qualitative research online survey

Qualitative study design: Surveys & questionnaires

• Qualitative study design
• Phenomenology
• Grounded theory
• Ethnography
• Narrative inquiry
• Action research
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Surveys & questionnaires

Qualitative surveys use open-ended questions to produce long-form written/typed answers. Questions will aim to reveal opinions, experiences, narratives or accounts. Often a useful precursor to interviews or focus groups as they help identify initial themes or issues to then explore further in the research. Surveys can be used iteratively, being changed and modified over the course of the research to elicit new information. 

Structured Interviews may follow a similar form of open questioning.  

Qualitative surveys frequently include quantitative questions to establish elements such as age, nationality etc. 

Qualitative surveys aim to elicit a detailed response to an open-ended topic question in the participant’s own words.  Like quantitative surveys, there are three main methods for using qualitative surveys including face to face surveys, phone surveys, and online surveys. Each method of surveying has strengths and limitations.

Face to face surveys  

• Researcher asks participants one or more open-ended questions about a topic, typically while in view of the participant’s facial expressions and other behaviours while answering. Being able to view the respondent’s reactions enables the researcher to ask follow-up questions to elicit a more detailed response, and to follow up on any facial or behavioural cues that seem at odds with what the participants is explicitly saying.
• Face to face qualitative survey responses are likely to be audio recorded and transcribed into text to ensure all detail is captured; however, some surveys may include both quantitative and qualitative questions using a structured or semi-structured format of questioning, and in this case the researcher may simply write down key points from the participant’s response.

Telephone surveys

• Similar to the face to face method, but without researcher being able to see participant’s facial or behavioural responses to questions asked. This means the researcher may miss key cues that would help them ask further questions to clarify or extend participant responses to their questions, and instead relies on vocal cues.

Online surveys

• Open-ended questions are presented to participants in written format via email or within an online survey tool, often alongside quantitative survey questions on the same topic.
• Researchers may provide some contextualising information or key definitions to help ‘frame’ how participants view the qualitative survey questions, since they can’t directly ask the researcher about it in real time. 
• Participants are requested to responses to questions in text ‘in some detail’ to explain their perspective or experience to researchers; this can result in diversity of responses (brief to detailed).
• Researchers can not always probe or clarify participant responses to online qualitative survey questions which can result in data from these responses being cryptic or vague to the researcher.
• Online surveys can collect a greater number of responses in a set period of time compared to face to face and phone survey approaches, so while data may be less detailed, there is more of it overall to compensate.

Qualitative surveys can help a study early on, in finding out the issues/needs/experiences to be explored further in an interview or focus group. 

Surveys can be amended and re-run based on responses providing an evolving and responsive method of research. 

Online surveys will receive typed responses reducing translation by the researcher 

Online surveys can be delivered broadly across a wide population with asynchronous delivery/response. 

Limitations

Hand-written notes will need to be transcribed (time-consuming) for digital study and kept physically for reference. 

Distance (or online) communication can be open to misinterpretations that cannot be corrected at the time. 

Questions can be leading/misleading, eliciting answers that are not core to the research subject. Researchers must aim to write a neutral question which does not give away the researchers expectations. 

Even with transcribed/digital responses analysis can be long and detailed, though not as much as in an interview. 

Surveys may be left incomplete if performed online or taken by research assistants not well trained in giving the survey/structured interview. 

Narrow sampling may skew the results of the survey. 

Example questions

Here are some example survey questions which are open ended and require a long form written response:

• Tell us why you became a doctor? 
• What do you expect from this health service? 
• How do you explain the low levels of financial investment in mental health services? (WHO, 2007) 

Example studies

• Davey, L. , Clarke, V. and Jenkinson, E. (2019), Living with alopecia areata: an online qualitative survey study. British Journal of Dermatology, 180 1377-1389. Retrieved from https://onlinelibrary-wiley-com.ezproxy-f.deakin.edu.au/doi/10.1111%2Fbjd.17463    
• Richardson, J. (2004). What Patients Expect From Complementary Therapy: A Qualitative Study. American Journal of Public Health, 94(6), 1049–1053. Retrieved from http://ezproxy.deakin.edu.au/login?url=http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=s3h&AN=13270563&site=eds-live&scope=site  
• Saraceno, B., van Ommeren, M., Batniji, R., Cohen, A., Gureje, O., Mahoney, J., ... & Underhill, C. (2007). Barriers to improvement of mental health services in low-income and middle-income countries. The Lancet, 370(9593), 1164-1174. Retrieved from https://www-sciencedirect-com.ezproxy-f.deakin.edu.au/science/article/pii/S014067360761263X?via%3Dihub  

Below has more detail of the Lancet article including actual survey questions at: 

• World Health Organization. (2007.) Expert opinion on barriers and facilitating factors for the implementation of existing mental health knowledge in mental health services. Geneva: World Health Organization. https://apps.who.int/iris/handle/10665/44808
• Green, J. 1961-author., & Thorogood, N. (2018). Qualitative methods for health research. SAGE. Retrieved from http://ezproxy.deakin.edu.au/login?url=http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=cat00097a&AN=deakin.b4151167&authtype=sso&custid=deakin&site=eds-live&scope=site   
• JANSEN, H. The Logic of Qualitative Survey Research and its Position in the Field of Social Research Methods. Forum Qualitative Sozialforschung, 11(2), Retrieved from http://www.qualitative-research.net/index.php/fqs/article/view/1450/2946  
• Neilsen Norman Group, (2019). 28 Tips for Creating Great Qualitative Surveys. Retrieved from https://www.nngroup.com/articles/qualitative-surveys/   
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• Last Updated: Apr 8, 2024 11:12 AM
• URL: https://deakin.libguides.com/qualitative-study-designs

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Your ultimate guide to qualitative research (with methods and examples).

16 min read You may be already using qualitative research and want to check your understanding, or you may be starting from the beginning. Learn about qualitative research methods and how you can best use them for maximum effect.

What is qualitative research?

Qualitative research is a research method that collects non-numerical data. Typically, it goes beyond the information that quantitative research provides (which we will cover below) because it is used to gain an understanding of underlying reasons, opinions, and motivations.

Qualitative research methods focus on the thoughts, feelings, reasons, motivations, and values of a participant, to understand why people act in the way they do .

In this way, qualitative research can be described as naturalistic research, looking at naturally-occurring social events within natural settings. So, qualitative researchers would describe their part in social research as the ‘vehicle’ for collecting the qualitative research data.

Qualitative researchers discovered this by looking at primary and secondary sources where data is represented in non-numerical form. This can include collecting qualitative research data types like quotes, symbols, images, and written testimonials.

These data types tell qualitative researchers subjective information. While these aren’t facts in themselves, conclusions can be interpreted out of qualitative that can help to provide valuable context.

Because of this, qualitative research is typically viewed as explanatory in nature and is often used in social research, as this gives a window into the behavior and actions of people.

It can be a good research approach for health services research or clinical research projects.

Free eBook: The qualitative research design handbook

Quantitative vs qualitative research

In order to compare qualitative and quantitative research methods, let’s explore what quantitative research is first, before exploring how it differs from qualitative research.

Quantitative research

Quantitative research is the research method of collecting quantitative research data – data that can be converted into numbers or numerical data, which can be easily quantified, compared, and analyzed .

Quantitative research methods deal with primary and secondary sources where data is represented in numerical form. This can include closed-question poll results, statistics, and census information or demographic data.

Quantitative research data tends to be used when researchers are interested in understanding a particular moment in time and examining data sets over time to find trends and patterns.

The difference between quantitative and qualitative research methodology

While qualitative research is defined as data that supplies non-numerical information, quantitative research focuses on numerical data.

In general, if you’re interested in measuring something or testing a hypothesis, use quantitative research methods. If you want to explore ideas, thoughts, and meanings, use qualitative research methods.

While qualitative research helps you to properly define, promote and sell your products, don’t rely on qualitative research methods alone because qualitative findings can’t always be reliably repeated. Qualitative research is directional, not empirical.

The best statistical analysis research uses a combination of empirical data and human experience ( quantitative research and qualitative research ) to tell the story and gain better and deeper insights, quickly.

Where both qualitative and quantitative methods are not used, qualitative researchers will find that using one without the other leaves you with missing answers.

For example, if a retail company wants to understand whether a new product line of shoes will perform well in the target market:

• Qualitative research methods could be used with a sample of target customers, which would provide subjective reasons why they’d be likely to purchase or not purchase the shoes, while
• Quantitative research methods into the historical customer sales information on shoe-related products would provide insights into the sales performance, and likely future performance of the new product range.

Approaches to qualitative research

There are five approaches to qualitative research methods:

• Grounded theory: Grounded theory relates to where qualitative researchers come to a stronger hypothesis through induction, all throughout the process of collecting qualitative research data and forming connections. After an initial question to get started, qualitative researchers delve into information that is grouped into ideas or codes, which grow and develop into larger categories, as the qualitative research goes on. At the end of the qualitative research, the researcher may have a completely different hypothesis, based on evidence and inquiry, as well as the initial question.
• Ethnographic research : Ethnographic research is where researchers embed themselves into the environment of the participant or group in order to understand the culture and context of activities and behavior. This is dependent on the involvement of the researcher, and can be subject to researcher interpretation bias and participant observer bias . However, it remains a great way to allow researchers to experience a different ‘world’.
• Action research: With the action research process, both researchers and participants work together to make a change. This can be through taking action, researching and reflecting on the outcomes. Through collaboration, the collective comes to a result, though the way both groups interact and how they affect each other gives insights into their critical thinking skills.
• Phenomenological research: Researchers seek to understand the meaning of an event or behavior phenomenon by describing and interpreting participant’s life experiences. This qualitative research process understands that people create their own structured reality (‘the social construction of reality’), based on their past experiences. So, by viewing the way people intentionally live their lives, we’re able to see the experiential meaning behind why they live as they do.
• Narrative research: Narrative research, or narrative inquiry, is where researchers examine the way stories are told by participants, and how they explain their experiences, as a way of explaining the meaning behind their life choices and events. This qualitative research can arise from using journals, conversational stories, autobiographies or letters, as a few narrative research examples. The narrative is subjective to the participant, so we’re able to understand their views from what they’ve documented/spoken.

Qualitative research methods can use structured research instruments for data collection, like:

Surveys for individual views

A survey is a simple-to-create and easy-to-distribute qualitative research method, which helps gather information from large groups of participants quickly. Traditionally, paper-based surveys can now be made online, so costs can stay quite low.

Qualitative research questions tend to be open questions that ask for more information and provide a text box to allow for unconstrained comments.

