about political research exchange.

Political Research Exchange is a journal published by Taylor and Francis Ltd. . This journal covers the area[s] related to Political Science and International Relations, etc . The coverage history of this journal is as follows: 2019-2022. The rank of this journal is 7084 . This journal's impact score, h-index, and SJR are 2.20, 8, and 0.702, respectively. The ISSN of this journal is/are as follows: 2474736X . The best quartile of Political Research Exchange is Q1 . This journal has received a total of 112 citations during the last three years (Preceding 2022).

Political Research Exchange Impact Score 2022-2023

The impact score (IS), also denoted as the Journal impact score (JIS), of an academic journal is a measure of the yearly average number of citations to recent articles published in that journal. It is based on Scopus data.

Prediction of Political Research Exchange Impact Score 2023

Impact Score 2022 of Political Research Exchange is 2.20 . If a similar upward trend continues, IS may increase in 2023 as well.

Impact Score Graph

Check below the impact score trends of political research exchange. this is based on scopus data., political research exchange h-index.

The h-index of Political Research Exchange is 8 . By definition of the h-index, this journal has at least 8 published articles with more than 8 citations.

What is h-index?

The h-index (also known as the Hirsch index or Hirsh index) is a scientometric parameter used to evaluate the scientific impact of the publications and journals. It is defined as the maximum value of h such that the given Journal has published at least h papers and each has at least h citations.

Political Research Exchange ISSN

The International Standard Serial Number (ISSN) of Political Research Exchange is/are as follows: 2474736X .

The ISSN is a unique 8-digit identifier for a specific publication like Magazine or Journal. The ISSN is used in the postal system and in the publishing world to identify the articles that are published in journals, magazines, newsletters, etc. This is the number assigned to your article by the publisher, and it is the one you will use to reference your article within the library catalogues.

ISSN code (also called as "ISSN structure" or "ISSN syntax") can be expressed as follows: NNNN-NNNC Here, N is in the set {0,1,2,3...,9}, a digit character, and C is in {0,1,2,3,...,9,X}

Political Research Exchange Ranking and SCImago Journal Rank (SJR)

SCImago Journal Rank is an indicator, which measures the scientific influence of journals. It considers the number of citations received by a journal and the importance of the journals from where these citations come.

Political Research Exchange Publisher

The publisher of Political Research Exchange is Taylor and Francis Ltd. . The publishing house of this journal is located in the United Kingdom . Its coverage history is as follows: 2019-2022 .

Call For Papers (CFPs)

Please check the official website of this journal to find out the complete details and Call For Papers (CFPs).

How to publish in Political Research Exchange

If your area of research or discipline is related to Political Science and International Relations, etc. , please check the journal's official website to understand the complete publication process.

Acceptance Rate

• Interest/demand of researchers/scientists for publishing in a specific journal/conference.
• The complexity of the peer review process and timeline.
• Time taken from draft submission to final publication.
• Number of submissions received and acceptance slots
• And Many More.

The simplest way to find out the acceptance rate or rejection rate of a Journal/Conference is to check with the journal's/conference's editorial team through emails or through the official website.

Frequently Asked Questions (FAQ)

What is the impact score of political research exchange.

The latest impact score of Political Research Exchange is 2.20. It is computed in the year 2023.

What is the h-index of Political Research Exchange?

The latest h-index of Political Research Exchange is 8. It is evaluated in the year 2023.

What is the SCImago Journal Rank (SJR) of Political Research Exchange?

The latest SCImago Journal Rank (SJR) of Political Research Exchange is 0.702. It is calculated in the year 2023.

What is the ranking of Political Research Exchange?

The latest ranking of Political Research Exchange is 7084. This ranking is among 27955 Journals, Conferences, and Book Series. It is computed in the year 2023.

Who is the publisher of Political Research Exchange?

Political Research Exchange is published by Taylor and Francis Ltd.. The publication country of this journal is United Kingdom.