Examples include:

• Asking participants to keep a written or a video diary for a period of time to document their feelings and thoughts
• In-Home-Usage tests: Buyers use your product for a period of time and report their experience

Surveys for group consensus (Delphi survey)

A Delphi survey may be used as a way to bring together participants and gain a consensus view over several rounds of questions. It differs from traditional surveys where results go to the researcher only. Instead, results go to participants as well, so they can reflect and consider all responses before another round of questions are submitted.

This can be useful to do as it can help researchers see what variance is among the group of participants and see the process of how consensus was reached.

• Asking participants to act as a fake jury for a trial and revealing parts of the case over several rounds to see how opinions change. At the end, the fake jury must make a unanimous decision about the defendant on trial.
• Asking participants to comment on the versions of a product being developed , as the changes are made and their feedback is taken onboard. At the end, participants must decide whether the product is ready to launch .

Semi-structured interviews

Interviews are a great way to connect with participants, though they require time from the research team to set up and conduct, especially if they’re done face-to-face.

Researchers may also have issues connecting with participants in different geographical regions. The researcher uses a set of predefined open-ended questions, though more ad-hoc questions can be asked depending on participant answers.

• Conducting a phone interview with participants to run through their feedback on a product . During the conversation, researchers can go ‘off-script’ and ask more probing questions for clarification or build on the insights.

Focus groups

Participants are brought together into a group, where a particular topic is discussed. It is researcher-led and usually occurs in-person in a mutually accessible location, to allow for easy communication between participants in focus groups.

In focus groups , the researcher uses a set of predefined open-ended questions, though more ad-hoc questions can be asked depending on participant answers.

• Asking participants to do UX tests, which are interface usability tests to show how easily users can complete certain tasks

Direct observation

This is a form of ethnographic research where researchers will observe participants’ behavior in a naturalistic environment. This can be great for understanding the actions in the culture and context of a participant’s setting.

This qualitative research method is prone to researcher bias as it is the researcher that must interpret the actions and reactions of participants. Their findings can be impacted by their own beliefs, values, and inferences.

• Embedding yourself in the location of your buyers to understand how a product would perform against the values and norms of that society

Qualitative data types and category types

Qualitative research methods often deliver information in the following qualitative research data types:

• Written testimonials

Through contextual analysis of the information, researchers can assign participants to category types:

• Social class
• Political alignment
• Most likely to purchase a product
• Their preferred training learning style

Advantages of qualitative research

• Useful for complex situations: Qualitative research on its own is great when dealing with complex issues, however, providing background context using quantitative facts can give a richer and wider understanding of a topic. In these cases, quantitative research may not be enough.
• A window into the ‘why’: Qualitative research can give you a window into the deeper meaning behind a participant’s answer. It can help you uncover the larger ‘why’ that can’t always be seen by analyzing numerical data.
• Can help improve customer experiences: In service industries where customers are crucial, like in private health services, gaining information about a customer’s experience through health research studies can indicate areas where services can be improved.

Disadvantages of qualitative research

• You need to ask the right question: Doing qualitative research may require you to consider what the right question is to uncover the underlying thinking behind a behavior. This may need probing questions to go further, which may suit a focus group or face-to-face interview setting better.
• Results are interpreted: As qualitative research data is written, spoken, and often nuanced, interpreting the data results can be difficult as they come in non-numerical formats. This might make it harder to know if you can accept or reject your hypothesis.
• More bias: There are lower levels of control to qualitative research methods, as they can be subject to biases like confirmation bias, researcher bias, and observation bias. This can have a knock-on effect on the validity and truthfulness of the qualitative research data results.

How to use qualitative research to your business’s advantage?

Qualitative methods help improve your products and marketing in many different ways:

• Understand the emotional connections to your brand
• Identify obstacles to purchase
• Uncover doubts and confusion about your messaging
• Find missing product features
• Improve the usability of your website, app, or chatbot experience
• Learn about how consumers talk about your product
• See how buyers compare your brand to others in the competitive set
• Learn how an organization’s employees evaluate and select vendors

6 steps to conducting good qualitative research

Businesses can benefit from qualitative research by using it to understand the meaning behind data types. There are several steps to this:

• Define your problem or interest area: What do you observe is happening and is it frequent? Identify the data type/s you’re observing.
• Create a hypothesis: Ask yourself what could be the causes for the situation with those qualitative research data types.
• Plan your qualitative research: Use structured qualitative research instruments like surveys, focus groups, or interviews to ask questions that test your hypothesis.
• Data Collection: Collect qualitative research data and understand what your data types are telling you. Once data is collected on different types over long time periods, you can analyze it and give insights into changing attitudes and language patterns.
• Data analysis: Does your information support your hypothesis? (You may need to redo the qualitative research with other variables to see if the results improve)
• Effectively present the qualitative research data: Communicate the results in a clear and concise way to help other people understand the findings.

Qualitative data analysis

Evaluating qualitative research can be tough when there are several analytics platforms to manage and lots of subjective data sources to compare.

Qualtrics provides a number of qualitative research analysis tools, like Text iQ , powered by Qualtrics iQ, provides powerful machine learning and native language processing to help you discover patterns and trends in text.

This also provides you with:

• Sentiment analysis — a technique to help identify the underlying sentiment (say positive, neutral, and/or negative) in qualitative research text responses
• Topic detection/categorisation — this technique is the grouping or bucketing of similar themes that can are relevant for the business & the industry (eg. ‘Food quality’, ‘Staff efficiency’ or ‘Product availability’)

How Qualtrics products can enhance & simplify the qualitative research process

Even in today’s data-obsessed marketplace, qualitative data is valuable – maybe even more so because it helps you establish an authentic human connection to your customers. If qualitative research doesn’t play a role to inform your product and marketing strategy, your decisions aren’t as effective as they could be.

The Qualtrics XM system gives you an all-in-one, integrated solution to help you all the way through conducting qualitative research. From survey creation and data collection to textual analysis and data reporting, it can help all your internal teams gain insights from your subjective and categorical data.

Qualitative methods are catered through templates or advanced survey designs. While you can manually collect data and conduct data analysis in a spreadsheet program, this solution helps you automate the process of qualitative research, saving you time and administration work.

Using computational techniques helps you to avoid human errors, and participant results come in are already incorporated into the analysis in real-time.

Our key tools, Text IQ™ and Driver IQ™ make analyzing subjective and categorical data easy and simple. Choose to highlight key findings based on topic, sentiment, or frequency. The choice is yours.

Some examples of your workspace in action, using drag and drop to create fast data visualizations quickly:

Related resources

Market intelligence 10 min read, marketing insights 11 min read, ethnographic research 11 min read, qualitative vs quantitative research 13 min read, qualitative research questions 11 min read, qualitative research design 12 min read, primary vs secondary research 14 min read, request demo.

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Qualitative Surveys: What They Are, Benefits, and How to Conduct Them

Qualitative surveys have been an essential part of research as they help uncover aspects related to respondents’ emotions, behaviors, and perceptions beyond what numbers can convey.

This article will delve into qualitative surveys in detail, so you can effectively use them in your next study.

What are Qualitative Surveys?

Qualitative surveys are a research tool that employs open-ended questions to gather opinions, experiences, narratives, or accounts from respondents. 

These surveys are useful for generating information through a conversation that identifies initial topics or issues to explore further in research . 

Qualitative surveys seek comments, opinions, suggestions, and other types of responses that are not as easy to classify and quantify as numbers. Typically, fewer people may be surveyed compared to quantitative surveys, but richer data can be obtained.

Benefits of Qualitative Surveys

Opinions can change and evolve throughout a conversation; qualitative research can capture this. Here are some benefits of using qualitative surveys:

Capture Changing Attitudes

Researchers can quickly adapt questions, change the environment, or other variables to enhance responses if useful data isn’t obtained. Qualitative research can capture changing attitudes within a target group, such as consumers of a product or service or attitudes in the workplace.

Greater Flexibility

If responses don’t align with researcher expectations, qualitative data is equally useful for adding context and perhaps explaining something that numbers alone cannot reveal.

In-Depth Explanation

Qualitative research methods don’t have the same limitations as quantitative methods. When collecting non-numeric data, there’s the potential to provide explanations that reveal more about the data.

Explore Uncharted Areas

Qualitative surveys allow speculative research into areas that researchers find valuable. Capturing qualitative data empowers researchers to be more speculative about the areas they choose to investigate and how to do so.

Enhance Participation

Using qualitative surveys allows for a more direct approach to research participants , who may feel more listened to and motivated to complete the survey .

Types of Qualitative Surveys

There are numerous types of Qualitative Surveys, each offering a distinct approach to comprehending human experiences and perspectives. The selection of a method depends on research objectives, context, and available resources.

Some common types of qualitative surveys include:

Face-to-Face Surveys

In face-to-face surveys , the researcher asks participants one or more open-ended questions on a topic, usually observing participants’ facial expressions and other behaviors while they respond.

Being able to see participants’ reactions allows the researcher to ask follow-up questions for more detailed responses and record any facial or behavioral cues that seem contrary to what participants are explicitly saying.

Phone Surveys

Phone-based qualitative surveys are similar to face-to-face methods, but the researcher cannot see participants’ facial or behavioral responses to the questions asked. This means the researcher must rely on vocal clues.

Online Qualitative Surveys

Online surveys can collect more responses within a shorter time frame than in-person or phone surveys. Although the data may be less detailed, it is generally more abundant to compensate.

Open-ended questions are presented to participants in written format via email or online survey software , often alongside quantitative survey questions on the same topic.

Researchers may provide contextual information or key definitions to help “frame” how participants view qualitative survey questions, as they cannot directly ask the researcher about it in real-time.

Observational Studies

Observational studies involve systematically observing participants in their natural environments. This method provides insights into behaviors, interactions, and contextual factors.

Grounded Theory

Grounded theory aims to develop theories from the data itself, allowing researchers to derive concepts and relationships directly from participants’ responses.

Focus Groups

In a focus group, a small group of participants discuss a specific topic or issue under the guidance of a moderator. This method encourages participants to interact with each other, generating rich discussions.

How to Conduct a Qualitative Survey

Here’s a step-by-step guide on how to conduct a qualitative survey in 7 steps:

1. Set Clear Objectives for Your Survey

Determine the purpose of your survey and be clear about what you want to know and the information you expect to gather. Plan precisely how you’ll record response data, including using specific tables or charts that are useful for report generation.

2. Craft Questions that Probe “Why” and “How”

Qualitative research aims to take a concrete idea, delve into why it exists, and determine how it has come about. 

With that in mind, your survey questions should be phrased and sequenced to elicit these types of insights. For instance, use open-ended text questions.

3. Place Key Questions at the Start

If you have a set of questions that you deem more important than others, place these questions at the beginning of your survey. Respondents may become fatigued after answering multiple questions, and if respondents stop responding to the survey after partially completing it, their response data will be severely affected.

Ensuring each question serves a purpose can mitigate survey fatigue, and it’s also a good idea to place the most important questions at the beginning.

4. Be Concise in Each Question and the Number of Questions

Responses to survey questions should be intuitive and straightforward for respondents. Therefore, complex instructions shouldn’t be necessary. 

Furthermore, each additional question reduces response rates, decreases validity, and makes all results suspect. 

People are much more likely to participate in single-question surveys. Therefore, realistically estimate the time needed to complete the survey, as the more open-ended questions and complex classifications you ask people, the more respondents you’ll lose.

5. Test Your Survey

Before using your survey in the actual research, it’s important to conduct a test to determine if the questions you’ve developed yield the responses you expect. This involves creating a draft of the questions and obtaining feedback from collaborators.

Test the survey system’s format with a small group of testers from your target audience , collecting feedback on each page, and examine the results of the test survey to ensure that the collected data is in a useful and analyzable format.

6. Code Text Responses

Researchers often talk about coding data during analysis. This involves converting text responses into something countable so that the most important trends can be extracted and communicated in a way that makes sense to the report’s audience. 

Coding text responses allows you to capture rich textual data for understanding and quoting.

Create Your Qualitative Surveys with QuestionPro!

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The online survey as a qualitative research tool

Braun, virginia; clarke, victoria; boulton, elicia; davey, louise; mcevoy, charlotte.

Virginia Braun

Dr Victoria Clarke [email protected] Associate Professor in Qualitative & Critical Psychology

Elicia Boulton

Louise Davey

Charlotte McEvoy

Fully qualitative surveys, which prioritise qualitative research values, and harness the rich potential of qualitative data, have much to offer qualitative researchers, especially given online delivery options. Yet the method remains underutilised, and there is little in the way of methodological discussion of qualitative surveys. Underutilisation and limited methodological discussion perhaps reflect the dominance of interviewing in qualitative research, and (misplaced) assumptions about qualitative survey data lacking depth. By discussing our experiences of developing online surveys as a tool for qualitative research, we seek to challenge preconceptions about qualitative surveys, and to demonstrate that qualitative surveys are an exciting, flexible method with numerous applications, and advantages for researchers and participants alike. We offer an overview and practical design information, illustrated with examples from some of our studies.

Braun, V., Clarke, V., Boulton, E., Davey, L., & McEvoy, C. (2021). The online survey as a qualitative research tool. International Journal of Social Research Methodology, 24(6), 641-654. https://doi.org/10.1080/13645579.2020.1805550

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Copyright Statement This is an Accepted Manuscript of an article published by Taylor & Francis in International Journal of Social Research Methodology on 16th August 2020, available online: https://doi.org/10.1080/13645579.2020.1805550

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The online survey as a qualitative research tool

Virginia Braun , Victoria Clarke , E. Boulton + 2 more authors

Aug 16, 2020

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International Journal of Social Research Methodology

Key Takeaway : Online surveys are a flexible and exciting tool for qualitative research, challenging preconceptions and offering advantages for both researchers and participants.

ABSTRACT Fully qualitative surveys, which prioritise qualitative research values, and harness the rich potential of qualitative data, have much to offer qualitative researchers, especially given online delivery options. Yet the method remains underutilised, and there is little in the way of methodological discussion of qualitative surveys. Underutilisation and limited methodological discussion perhaps reflect the dominance of interviewing in qualitative research, and (misplaced) assumptions about qualitative survey data lacking depth. By discussing our experiences of developing online surveys as a tool for qualitative research, we seek to challenge preconceptions about qualitative surveys, and to demonstrate that qualitative surveys are an exciting, flexible method with numerous applications, and advantages for researchers and participants alike. We offer an overview and practical design information, illustrated with examples from some of our studies.

Online Market Research

Online Qualitative Research Basics

What is online qualitative research.

In essence, online qualitative research is a digital research method that involves collecting the thoughts, opinions, attitudes and impressions that people give regarding products or services that they share with researchers — most commonly through live, virtual discussions. Qualitative research conducted through online conversations can involve focus groups, in-depth interviews (IDIs), self-directed journal entries, market research online communities (MROCs), self-captured surveys and other forms of qualitative feedback.

See our glossary of research terms for more information about qualitative research methods.  In a world of big, quantitative data that only captures actions and behaviors (the “what”), qualitative research and data is distinguished by its focus on the “why” of those actions and behaviors. Quantitative research has its place, as it can generate large scale, reliable insights regarding cause-and-effect relationships. Traditionally, insights teams have split this research, with 80% quantitative and 20% qualitative analysis. Times have changed, however, with researchers now conducting a 50/50 spli t on quantitative and qualitative research. While qualitative research methods have historically taken place in-person or via phone conversations, the online research approach offers many significant advantages in terms of saving time and resources compared to more traditional methods. For example, instead of spending time and money on recruitment, travel logistics and costs, online qualitative researchers can utilize virtual recruitment hubs and streamline workflows to complete projects in record time.

Online qualitative research also provides greater access and convenience for participants, researchers and even observers. Through online customer feedback sessions, researchers are now able to connect with people in more difficult-to-reach locations and during times that fit into their lifestyles better. By removing barriers to access respondents where they are, online qualitative research has become a great equalizer in terms of sourcing more diverse consumer voices. 

Many organizations, for example consumer packaged goods businesses, find that the ability to access a window into a consumer’s home and lifestyle provides a more intimate perspective o n buying motivations and decisions. This insight advantage can give critical context to researchers that can then benefit everything from R&D, concept and product development, packaging development, customer closeness, empathy and more.

The rise of online qualitative research platforms

Several persistent market research trends have contributed to the rise of online platforms for conducting sessions with consumers. Even before the global pandemic ushered in a digital transformation of the way people connected, worked and shopped, online market research tools were evolving to not only replicate in-person interactions, but to add more value to the respondent experience. 

Like telehealth and online education, online market research plat forms provide a range of both live and asynchronous ways to connect with people. Leveraging a smart video, qualitative research platform like Discuss.io also automates workflows for everything from recruitment to scheduling, privacy and security compliance, to insight extraction, reporting and sharin g.

Online market research platforms have also evolved to feature AI-driven functions, such as Discuss.io’s Augmented Insights — a suite of tools like Sentiment Analysis and Theme Finder, that are driven by Natural Language Processing (NLP). As NLP expands to other languages beyond English and in primarily western markets, more agile technology, harnessing NLP, will evolve to serve researchers around the world.

Another effect that the global pandemic had on people is mobile phone use. In the US, mobile use increased by 31 minutes per adult on average after the pandemic, and nearly a third of all media time was spent on mobile devices.  For qualitative researchers looking to better understand mobile user experiences (UX), online research platforms such as Discuss.io offer mobile screen sharing functionality in order to truly see what the consumer sees in their consideration, comparison and purchasing stages. 

To see how Unilever leveraged the Discuss.io mobile screen share app to understand the user journey, in this case for shopping on Amazon and other e-commerce sites, view the video case study .

How to conduct online qualitative research now

As previously noted, a lot has changed in the past few years in terms of online adoption of qualitative research methods. With so many new platforms and applications to choose from, it can be difficult to navigate which options are best suited for insights, CX and UX teams — whether for in-house or agency researchers.     

Before beginning any online qualitative research project, it is critical to find a solution that meets the following criteria to stay competitive in an increasingly unpredictable business environment:

1. Make research agile

Traditional methods of qualitative research can no longer keep up with the dynamic nature of modern consumer demands. Leading insights teams take a cue from agile software development, looking at customer and user feedback as part of an iterative concept and product development process. Agile research methods imply that a customer feedback loop is baked in to the process, leveraging the voice of the consumer (VoC) to provide directional guidance. In addition, CX, UX, and insights teams cite their ability to include stakeholders in this process as among the most helpful parts of development and iteration.

Agile market research technologies offer the following benefits:

• Enable short, iterative market research sprints
• Provide a full suite of services (recruitment, moderation translation, etc.)
• Tech that supports engaging sessions that captures ‘aha’ moments quickly and easily
• Embedded analytics capabilities that cut the time to insights in half
• Creation and sharing of experience highlight reels that enables more informed decisions quicker**Teams that use qualitative research platforms like Discuss.io to these ends often claim they reduce their time-to-market by as much as one full fiscal quarter as a result of features such as Augmented Insights, easily shareable highlight reels, a respondent management hub and other benefits.

2. Mind the gap in security

Privacy and security compliance isn’t just a concern for healthcare and financial sectors. While researchers that work in highly regulated, privacy-forward industries or countries must be mindful of such policies, managing hundreds if not thousands of people’s personally identifiable information (PII) online should be handled with great care no matter which sector a researcher is in.

As in-person qualitative research accelerated its migration online in the past few years, managing respondent data has become cumbersome — a patchwork of solutions across multiple databases can become unwieldy if not well organized. That is where online insights platforms have filled in the gap in handling PII.

Online qualitative researchers should look for a workhorse of an insights platform to streamline their respondent management workflow, with features that provide:

• GDPR Compliance for handling Personally Identifiable Information (PII)
• NDAs for pre-release products or services – especially helpful when product placement or pre-session homework is involved
• Consent forms for pre-session work or in-session conversations to be used for marketing or promotional purposes

Discuss.io’s platform provides all of the above, more information can be found here .

3. Democratize insights

With online qualitative research, technology has advanced to enable the voice of the customer to really drive outcomes across an organization. Yet the voice of the consumer (VoC) is only powerful if it’s being heard across all levels of the business. 

Researchers should explore solutions that provide easily shareable video clips and highlight reels to bring their consumer research to life. Giving multiple stakeholders direct access to hearing people’s voices can validate hypotheses, illuminate key themes and sentiments, and inspire action to all members of an organization.

What’s more, when CX, UX and insights teams are pressed for time and running up against a tight deadline, a strong insights platform enables them to easily share a few highlights while larger projects are still underway, providing teasers or snackable insights to buy more time.

4. Make customer centricity a reality 

‘Customer centricity’ isn’t just a buzz term, it’s the only way that organizations win against their competitors. Leading global brands around the world have one simple thing in common: they are constantly moving the needle when it comes to understanding and catering to the needs of the customer. Data proves the importance of being close to customers and providing them strong experiences. Customer-centric organizations are able to:

• Become more profitable – by 60%+ ( Deloitte and Touche )
• Outperform competitors – by 85% in sales growth ( McKinsey )
• Increase customer retention – over 80% of customers become brand loyalists ( Epsilon )

With traditional, in-person qualitative research, outdated processes can inhibit connections between customers and the broader team. Newer models of online qualitative research not only bridge the customer connection gap, but unlock further empathy for customers; their experiences and their insights.