What is the abbreviation of Political Research Exchange?

This standard abbreviation of Political Research Exchange is .

Is "Political Research Exchange" a Journal, Conference or Book Series?

Political Research Exchange is a journal published by Taylor and Francis Ltd..

What is the scope of Political Research Exchange?

• Political Science and International Relations

For detailed scope of Political Research Exchange, check the official website of this journal.

What is the ISSN of Political Research Exchange?

The International Standard Serial Number (ISSN) of Political Research Exchange is/are as follows: 2474736X.

What is the best quartile for Political Research Exchange?

The best quartile for Political Research Exchange is Q1.

What is the coverage history of Political Research Exchange?

The coverage history of Political Research Exchange is as follows 2019-2022.

Credits and Sources

• Scimago Journal & Country Rank (SJR), https://www.scimagojr.com/
• Journal Impact Factor, https://clarivate.com/
• Issn.org, https://www.issn.org/
• Scopus, https://www.scopus.com/

Note: The impact score shown here is equivalent to the average number of times documents published in a journal/conference in the past two years have been cited in the current year (i.e., Cites / Doc. (2 years)). It is based on Scopus data and can be a little higher or different compared to the impact factor (IF) produced by Journal Citation Report. Please refer to the Web of Science data source to check the exact journal impact factor ™ (Thomson Reuters) metric.

Impact Score, SJR, h-Index, and Other Important metrics of These Journals, Conferences, and Book Series

Check complete list

Political Research Exchange Impact Score (IS) Trend

Top journals/conferences in political science and international relations.

• EU Politics
• Foreign Affairs
• LSE Comment

July 30th, 2020

Who are vox, and who are their voters.

2 comments | 27 shares

Estimated reading time: 5 minutes

Since the emergence of Vox in the December 2018 Andalusian elections , at least two questions have been crucial for those interested in political parties and electoral behaviour in Spain, namely: who are Vox, and who are their voters? In a recent publication , we try to shed some light on these relevant questions by clarifying where Vox falls within the Spanish party system, and which sociodemographic, political, economic and attitudinal characteristics have led some citizens to vote for it.

To start from the very beginning, it is clear that Vox belongs to the radical right , this being self-evident in its programmatic platform. Economically, the party adopts a somewhat conventional conservative agenda that promotes market liberalism, reduced state intervention and cutbacks to the social welfare state. This is at odds with the welfare-chauvinism advocated by other members of the same party family, like France’s Rassemblement National (formerly Front National ). Additionally, the party clearly advocates a defence of traditional Spanish values and of the Spanish nation vis à vis internal and external threats (secessionists and immigrants, respectively).

In this sense, nativism is clearly the main ideology of Vox. However, discursively it employs a populist rhetoric that, with allusions to pre-democratic Spain, depicts Spanish society as divided into two homogeneous and antagonistic groups: the morally just and virtuous La España viva (Spain alive) and the morally corrupt La Anti-España (Anti-Spain), which the virtuous Spain must fight against. There is little doubt that Vox perceives itself as the purest representative of the former, with the party portraying itself as the sole protector of ordinary Spanish people’s interests, the primary defender against what it terms la dictadura progre (progressive dictatorship) and the only party that promises, à la Trump, to “make Spain great again”.

Relying on expert survey data from the Global Party Survey ran by Pippa Norris , we mapped Vox’s political offering with the wider Spanish party system. As shown in Figure 1 below, it is clear that the policy supply promoted by Vox is notably distinct from that of the other four main Spanish parties: the conservative Partido Popular (Popular Party – PP), the liberal Ciudadanos (Citizens – Cs), the social-democratic Partido Socialista Obrero Español (Spanish Socialist Workers’ Party – PSOE), and the radical left Unidas Podemos (We can – UP). Across both the conventional left-right economic axis, as well as the socio-cultural (GAL-TAN) axis, the party seeks to fill the ideological space that is closest to the polar ends on the economic right-wing and conservative space.