Yet gaining true customer centricity requires new tools and frameworks in order to be successful. People experience platforms like Discuss.io are uniquely positioned to combine smart video feedback functionality with a supportive framework and system to enable access to customers to better inform decisions across all teams.

Customer expectations are increasing at exceptionally high rates across all businesses and sectors, while traditional qualitative processes are failing to keep pace with this change. Today’s customers expect customization and personalization, along with relevant products and content. That’s where online qualitative research is playing a critical role, breathing new life into big data and developing stronger connections between researchers and the people they hold online conversations with. 

Online qualitative research is custom-suited to today’s changing customer needs and agile development cycles. Speed and respondent access are intrinsic to the online qualitative research process, as is simplifying logistics and workflows for researchers. As qualitative research data collection is harnessed even more, R&D teams will innovate faster, marketing teams will produce ads and campaigns that resonate, eCommerce and tech teams will ensure amazing experiences by improving touch points, and organizations will uncover game-changing ideas.

To learn more about agile online qualitative research, read the ebook : “Principles of building a World-Class Agile Qualitative Research Program.” 

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A critical look at online survey or questionnaire-based research studies during COVID-19

In view of restrictions imposed to control COVID-19 pandemic, there has been a surge in online survey-based studies because of its ability to collect data with greater ease and faster speed compared to traditional methods. However, there are important concerns about the validity and generalizability of findings obtained using the online survey methodology. Further, there are data privacy concerns and ethical issues unique to these studies due to the electronic and online nature of survey data. Here, we describe some of the important issues associated with poor scientific quality of online survey findings, and provide suggestions to address them in future studies going ahead.

1. Introduction

Online survey or questionnaire-based studies collect information from participants responding to the study link using internet-based communication technology (e.g. E-mail, online survey platform). There has been a growing interest among researchers for using internet-based data collection methods during the COVID-19 pandemic, also reflected in the rising number studies employing online survey to collect data since the beginning of COVID-19 pandemic ( Akintunde et al., 2021 ). This could be due to the relative ease of online data collection over traditional face-to-face interviews while following the travel restrictions and distancing guidelines for controlling the spread of COVID-19 pandemic. Further, it offers a cost-effective and faster way of data collection (with no interviewer requirement and automatic data entry) as compared to other means of remote data collection (e.g. telephonic interview) ( Hlatshwako et al., 2021 ), both of which are important for getting rapid results to guide development and implementation public-health interventions for preventing and/or mitigating the harms related to COVID-19 pandemic (e.g. mental health effects of COVID-19, misconceptions related to spread of COVID-19, factors affecting vaccine hesitancy etc.). However, there have been several concerns raised about the validity and generalizability of findings obtained from online survey studies ( Andrade et al., 2020 ; Sagar et al., 2020 ). Here, we describe some of the important issues associated with scientific quality of online survey findings, and provide suggestions to address them in future studies going ahead. The data privacy concerns and ethical issues unique to these studies due to the electronic and online nature survey data have also briefly discussed.

2. Limited generalizability of online survey sample to the target general population

The findings obtained from online surveys need to be generalized to the target population in the real world. For this, the online survey population needs to be clearly defined and should be representative of the target population as much as possible. This would be possible when there is reliable sampling frame for online surveys, and participants could be selected using randomized or probability sampling method. However, online surveys are often conducted via email or online survey platform, with survey link shared on social media platforms or websites or directory of email ids accessed by researchers. Also, participants might be asked to share the survey link further with their eligible contacts. In turn, the population from which the study sample is selected often not clearly defined, and information about response rates (i.e. out of the total number people who viewed the survey link, how many of them did actually respond) are seldom available with the researcher. This makes generalization of study findings unreliable.

This problem may be addressed by sending survey link individually to all the people comprising the study population via email and/ or telephonic message (e.g. all the members of a professional society through membership directory, people residing in a society through official records etc.), with a request not to share the survey link with anyone else. Alternatively, required number of people could be randomly selected from the entire list of potential subjects and approached telephonically for taking consent. Basic socio-demographic details could be obtained from those who refused to participate and share the survey link with those agreeing to participate. Although, if the response rates are low or the socio-demographic details of non-responders significantly differ from that of responders, then the online survey sample is unlikely to be representative of the target study population. Further, this is a more resource intensive strategy and might not be always feasible (as it requires a list of contact details for the entire study population prior to beginning of data collection). In certain situations, when the area of research is relatively new and/or needs urgent exploration for hypothesis generation or guiding immediate response; the online survey study should list all possible attempts made to achieve a representative sample and clearly acknowledge it as a limitation while discussing their study findings ( Zhou et al., 2021 ).

A more recent innovative solution to this problem involves partnership between academic institutions (Maryland University and Carnegie Mellon University) and the Facebook company for conducting online COVID-19 related research ( Barkay et al., 2020 ). The COVID-19 Symptom Survey (CSS) conducted (in more than 200 countries since April 2020) using this approach involves exchange of information between the researchers and the Facebook without compromising the data privacy of information collected from survey participants. The survey link is shared on the Facebook, and user voluntary choose to participate in the study. The Facebook’s active user base is leveraged to provide a reliable sampling frame for the CSS survey. The researchers select random ID numbers for the users who completed the survey, and calculate survey weights for each them on a given day. Survey weights adjust for both non-response errors (helps in making them sample more representative of the Facebook users) and coverage related errors (helps in making generalizing findings obtained using FAUB to the general population) ( Barkay et al., 2020 ). A respondent belonging to a demographic group with a high likelihood of responding to the survey might get a weight of 10, whereas another respondent belonging to a demographic group with less likelihood of responding to survey might get a weight of 50. It also accounts for the proportion or density of Facebook or internet users in a given geographical area. Thus, findings obtained using this approach could be used for drawing inferences about the target general population. The survey weights to be used for weighted analysis of global CSS survey findings for different geographical regions are available to researchers upon request from either of the two above-mentioned academic institutions. For example, spatio-temporal trends in COVID-19 vaccine related hesitancy across different states of India was estimated by a group of Indian researchers using this approach ( Chowdhury et al., 2021 ).

3. Survey fraud and participant disinterest

Survey fraud is when a person takes the online survey more than once with or without any malicious intent (e.g. monetary compensation, helping researchers collect the requisite number of responses). Another related problem is when the participant responds to some or all the survey questions in a casual manner without actually making any attempt at reading and/or understanding them due to reasons like participant disinterest or survey fatigue. This affects the representativeness and validity of online survey findings, and is increasingly being recognized as an important challenge for researchers ( Chandler et al., 2020 ). While providing monetary incentives improves low response rates, it also increases the risk of survey fraud. Similarly, having a shorter survey length with few simple questions decreases the chances of survey fatigue, but limits the ability of researchers to obtain meaningful information about relatively complex issues. A researcher can take different approaches to address these concerns, ranging from relatively simpler ones such as requesting people to not participate more than once, providing different kind of monetary incentives (e.g. donation to a charity instead of the participant), or manually checking survey responses for inconsistent (e.g. age and date of birth responses not consistent) or implausible response patterns (e.g. average daily smartphone use of greater than 24 h, “all or none” response pattern) to more complex ones involving use of computer software or online survey platform features to block multiple entries by same person using IP address and/or internet cookies check, analysis of response time, latency or total time taken to complete survey for detecting fraudulent responses. There have been several different ways described in the available literature to detect fraudulent or inattentive survey responses, with a discussion about merits and demerits of each of them ( Teitcher et al., 2015 ). However, no single method is completely fool proof, and it is recommended to use a combination of different methods to ensure adequate data quality in online surveys.

4. Possible bias introduced in results by the online survey administration mode

One of the contributory reasons for surge in online survey studies assessing mental health related aspects during the COVID-19 pandemic stems from the general thought that psychiatry research could be easily accomplished through scales or questionnaires administered through online survey methods, especially with the reliance on physical examination and other investigation findings being much less or non-existent. However, the reliability and validity of the scales or instruments used in online surveys have been traditionally established in studies administering them in face-to-face settings (often in pen/pencil-paper format) rather than online mode. There could be variation introduced in the results with different survey administration modes, which is often described as the measurement effect ( Jäckle et al., 2010 ). This could be due to differences in the participants’ level of engagement, understanding of questions, social desirability bias experienced across different survey administration methods. Few studies using the same study sample or sample sampling frame have compared the results obtained with difference in survey administration mode (ie. traditional face-to-face [paper format] vs. online survey), with mixed findings suggesting large significant differences to small significant difference or no significant differences ( Determann et al., 2017 , Norman et al., 2010 , Saloniki et al., 2019 ). This suggests the need for conducting further studies before arriving at a final conclusion. Hence, we need to be careful while interpreting the results of online survey studies. Ideally, online survey findings should be compared with those obtained using traditional survey administration mode, and validation studies should be conducted to establish the psychometric properties of these scales for online survey mode.

5. Inadequately described online survey methodology

A recent systematic review assessing the quality of 80 online survey based published studies assessing the mental health impact of COVID-19 pandemic, reported that a large majority of them did not adhere to the CHERRIES (Checklist for Reporting Results of Internet E-Surveys) guideline aimed at improving the quality of online surveys ( Eysenbach, 2004 , Sharma et al., 2021 ). Information related to parameters such as view rate (Ratio of unique survey visitors/unique site visitors), participation rate (Ratio of unique visitors who agreed to participate/unique first survey page visitors), and completion rate (Ratio of users who finished the survey/users who agreed to participate); which gives an idea about the representativeness of the online study sample as described previously were not mentioned in about two-third studies. Similarly, information about steps taken to prevent multiple entries by same participant or analysis of atypical timestamps to check for fraudulent and inattentive survey responses was provided by less than 5% studies. Thus, it is imperative to popularize and emphasize upon the use of these reporting guidelines for online survey studies to improve the scientific value of findings obtained from internet-based studies.

6. Data privacy and ethics of online survey studies

Lastly, most of the online survey studies either did not mention at all or mentioned in passing about maintain the anonymity and confidentiality of information obtained from online survey. However, details about the various steps or precautions taken by the researchers to ensure data safety and privacy were seldom mentioned (e.g. de-identified data, encryption process or password protected data storage, use of HIPAA-compliant online survey form/platform etc.). The details and limitations of safety steps taken, and the possibility of data leak should be clearly mentioned/ communicated to participants at the time of taking informed consent (rather than simply mentioning anonymity and confidentiality of information obtained will be ensured, as is the case with offline studies). Moreover, obtaining ethical approval prior to conducting online survey studies is a must. The various ethical concerns unique to online survey methodology (e.g. issues with data protection, informed consent process, survey fraud, online survey administration etc.) should be adequately described in the protocol and deliberated upon by the review boards ( Buchanan and Hvizdak, 2009 , Gupta, 2017 ).

In conclusion, there is an urgent need to consider the above described issues while planning and conducting an online survey, and also reviewing the findings obtained from these studies to improve the overall quality and utility of internet-based research during COVID-19 and post-COVID era.

Financial disclosure

The authors did not receive any funding for this work.

Acknowledgments

Conflict of interest.

The authors have no conflict of interest to declare.

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Decoding Factors Influencing Mental Health Help-Seeking in Asian International Students: A Correlational Survey Study

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This study investigates the effects of gender, age, perceived socioeconomic status, and attitudes toward mental health treatment, alongside the awareness and accessibility of mental health services, on the propensity of Asian international undergraduate and graduate students in U.S. colleges to seek mental health support. Utilizing an online survey, responses from a diverse group of 116 participants, aged 18 and above, from universities across the nation were examined through correlation analysis. Findings indicated no significant gender differences in attitudes toward mental health treatment. However, factors such as higher educational level, superior socioeconomic background, longer U.S. residency, and increased awareness and accessibility of mental health services positively influenced attitudes. This quantitative study extends previous qualitative research addressing similar questions, filling a gap by offering broader empirical insights into this population’s mental health service utilization. The outcome underscores the need for university counseling centers to develop targeted interventions that acknowledge the needs of Asian international students. Future research should explore the longitudinal impacts of these factors on mental health help-seeking behaviors to inform ongoing service improvement.

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This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License .

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What It Means To Be Asian in America

The lived experiences and perspectives of asian americans in their own words.

Asians are the fastest growing racial and ethnic group in the United States. More than 24 million Americans in the U.S. trace their roots to more than 20 countries in East and Southeast Asia and the Indian subcontinent.

The majority of Asian Americans are immigrants, coming to understand what they left behind and building their lives in the United States. At the same time, there is a fast growing, U.S.-born generation of Asian Americans who are navigating their own connections to familial heritage and their own experiences growing up in the U.S.

In a new Pew Research Center analysis based on dozens of focus groups, Asian American participants described the challenges of navigating their own identity in a nation where the label “Asian” brings expectations about their origins, behavior and physical self. Read on to see, in their own words, what it means to be Asian in America.

• Introduction

Table of Contents

This is how i view my identity, this is how others see and treat me, this is what it means to be home in america, about this project, methodological note, acknowledgments.

No single experience defines what it means to be Asian in the United States today. Instead, Asian Americans’ lived experiences are in part shaped by where they were born, how connected they are to their family’s ethnic origins, and how others – both Asians and non-Asians – see and engage with them in their daily lives. Yet despite diverse experiences, backgrounds and origins, shared experiences and common themes emerged when we asked: “What does it mean to be Asian in America?”

In the fall of 2021, Pew Research Center undertook the largest focus group study it had ever conducted – 66 focus groups with 264 total participants – to hear Asian Americans talk about their lived experiences in America. The focus groups were organized into 18 distinct Asian ethnic origin groups, fielded in 18 languages and moderated by members of their own ethnic groups. Because of the pandemic, the focus groups were conducted virtually, allowing us to recruit participants from all parts of the United States. This approach allowed us to hear a diverse set of voices – especially from less populous Asian ethnic groups whose views, attitudes and opinions are seldom presented in traditional polling. The approach also allowed us to explore the reasons behind people’s opinions and choices about what it means to belong in America, beyond the preset response options of a traditional survey.

The terms “Asian,” “Asians living in the United States” and “Asian American” are used interchangeably throughout this essay to refer to U.S. adults who self-identify as Asian, either alone or in combination with other races or Hispanic identity.

“The United States” and “the U.S.” are used interchangeably with “America” for variations in the writing.

Multiracial participants are those who indicate they are of two or more racial backgrounds (one of which is Asian). Multiethnic participants are those who indicate they are of two or more ethnicities, including those identified as Asian with Hispanic background.

U.S. born refers to people born in the 50 U.S. states or the District of Columbia, Puerto Rico, or other U.S. territories.

Immigrant refers to people who were not U.S. citizens at birth – in other words, those born outside the U.S., Puerto Rico or other U.S. territories to parents who were not U.S. citizens. The terms “immigrant,” “first generation” and “foreign born” are used interchangeably in this report.  

Second generation refers to people born in the 50 states or the District of Columbia with at least one first-generation, or immigrant, parent.

The pan-ethnic term “Asian American” describes the population of about 22 million people living in the United States who trace their roots to more than 20 countries in East and Southeast Asia and the Indian subcontinent. The term was popularized by U.S. student activists in the 1960s and was eventually adopted by the U.S. Census Bureau. However, the “Asian” label masks the diverse demographics and wide economic disparities across the largest national origin groups (such as Chinese, Indian, Filipino) and the less populous ones (such as Bhutanese, Hmong and Nepalese) living in America. It also hides the varied circumstances of groups immigrated to the U.S. and how they started their lives there. The population’s diversity often presents challenges . Conventional survey methods typically reflect the voices of larger groups without fully capturing the broad range of views, attitudes, life starting points and perspectives experienced by Asian Americans. They can also limit understanding of the shared experiences across this diverse population.

Across all focus groups, some common findings emerged. Participants highlighted how the pan-ethnic “Asian” label used in the U.S. represented only one part of how they think of themselves. For example, recently arrived Asian immigrant participants told us they are drawn more to their ethnic identity than to the more general, U.S.-created pan-ethnic Asian American identity. Meanwhile, U.S.-born Asian participants shared how they identified, at times, as Asian but also, at other times, by their ethnic origin and as Americans.

Another common finding among focus group participants is the disconnect they noted between how they see themselves and how others view them. Sometimes this led to maltreatment of them or their families, especially at heightened moments in American history such as during Japanese incarceration during World War II, the aftermath of 9/11 and, more recently, the COVID-19 pandemic. Beyond these specific moments, many in the focus groups offered their own experiences that had revealed other people’s assumptions or misconceptions about their identity.

Another shared finding is the multiple ways in which participants take and express pride in their cultural and ethnic backgrounds while also feeling at home in America, celebrating and blending their unique cultural traditions and practices with those of other Americans.

This focus group project is part of a broader research agenda about Asians living in the United States. The findings presented here offer a small glimpse of what participants told us, in their own words, about how they identify themselves, how others see and treat them, and more generally, what it means to be Asian in America.

Illustrations by Jing Li

Publications from the Being Asian in America project

• Read the data essay: What It Means to Be Asian in America
• Watch the documentary: Being Asian in America
• Explore the interactive: In Their Own Words: The Diverse Perspectives of Being Asian in America
• View expanded interviews: Extended Interviews: Being Asian in America
• About this research project: More on the Being Asian in America project
• Q&A: Why and how Pew Research Center conducted 66 focus groups with Asian Americans

One of the topics covered in each focus group was how participants viewed their own racial or ethnic identity. Moderators asked them how they viewed themselves, and what experiences informed their views about their identity. These discussions not only highlighted differences in how participants thought about their own racial or ethnic background, but they also revealed how different settings can influence how they would choose to identify themselves. Across all focus groups, the general theme emerged that being Asian was only one part of how participants viewed themselves.

The pan-ethnic label ‘Asian’ is often used more in formal settings

“I think when I think of the Asian Americans, I think that we’re all unique and different. We come from different cultures and backgrounds. We come from unique stories, not just as a group, but just as individual humans.” Mali , documentary participant

Many participants described a complicated relationship with the pan-ethnic labels “Asian” or “Asian American.” For some, using the term was less of an active choice and more of an imposed one, with participants discussing the disconnect between how they would like to identify themselves and the available choices often found in formal settings. For example, an immigrant Pakistani woman remarked how she typically sees “Asian American” on forms, but not more specific options. Similarly, an immigrant Burmese woman described her experience of applying for jobs and having to identify as “Asian,” as opposed to identifying by her ethnic background, because no other options were available. These experiences highlight the challenges organizations like government agencies and employers have in developing surveys or forms that ask respondents about their identity. A common sentiment is one like this:

“I guess … I feel like I just kind of check off ‘Asian’ [for] an application or the test forms. That’s the only time I would identify as Asian. But Asian is too broad. Asia is a big continent. Yeah, I feel like it’s just too broad. To specify things, you’re Taiwanese American, that’s exactly where you came from.”

–U.S.-born woman of Taiwanese origin in early 20s

Smaller ethnic groups default to ‘Asian’ since their groups are less recognizable

Other participants shared how their experiences in explaining the geographic location and culture of their origin country led them to prefer “Asian” when talking about themselves with others. This theme was especially prominent among those belonging to smaller origin groups such as Bangladeshis and Bhutanese. A Lao participant remarked she would initially say “Asian American” because people might not be familiar with “Lao.”

“​​[When I fill out] forms, I select ‘Asian American,’ and that’s why I consider myself as an Asian American. [It is difficult to identify as] Nepali American [since] there are no such options in forms. That’s why, Asian American is fine to me.”

–Immigrant woman of Nepalese origin in late 20s

“Coming to a big country like [the United States], when people ask where we are from … there are some people who have no idea about Bhutan, so we end up introducing ourselves as being Asian.”

–Immigrant woman of Bhutanese origin in late 40s

But for many, ‘Asian’ as a label or identity just doesn’t fit

Many participants felt that neither “Asian” nor “Asian American” truly captures how they view themselves and their identity. They argue that these labels are too broad or too ambiguous, as there are so many different groups included within these labels. For example, a U.S.-born Pakistani man remarked on how “Asian” lumps many groups together – that the term is not limited to South Asian groups such as Indian and Pakistani, but also includes East Asian groups. Similarly, an immigrant Nepalese man described how “Asian” often means Chinese for many Americans. A Filipino woman summed it up this way:

“Now I consider myself to be both Filipino and Asian American, but growing up in [Southern California] … I didn’t start to identify as Asian American until college because in [the Los Angeles suburb where I lived], it’s a big mix of everything – Black, Latino, Pacific Islander and Asian … when I would go into spaces where there were a lot of other Asians, especially East Asians, I didn’t feel like I belonged. … In media, right, like people still associate Asian with being East Asian.”

–U.S.-born woman of Filipino origin in mid-20s

Participants also noted they have encountered confusion or the tendency for others to view Asian Americans as people from mostly East Asian countries, such as China, Japan and Korea. For some, this confusion even extends to interactions with other Asian American groups. A Pakistani man remarked on how he rarely finds Pakistani or Indian brands when he visits Asian stores. Instead, he recalled mostly finding Vietnamese, Korean and Chinese items.