Figure 1: Vox’s ideology compared to other Spanish parties

Note: Data points scaled by vote share in the April 2019 election.

In addition to the substantive spatial gap between Vox and the other Spanish parties in the multidimensional axes of party competition, the expert respondents of the Global Party Survey also highlight the significance of populist rhetoric for the party (Figure 2). Not only is Vox more reliant on populist rhetoric than the party’s contemporaries within the Spanish party system (including Spain’s left-wing populist Unidas Podemos ), but populism is also identified as a core and salient aspect for the party.

Figure 2: Vox’s populism compared to other Spanish parties

Note: For more information, see the authors’ accompanying study in Political Research Exchange .

But what of VOX’s electorate? In our study , we use national level post-electoral survey data to establish what the motivations are behind voting for Vox. Our results are summarised in the table below.

Table: Factors and voting for Vox

Note: ++ indicates there was a positive relationship that was significant at a 95% confidence level; + indicates a positive relationship significant at a 90% confidence level; — indicates a negative relationship significant at 95%; – indicates a negative relationship significant at 90%; n/s indicates there was no statistically significant relationship. For more information, see the authors’ accompanying study in Political Research Exchange . Source: Own elaboration based on post-electoral survey, CIS April 2019.

In short, our analyses find evidence that electoral support for VOX may not necessarily be reflective of the conventional support for populist radical-right wing parties observed elsewhere in Europe. Like their contemporaries in other states, Vox’s voters tend to be males who identify with the right and are unhappy with the functioning of democracy. At odds with findings amongst Spain’s neighbours, however, we find little evidence of VOX support being driven by the economically “left behind” or the “disenchanted” working class. Vox’s voters tend to come from the higher end of the income distribution, have above-average levels of education and are also relatively young.

One of the strongest predictors is an individual’s sense of national attachment with the Spanish state. In other words, those who identify strongly as Spanish are significantly more likely to vote for Vox. However, nationalist feeling is conditioned by voters’ assessments of the political situation: the significant positive association in the probability of voting for Vox is only observed amongst those who hold negative evaluations of the political situation (Figure 3). The effect is also very large (7.5 percentage-points) among those with negative evaluations, whilst for the rest of the voters the effect is indistinguishable from zero.

Figure 3: Conditional effect of nationalism

When it comes to voters casting their ballot for Vox, we find, in addition to other important predictors like increased income, education, gender (male) and ideological placement, that nationalism prevails. Vox has been able to mobilise supporters against threats to the nation by targeting the (perceived) internal threat of Catalan secessionism and the (alleged) external threat of immigration . These attempts appear to have proven fruitful: those that are both unhappy with Spain’s political direction and identify strongly with Spanish national identity make up the bulk of Vox’s electoral base.

José Rama, Stuart J. Turnbull-Dugarte and Andrés Santana (along with Lisa Zanotti) are the authors of an upcoming book, ‘VOX: The Rise of the Spanish radical right’, which will be published as part of the Routledge series on Extremism and Democracy

Please read our comments policy before commenting .

Note: This article gives the views of the authors, not the position of EUROPP – European Politics and Policy or the London School of Economics.

_________________________________

About the authors

About the author

if you start saying “To start from the very beginning, it is clear that Vox belongs to the radical right”, it is clear that you do not have any idea what Vox is. The main reason for voters to be attracted by Vox is the use of common sense and that they are the only ones with pelotas (I know that you understand Spanish) to defend what many Spanish people, from 15 to 90 years old, think about the general situation in Spain. About the voters, not very accurate, so vague.

Populism, populism and one more time populism – that is the silver bullet of Vox.

In the country where you go to jail for criticizing C. Blanco, or J. Carlos, one should only vote centro-left parties. Otherwise we will end up like the Russian Federation, or Belarus, but with wine and jamón.

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