Among participants of South Asian descent, some identified with the label “South Asian” more than just “Asian.” There were other nuances, too, when it comes to the labels people choose. Some Indian participants, for example, said people sometimes group them with Native Americans who are also referred to as Indians in the United States. This Indian woman shared her experience at school:

“I love South Asian or ‘Desi’ only because up until recently … it’s fairly new to say South Asian. I’ve always said ‘Desi’ because growing up … I’ve had to say I’m the red dot Indian, not the feather Indian. So annoying, you know? … Always a distinction that I’ve had to make.”

–U.S.-born woman of Indian origin in late 20s

Participants with multiethnic or multiracial backgrounds described their own unique experiences with their identity. Rather than choosing one racial or ethnic group over the other, some participants described identifying with both groups, since this more accurately describes how they see themselves. In some cases, this choice reflected the history of the Asian diaspora. For example, an immigrant Cambodian man described being both Khmer/Cambodian and Chinese, since his grandparents came from China. Some other participants recalled going through an “identity crisis” as they navigated between multiple identities. As one woman explained:

“I would say I went through an identity crisis. … It’s because of being multicultural. … There’s also French in the mix within my family, too. Because I don’t identify, speak or understand the language, I really can’t connect to the French roots … I’m in between like Cambodian and Thai, and then Chinese and then French … I finally lumped it up. I’m just an Asian American and proud of all my roots.”

–U.S.-born woman of Cambodian origin in mid-30s

In other cases, the choice reflected U.S. patterns of intermarriage. Asian newlyweds have the highest intermarriage rate of any racial or ethnic group in the country. One Japanese-origin man with Hispanic roots noted:

“So I would like to see myself as a Hispanic Asian American. I want to say Hispanic first because I have more of my mom’s culture in me than my dad’s culture. In fact, I actually have more American culture than my dad’s culture for what I do normally. So I guess, Hispanic American Asian.”

–U.S.-born man of Hispanic and Japanese origin in early 40s

Other identities beyond race or ethnicity are also important

Focus group participants also talked about their identity beyond the racial or ethnic dimension. For example, one Chinese woman noted that the best term to describe her would be “immigrant.” Faith and religious ties were also important to some. One immigrant participant talked about his love of Pakistani values and how religion is intermingled into Pakistani culture. Another woman explained:

“[Japanese language and culture] are very important to me and ingrained in me because they were always part of my life, and I felt them when I was growing up. Even the word itadakimasu reflects Japanese culture or the tradition. Shinto religion is a part of the culture. They are part of my identity, and they are very important to me.”

–Immigrant woman of Japanese origin in mid-30s

For some, gender is another important aspect of identity. One Korean participant emphasized that being a woman is an important part of her identity. For others, sexual orientation is an essential part of their overall identity. One U.S.-born Filipino participant described herself as “queer Asian American.” Another participant put it this way:

“I belong to the [LGBTQ] community … before, what we only know is gay and lesbian. We don’t know about being queer, nonbinary. [Here], my horizon of knowing what genders and gender roles is also expanded … in the Philippines, if you’ll be with same sex, you’re considered gay or lesbian. But here … what’s happening is so broad, on how you identify yourself.”

–Immigrant woman of Filipino origin in early 20s

Immigrant identity is tied to their ethnic heritage

Participants born outside the United States tended to link their identity with their ethnic heritage. Some felt strongly connected with their ethnic ties due to their citizenship status. For others, the lack of permanent residency or citizenship meant they have stronger ties to their ethnicity and birthplace. And in some cases, participants said they held on to their ethnic identity even after they became U.S. citizens. One woman emphasized that she will always be Taiwanese because she was born there, despite now living in the U.S.

For other participants, family origin played a central role in their identity, regardless of their status in the U.S. According to some of them, this attitude was heavily influenced by their memories and experiences in early childhood when they were still living in their countries of origin. These influences are so profound that even after decades of living in the U.S., some still feel the strong connection to their ethnic roots. And those with U.S.-born children talked about sending their kids to special educational programs in the U.S. to learn about their ethnic heritage.

“Yes, as for me, I hold that I am Khmer because our nationality cannot be deleted, our identity is Khmer as I hold that I am Khmer … so I try, even [with] my children today, I try to learn Khmer through Zoom through the so-called Khmer Parent Association.”

–Immigrant man of Cambodian origin in late 50s

Navigating life in America is an adjustment

Many participants pointed to cultural differences they have noticed between their ethnic culture and U.S. culture. One of the most distinct differences is in food. For some participants, their strong attachment to the unique dishes of their families and their countries of origin helps them maintain strong ties to their ethnic identity. One Sri Lankan participant shared that her roots are still in Sri Lanka, since she still follows Sri Lankan traditions in the U.S. such as preparing kiribath (rice with coconut milk) and celebrating Ramadan.

For other participants, interactions in social settings with those outside their own ethnic group circles highlighted cultural differences. One Bangladeshi woman talked about how Bengalis share personal stories and challenges with each other, while others in the U.S. like to have “small talk” about TV series or clothes.

Many immigrants in the focus groups have found it is easier to socialize when they are around others belonging to their ethnicity. When interacting with others who don’t share the same ethnicity, participants noted they must be more self-aware about cultural differences to avoid making mistakes in social interactions. Here, participants described the importance of learning to “fit in,” to avoid feeling left out or excluded. One Korean woman said:

“Every time I go to a party, I feel unwelcome. … In Korea, when I invite guests to my house and one person sits without talking, I come over and talk and treat them as a host. But in the United States, I have to go and mingle. I hate mingling so much. I have to talk and keep going through unimportant stories. In Korea, I am assigned to a dinner or gathering. I have a party with a sense of security. In America, I have nowhere to sit, and I don’t know where to go and who to talk to.”

–Immigrant woman of Korean origin in mid-40s

And a Bhutanese immigrant explained:

“In my case, I am not an American. I consider myself a Bhutanese. … I am a Bhutanese because I do not know American culture to consider myself as an American. It is very difficult to understand the sense of humor in America. So, we are pure Bhutanese in America.”

–Immigrant man of Bhutanese origin in early 40s

Language was also a key aspect of identity for the participants. Many immigrants in the focus groups said they speak a language other than English at home and in their daily lives. One Vietnamese man considered himself Vietnamese since his Vietnamese is better than his English. Others emphasized their English skills. A Bangladeshi participant felt that she was more accepted in the workplace when she does more “American” things and speaks fluent English, rather than sharing things from Bangladeshi culture. She felt that others in her workplace correlate her English fluency with her ability to do her job. For others born in the U.S., the language they speak at home influences their connection to their ethnic roots.

“Now if I go to my work and do show my Bengali culture and Asian culture, they are not going to take anything out of it. So, basically, I have to show something that they are interested in. I have to show that I am American, [that] I can speak English fluently. I can do whatever you give me as a responsibility. So, in those cases I can’t show anything about my culture.”

–Immigrant woman of Bangladeshi origin in late 20s

“Being bi-ethnic and tri-cultural creates so many unique dynamics, and … one of the dynamics has to do with … what it is to be Americanized. … One of the things that played a role into how I associate the identity is language. Now, my father never spoke Spanish to me … because he wanted me to develop a fluency in English, because for him, he struggled with English. What happened was three out of the four people that raised me were Khmer … they spoke to me in Khmer. We’d eat breakfast, lunch and dinner speaking Khmer. We’d go to the temple in Khmer with the language and we’d also watch videos and movies in Khmer. … Looking into why I strongly identify with the heritage, one of the reasons is [that] speaking that language connects to the home I used to have [as my families have passed away].”

–U.S.-born man of Cambodian origin in early 30s

Balancing between individualistic and collective thinking

For some immigrant participants, the main differences between themselves and others who are seen as “truly American” were less about cultural differences, or how people behave, and more about differences in “mindset,” or how people think . Those who identified strongly with their ethnicity discussed how their way of thinking is different from a “typical American.” To some, the “American mentality” is more individualistic, with less judgment on what one should do or how they should act . One immigrant Japanese man, for example, talked about how other Japanese-origin co-workers in the U.S. would work without taking breaks because it’s culturally inconsiderate to take a break while others continued working. However, he would speak up for himself and other workers when they are not taking any work breaks. He attributed this to his “American” way of thinking, which encourages people to stand up for themselves.

Some U.S.-born participants who grew up in an immigrant family described the cultural clashes that happened between themselves and their immigrant parents. Participants talked about how the second generation (children of immigrant parents) struggles to pursue their own dreams while still living up to the traditional expectations of their immigrant parents.

“I feel like one of the biggest things I’ve seen, just like [my] Asian American friends overall, is the kind of family-individualistic clash … like wanting to do your own thing is like, is kind of instilled in you as an American, like go and … follow your dream. But then you just grow up with such a sense of like also wanting to be there for your family and to live up to those expectations, and I feel like that’s something that’s very pronounced in Asian cultures.”

–U.S.-born man of Indian origin in mid-20s

Discussions also highlighted differences about gender roles between growing up in America compared with elsewhere.

“As a woman or being a girl, because of your gender, you have to keep your mouth shut [and] wait so that they call on you for you to speak up. … I do respect our elders and I do respect hearing their guidance but I also want them to learn to hear from the younger person … because we have things to share that they might not know and that [are] important … so I like to challenge gender roles or traditional roles because it is something that [because] I was born and raised here [in America], I learn that we all have the equal rights to be able to speak and share our thoughts and ideas.”

U.S. born have mixed ties to their family’s heritage

“I think being Hmong is somewhat of being free, but being free of others’ perceptions of you or of others’ attempts to assimilate you or attempts to put pressure on you. I feel like being Hmong is to resist, really.” Pa Houa , documentary participant

How U.S.-born participants identify themselves depends on their familiarity with their own heritage, whom they are talking with, where they are when asked about their identity and what the answer is used for. Some mentioned that they have stronger ethnic ties because they are very familiar with their family’s ethnic heritage. Others talked about how their eating habits and preferred dishes made them feel closer to their ethnic identity. For example, one Korean participant shared his journey of getting closer to his Korean heritage because of Korean food and customs. When some participants shared their reasons for feeling closer to their ethnic identity, they also expressed a strong sense of pride with their unique cultural and ethnic heritage.

“I definitely consider myself Japanese American. I mean I’m Japanese and American. Really, ever since I’ve grown up, I’ve really admired Japanese culture. I grew up watching a lot of anime and Japanese black and white films. Just learning about [it], I would hear about Japanese stuff from my grandparents … myself, and my family having blended Japanese culture and American culture together.”

–U.S.-born man of Japanese origin in late 20s

Meanwhile, participants who were not familiar with their family’s heritage showed less connection with their ethnic ties. One U.S.-born woman said she has a hard time calling herself Cambodian, as she is “not close to the Cambodian community.” Participants with stronger ethnic ties talked about relating to their specific ethnic group more than the broader Asian group. Another woman noted that being Vietnamese is “more specific and unique than just being Asian” and said that she didn’t feel she belonged with other Asians. Some participants also disliked being seen as or called “Asian,” in part because they want to distinguish themselves from other Asian groups. For example, one Taiwanese woman introduces herself as Taiwanese when she can, because she had frequently been seen as Chinese.

Some in the focus groups described how their views of their own identities shifted as they grew older. For example, some U.S.-born and immigrant participants who came to the U.S. at younger ages described how their experiences in high school and the need to “fit in” were important in shaping their own identities. A Chinese woman put it this way:

“So basically, all I know is that I was born in the United States. Again, when I came back, I didn’t feel any barrier with my other friends who are White or Black. … Then I got a little confused in high school when I had trouble self-identifying if I am Asian, Chinese American, like who am I. … Should I completely immerse myself in the American culture? Should I also keep my Chinese identity and stuff like that? So yeah, that was like the middle of that mist. Now, I’m pretty clear about myself. I think I am Chinese American, Asian American, whatever people want.”

–U.S.-born woman of Chinese origin in early 20s

Identity is influenced by birthplace

“I identified myself first and foremost as American. Even on the forms that you fill out that says, you know, ‘Asian’ or ‘Chinese’ or ‘other,’ I would check the ‘other’ box, and I would put ‘American Chinese’ instead of ‘Chinese American.’” Brent , documentary participant

When talking about what it means to be “American,” participants offered their own definitions. For some, “American” is associated with acquiring a distinct identity alongside their ethnic or racial backgrounds, rather than replacing them. One Indian participant put it this way:

“I would also say [that I am] Indian American just because I find myself always bouncing between the two … it’s not even like dual identity, it just is one whole identity for me, like there’s not this separation. … I’m doing [both] Indian things [and] American things. … They use that term like ABCD … ‘American Born Confused Desi’ … I don’t feel that way anymore, although there are those moments … but I would say [that I am] Indian American for sure.”

–U.S.-born woman of Indian origin in early 30s

Meanwhile, some U.S.-born participants view being American as central to their identity while also valuing the culture of their family’s heritage.

Many immigrant participants associated the term “American” with immigration status or citizenship. One Taiwanese woman said she can’t call herself American since she doesn’t have a U.S. passport. Notably, U.S. citizenship is an important milestone for many immigrant participants, giving them a stronger sense of belonging and ultimately calling themselves American. A Bangladeshi participant shared that she hasn’t received U.S. citizenship yet, and she would call herself American after she receives her U.S. passport.

Other participants gave an even narrower definition, saying only those born and raised in the United States are truly American. One Taiwanese woman mentioned that her son would be American since he was born, raised and educated in the U.S. She added that while she has U.S. citizenship, she didn’t consider herself American since she didn’t grow up in the U.S. This narrower definition has implications for belonging. Some immigrants in the groups said they could never become truly American since the way they express themselves is so different from those who were born and raised in the U.S. A Japanese woman pointed out that Japanese people “are still very intimidated by authorities,” while those born and raised in America give their opinions without hesitation.

“As soon as I arrived, I called myself a Burmese immigrant. I had a green card, but I still wasn’t an American citizen. … Now I have become a U.S. citizen, so now I am a Burmese American.”

–Immigrant man of Burmese origin in mid-30s

“Since I was born … and raised here, I kind of always view myself as American first who just happened to be Asian or Chinese. So I actually don’t like the term Chinese American or Asian American. I’m American Asian or American Chinese. I view myself as American first.”

–U.S.-born man of Chinese origin in early 60s

“[I used to think of myself as] Filipino, but recently I started saying ‘Filipino American’ because I got [U.S.] citizenship. And it just sounds weird to say Filipino American, but I’m trying to … I want to accept it. I feel like it’s now marry-able to my identity.”

–Immigrant woman of Filipino origin in early 30s

For others, American identity is about the process of ‘becoming’ culturally American

Immigrant participants also emphasized how their experiences and time living in America inform their views of being an “American.” As a result, some started to see themselves as Americans after spending more than a decade in the U.S. One Taiwanese man considered himself an American since he knows more about the U.S. than Taiwan after living in the U.S. for over 52 years.

But for other immigrant participants, the process of “becoming” American is not about how long they have lived in the U.S., but rather how familiar they are with American culture and their ability to speak English with little to no accent. This is especially true for those whose first language is not English, as learning and speaking it without an accent can be a big challenge for some. One Bangladeshi participant shared that his pronunciation of “hot water” was very different from American English, resulting in confusions in communication. By contrast, those who were more confident in their English skills felt they can better understand American culture and values as a result, leading them to a stronger connection with an American identity.

“[My friends and family tease me for being Americanized when I go back to Japan.] I think I seem a little different to people who live in Japan. I don’t think they mean anything bad, and they [were] just joking, because I already know that I seem a little different to people who live in Japan.”

–Immigrant man of Japanese origin in mid-40s

“I value my Hmong culture, and language, and ethnicity, but I also do acknowledge, again, that I was born here in America and I’m grateful that I was born here, and I was given opportunities that my parents weren’t given opportunities for.”

–U.S.-born woman of Hmong origin in early 30s

During the focus group discussions about identity, a recurring theme emerged about the difference between how participants saw themselves and how others see them. When asked to elaborate on their experiences and their points of view, some participants shared experiences they had with people misidentifying their race or ethnicity. Others talked about their frustration with being labeled the “model minority.” In all these discussions, participants shed light on the negative impacts that mistaken assumptions and labels had on their lives.

All people see is ‘Asian’

For many, interactions with others (non-Asians and Asians alike) often required explaining their backgrounds, reacting to stereotypes, and for those from smaller origin groups in particular, correcting the misconception that being “Asian” means you come from one of the larger Asian ethnic groups. Several participants remarked that in their own experiences, when others think about Asians, they tend to think of someone who is Chinese. As one immigrant Filipino woman put it, “Interacting with [non-Asians in the U.S.], it’s hard. … Well, first, I look Spanish. I mean, I don’t look Asian, so would you guess – it’s like they have a vision of what an Asian [should] look like.” Similarly, an immigrant Indonesian man remarked how Americans tended to see Asians primarily through their physical features, which not all Asian groups share.

Several participants also described how the tendency to view Asians as a monolithic group can be even more common in the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic.

“The first [thing people think of me as] is just Chinese. ‘You guys are just Chinese.’ I’m not the only one who felt [this] after the COVID-19 outbreak. ‘Whether you’re Japanese, Korean, or Southeast Asian, you’re just Chinese [to Americans]. I should avoid you.’ I’ve felt this way before, but I think I’ve felt it a bit more after the COVID-19 outbreak.”

–Immigrant woman of Korean origin in early 30s

At the same time, other participants described their own experiences trying to convince others that they are Asian or Asian American. This was a common experience among Southeast Asian participants.

“I have to convince people I’m Asian, not Middle Eastern. … If you type in Asian or you say Asian, most people associate it with Chinese food, Japanese food, karate, and like all these things but then they don’t associate it with you.”

–U.S.-born man of Pakistani origin in early 30s

The model minority myth and its impact

“I’ve never really done the best academically, compared to all my other Asian peers too. I never really excelled. I wasn’t in honors. … Those stereotypes, I think really [have] taken a toll on my self-esteem.” Diane , documentary participant

Across focus groups, immigrant and U.S.-born participants described the challenges of the seemingly positive stereotypes of Asians as intelligent, gifted in technical roles and hardworking. Participants often referred to this as the “model minority myth.”

The label “model minority” was coined in the 1960s and has been used to characterize Asian Americans as financially and educationally successful and hardworking when compared with other groups. However, for many Asians living in the United States, these characterizations do not align with their lived experiences or reflect their socioeconomic backgrounds. Indeed, among Asian origin groups in the U.S., there are wide differences in economic and social experiences. 

Academic research on the model minority myth has pointed to its impact beyond Asian Americans and towards other racial and ethnic groups, especially Black Americans, in the U.S. Some argue that the model minority myth has been used to justify policies that overlook the historical circumstances and impacts of colonialism, slavery, discrimination and segregation on other non-White racial and ethnic groups.

Many participants noted ways in which the model minority myth has been harmful. For some, expectations based on the myth didn’t match their own experiences of coming from impoverished communities. Some also recalled experiences at school when they struggled to meet their teachers’ expectations in math and science.

“As an Asian person, I feel like there’s that stereotype that Asian students are high achievers academically. They’re good at math and science. … I was a pretty mediocre student, and math and science were actually my weakest subjects, so I feel like it’s either way you lose. Teachers expect you to fit a certain stereotype and if you’re not, then you’re a disappointment, but at the same time, even if you are good at math and science, that just means that you’re fitting a stereotype. It’s [actually] your own achievement, but your teachers might think, ‘Oh, it’s because they’re Asian,’ and that diminishes your achievement.”

–U.S.-born woman of Korean origin in late 20s

Some participants felt that even when being Asian worked in their favor in the job market, they encountered stereotypes that “Asians can do quality work with less compensation” or that “Asians would not complain about anything at work.”

“There is a joke from foreigners and even Asian Americans that says, ‘No matter what you do, Asians always do the best.’ You need to get A, not just B-plus. Otherwise, you’ll be a disgrace to the family. … Even Silicon Valley hires Asian because [an] Asian’s wage is cheaper but [they] can work better. When [work] visa overflow happens, they hire Asians like Chinese and Indian to work in IT fields because we are good at this and do not complain about anything.”

–Immigrant man of Thai origin in early 40s

Others expressed frustration that people were placing them in the model minority box. One Indian woman put it this way:

“Indian people and Asian people, like … our parents or grandparents are the ones who immigrated here … against all odds. … A lot of Indian and Asian people have succeeded and have done really well for themselves because they’ve worked themselves to the bone. So now the expectations [of] the newer generations who were born here are incredibly unrealistic and high. And you get that not only from your family and the Indian community, but you’re also getting it from all of the American people around you, expecting you to be … insanely good at math, play an instrument, you know how to do this, you know how to do that, but it’s not true. And it’s just living with those expectations, it’s difficult.”

–U.S.-born woman of Indian origin in early 20s

Whether U.S. born or immigrants, Asians are often seen by others as foreigners

“Being only not quite 10 years old, it was kind of exciting to ride on a bus to go someplace. But when we went to Pomona, the assembly center, we were stuck in one of the stalls they used for the animals.” Tokiko , documentary participant

Across all focus groups, participants highlighted a common question they are asked in America when meeting people for the first time: “Where are you really from?” For participants, this question implied that people think they are “foreigners,” even though they may be longtime residents or citizens of the United States or were born in the country. One man of Vietnamese origin shared his experience with strangers who assumed that he and his friends are North Korean. Perhaps even more hurtful, participants mentioned that this meant people had a preconceived notion of what an “American” is supposed to look like, sound like or act like. One Chinese woman said that White Americans treated people like herself as outsiders based on her skin color and appearance, even though she was raised in the U.S.

Many focus group participants also acknowledged the common stereotype of treating Asians as “forever foreigners.” Some immigrant participants said they felt exhausted from constantly being asked this question by people even when they speak perfect English with no accent. During the discussion, a Korean immigrant man recalled that someone had said to him, “You speak English well, but where are you from?” One Filipino participant shared her experience during the first six months in the U.S.:

“You know, I spoke English fine. But there were certain things that, you know, people constantly questioning you like, oh, where are you from? When did you come here? You know, just asking about your experience to the point where … you become fed up with it after a while.”

–Immigrant woman of Filipino origin in mid-30s

U.S.-born participants also talked about experiences when others asked where they are from. Many shared that they would not talk about their ethnic origin right away when answering such a question because it often led to misunderstandings and assumptions that they are immigrants.

“I always get that question of, you know, ‘Where are you from?’ and I’m like, ‘I’m from America.’ And then they’re like, ‘No. Where are you from-from ?’ and I’m like, ‘Yeah, my family is from Pakistan,’ so it’s like I always had like that dual identity even though it’s never attached to me because I am like, of Pakistani descent.”

–U.S.-born man of Pakistani origin in early 20s

One Korean woman born in the U.S. said that once people know she is Korean, they ask even more offensive questions such as “Are you from North or South Korea?” or “Do you still eat dogs?”

In a similar situation, this U.S.-born Indian woman shared her responses:

“I find that there’s a, ‘So but where are you from?’ Like even in professional settings when they feel comfortable enough to ask you. ‘So – so where are you from?’ ‘Oh, I was born in [names city], Colorado. Like at [the hospital], down the street.’ ‘No, but like where are you from?’ ‘My mother’s womb?’”

–U.S.-born woman of Indian origin in early 40s

Ignorance and misinformation about Asian identity can lead to contentious encounters

“I have dealt with kids who just gave up on their Sikh identity, cut their hair and groomed their beard and everything. They just wanted to fit in and not have to deal with it, especially [those] who are victim or bullied in any incident.” Surinder , documentary participant

In some cases, ignorance and misinformation about Asians in the U.S. lead to inappropriate comments or questions and uncomfortable or dangerous situations. Participants shared their frustration when others asked about their country of origin, and they then had to explain their identity or correct misunderstandings or stereotypes about their background. At other times, some participants faced ignorant comments about their ethnicity, which sometimes led to more contentious encounters. For example, some Indian or Pakistani participants talked about the attacks or verbal abuse they experienced from others blaming them for the 9/11 terrorist attacks. Others discussed the racial slurs directed toward them since the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020. Some Japanese participants recalled their families losing everything and being incarcerated during World War II and the long-term effect it had on their lives.

“I think like right now with the coronavirus, I think we’re just Chinese, Chinese American, well, just Asian American or Asians in general, you’re just going through the same struggles right now. Like everyone is just blaming whoever looks Asian about the virus. You don’t feel safe.”

–U.S.-born man of Chinese origin in early 30s

“At the beginning of the pandemic, a friend and I went to celebrate her birthday at a club and like these guys just kept calling us COVID.”

–U.S.-born woman of Korean origin in early 20s

“There [were] a lot of instances after 9/11. One day, somebody put a poster about 9/11 [in front of] my business. He was wearing a gun. … On the poster, it was written ‘you Arabs, go back to your country.’ And then someone came inside. He pointed his gun at me and said ‘Go back to your country.’”

–Immigrant man of Pakistani origin in mid-60s

“[My parents went through the] internment camps during World War II. And my dad, he was in high school, so he was – they were building the camps and then he was put into the Santa Anita horse track place, the stables there. And then they were sent – all the Japanese Americans were sent to different camps, right, during World War II and – in California. Yeah, and they lost everything, yeah.”

–U.S.-born woman of Japanese origin in mid-60s

As focus group participants contemplated their identity during the discussions, many talked about their sense of belonging in America. Although some felt frustrated with people misunderstanding their ethnic heritage, they didn’t take a negative view of life in America. Instead, many participants – both immigrant and U.S. born – took pride in their unique cultural and ethnic backgrounds. In these discussions, people gave their own definitions of America as a place with a diverse set of cultures, with their ethnic heritage being a part of it.

Taking pride in their unique cultures

“Being a Pakistani American, I’m proud. … Because I work hard, and I make true my dreams from here.” Shahid , documentary participant

Despite the challenges of adapting to life in America for immigrant participants or of navigating their dual cultural identity for U.S.-born ones, focus group participants called America their home. And while participants talked about their identities in different ways – ethnic identity, racial (Asian) identity, and being American – they take pride in their unique cultures. Many also expressed a strong sense of responsibility to give back or support their community, sharing their cultural heritage with others on their own terms.

“Right now it has been a little difficult. I think it has been for all Asians because of the COVID issue … but I’m glad that we’re all here [in America]. I think we should be proud to be here. I’m glad that our families have traveled here, and we can help make life better for communities, our families and ourselves. I think that’s really a wonderful thing. We can be those role models for a lot of the future, the younger folks. I hope that something I did in the last years will have impacted either my family, friends or students that I taught in other community things that I’ve done. So you hope that it helps someplace along the line.”

“I am very proud of my culture. … There is not a single Bengali at my workplace, but people know the name of my country. Maybe many years [later] – educated people know all about the country. So, I don’t have to explain that there is a small country next to India and Nepal. It’s beyond saying. People after all know Bangladesh. And there are so many Bengali present here as well. So, I am very proud to be a Bangladeshi.”

Where home is

When asked about the definition of home, some immigrant participants said home is where their families are located. Immigrants in the focus groups came to the United States by various paths, whether through work opportunities, reuniting with family or seeking a safe haven as refugees. Along their journey, some received support from family members, their local community or other individuals, while others overcame challenges by themselves. Either way, they take pride in establishing their home in America and can feel hurt when someone tells them to “go back to your country.” In response, one Laotian woman in her mid-40s said, “This is my home. My country. Go away.”

“If you ask me personally, I view my home as my house … then I would say my house is with my family because wherever I go, I cannot marry if I do not have my family so that is how I would answer.”

–Immigrant man of Hmong origin in late 30s

“[If somebody yelled at me ‘go back to your country’] I’d feel angry because this is my country! I live here. America is my country. I grew up here and worked here … I’d say, ‘This is my country! You go back to your country! … I will not go anywhere. This is my home. I will live here.’ That’s what I’d say.”

–Immigrant woman of Laotian origin in early 50s

‘American’ means to blend their unique cultural and ethnic heritage with that in the U.S.

“I want to teach my children two traditions – one American and one Vietnamese – so they can compare and choose for themselves the best route in life.” Helen , documentary participant (translated from Vietnamese)

Both U.S.-born and immigrant participants in the focus groups shared their experiences of navigating a dual cultural environment between their ethnic heritage and American culture. A common thread that emerged was that being Asian in America is a process of blending two or more identities as one.

“Yeah, I want to say that’s how I feel – because like thinking about it, I would call my dad Lao but I would call myself Laotian American because I think I’m a little more integrated in the American society and I’ve also been a little more Americanized, compared to my dad. So that’s how I would see it.”

–U.S.-born man of Laotian origin in late 20s

“I mean, Bangladeshi Americans who are here, we are carrying Bangladeshi culture, religion, food. I am also trying to be Americanized like the Americans. Regarding language, eating habits.”

–Immigrant man of Bangladeshi origin in mid-50s

“Just like there is Chinese American, Mexican American, Japanese American, Italian American, so there is Indian American. I don’t want to give up Indianness. I am American by nationality, but I am Indian by birth. So whenever I talk, I try to show both the flags as well, both Indian and American flags. Just because you make new relatives but don’t forget the old relatives.”

–Immigrant man of Indian origin in late 40s

Pew Research Center designed these focus groups to better understand how members of an ethnically diverse Asian population think about their place in America and life here. By including participants of different languages, immigration or refugee experiences, educational backgrounds, and income levels, this focus group study aimed to capture in people’s own words what it means to be Asian in America. The discussions in these groups may or may not resonate with all Asians living in the United States. Browse excerpts from our focus groups with the interactive quote sorter below, view a video documentary focused on the topics discussed in the focus groups, or tell us your story of belonging in America via social media. The focus group project is part of a broader research project studying the diverse experiences of Asians living in the U.S.

Read sortable quotes from our focus groups

Browse excerpts in the interactive quote sorter from focus group participants in response to the question “What does it mean to be [Vietnamese, Thai, Sri Lankan, Hmong, etc.] like yourself in America?” This interactive allows you to sort quotes from focus group participants by ethnic origin, nativity (U.S. born or born in another country), gender and age.

Video documentary

Videos throughout the data essay illustrate what focus group participants discussed. Those recorded in these videos did not participate in the focus groups but were sampled to have similar demographic characteristics and thematically relevant stories.

Watch the full video documentary and watch additional shorter video clips related to the themes of this data essay.

Share the story of your family and your identity

Did the voices in this data essay resonate? Share your story of what it means to be Asian in America with @pewresearch. Tell us your story by using the hashtag #BeingAsianInAmerica and @pewidentity on Twitter, as well as #BeingAsianInAmerica and @pewresearch on Instagram.

This cross-ethnic, comparative qualitative research project explores the identity, economic mobility, representation, and experiences of immigration and discrimination among the Asian population in the United States. The analysis is based on 66 focus groups we conducted virtually in the fall of 2021 and included 264 participants from across the U.S. More information about the groups and analysis can be found in this appendix .

Pew Research Center is a subsidiary of The Pew Charitable Trusts, its primary funder. This data essay was funded by The Pew Charitable Trusts, with generous support from the Chan Zuckerberg Initiative DAF, an advised fund of the Silicon Valley Community Foundation; the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation; the Henry Luce Foundation; The Wallace H. Coulter Foundation; The Dirk and Charlene Kabcenell Foundation; The Long Family Foundation; Lu-Hebert Fund; Gee Family Foundation; Joseph Cotchett; the Julian Abdey and Sabrina Moyle Charitable Fund; and Nanci Nishimura.

The accompanying video clips and video documentary were made possible by The Pew Charitable Trusts, with generous support from The Sobrato Family Foundation and The Long Family Foundation.

We would also like to thank the Leaders Forum for its thought leadership and valuable assistance in helping make this study possible. This is a collaborative effort based on the input and analysis of a number of individuals and experts at Pew Research Center and outside experts.

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