thesis effect of depression

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An Exploratory Study of Students with Depression in Undergraduate Research Experiences

• Katelyn M. Cooper
• Logan E. Gin
• M. Elizabeth Barnes
• Sara E. Brownell

*Address correspondence to: Katelyn M. Cooper ( E-mail Address: [email protected] ).

Department of Biology, University of Central Florida, Orlando, FL, 32816

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Biology Education Research Lab, Research for Inclusive STEM Education Center, School of Life Sciences, Arizona State University, Tempe, AZ 85281

Depression is a top mental health concern among undergraduates and has been shown to disproportionately affect individuals who are underserved and underrepresented in science. As we aim to create a more inclusive scientific community, we argue that we need to examine the relationship between depression and scientific research. While studies have identified aspects of research that affect graduate student depression, we know of no studies that have explored the relationship between depression and undergraduate research. In this study, we sought to understand how undergraduates’ symptoms of depression affect their research experiences and how research affects undergraduates’ feelings of depression. We interviewed 35 undergraduate researchers majoring in the life sciences from 12 research-intensive public universities across the United States who identify with having depression. Using inductive and deductive coding, we identified that students’ depression affected their motivation and productivity, creativity and risk-taking, engagement and concentration, and self-perception and socializing in undergraduate research experiences. We found that students’ social connections, experiencing failure in research, getting help, receiving feedback, and the demands of research affected students’ depression. Based on this work, we articulate an initial set of evidence-based recommendations for research mentors to consider in promoting an inclusive research experience for students with depression.

INTRODUCTION

Depression is described as a common and serious mood disorder that results in persistent feelings of sadness and hopelessness, as well as a loss of interest in activities that one once enjoyed ( American Psychiatric Association [APA], 2013 ). Additional symptoms of depression include weight changes, difficulty sleeping, loss of energy, difficulty thinking or concentrating, feelings of worthlessness or excessive guilt, and suicidality ( APA, 2013 ). While depression results from a complex interaction of psychological, social, and biological factors ( World Health Organization, 2018 ), studies have shown that increased stress caused by college can be a significant contributor to student depression ( Dyson and Renk, 2006 ).

Depression is one of the top undergraduate mental health concerns, and the rate of depression among undergraduates continues to rise ( Center for Collegiate Mental Health, 2017 ). While we cannot discern whether these increasing rates of depression are due to increased awareness or increased incidence, it is clear that is a serious problem on college campuses. The percent of U.S. college students who self-reported a diagnosis with depression was recently estimated to be about 25% ( American College Health Association, 2019 ). However, higher rates have been reported, with one study estimating that up to 84% of undergraduates experience some level of depression ( Garlow et al. , 2008 ). Depression rates are typically higher among university students compared with the general population, despite being a more socially privileged group ( Ibrahim et al. , 2013 ). Prior studies have found that depression is negatively correlated with overall undergraduate academic performance ( Hysenbegasi et al. , 2005 ; Deroma et al. , 2009 ; American College Health Association, 2019 ). Specifically, diagnosed depression is associated with half a letter grade decrease in students’ grade point average ( Hysenbegasi et al. , 2005 ), and 21.6% of undergraduates reported that depression negatively affected their academic performance within the last year ( American College Health Association, 2019 ). Provided with a list of academic factors that may be affected by depression, students reported that depression contributed to lower exam grades, lower course grades, and not completing or dropping a course.

Students in the natural sciences may be particularly at risk for depression, given that such majors are noted to be particularly stressful due to their competitive nature and course work that is often perceived to “weed students out”( Everson et al. , 1993 ; Strenta et al. , 1994 ; American College Health Association, 2019 ; Seymour and Hunter, 2019 ). Science course instruction has also been described to be boring, repetitive, difficult, and math-intensive; these factors can create an environment that can trigger depression ( Seymour and Hewitt, 1997 ; Osborne and Collins, 2001 ; Armbruster et al ., 2009 ; Ceci and Williams, 2010 ). What also distinguishes science degree programs from other degree programs is that, increasingly, undergraduate research experiences are being proposed as an essential element of a science degree ( American Association for the Advancement of Science, 2011 ; President’s Council of Advisors on Science and Technology, 2012 ; National Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine [NASEM], 2017 ). However, there is some evidence that undergraduate research experiences can add to the stress of college for some students ( Cooper et al. , 2019c ). Students can garner multiple benefits from undergraduate research, including enhanced abilities to think critically ( Ishiyama, 2002 ; Bauer and Bennett, 2003 ; Brownell et al. , 2015 ), improved student learning ( Rauckhorst et al. , 2001 ; Brownell et al. , 2015 ), and increased student persistence in undergraduate science degree programs ( Jones et al. , 2010 ; Hernandez et al. , 2018 ). Notably, undergraduate research experiences are increasingly becoming a prerequisite for entry into medical and graduate programs in science, particularly elite programs ( Cooper et al. , 2019d ). Although some research experiences are embedded into formal lab courses as course-based undergraduate research experiences (CUREs; Auchincloss et al. , 2014 ; Brownell and Kloser, 2015 ), the majority likely entail working with faculty in their research labs. These undergraduate research experiences in faculty labs are often added on top of a student’s normal course work, so they essentially become an extracurricular activity that they have to juggle with course work, working, and/or personal obligations ( Cooper et al. , 2019c ). While the majority of the literature surrounding undergraduate research highlights undergraduate research as a positive experience ( NASEM, 2017 ), studies have demonstrated that undergraduate research experiences can be academically and emotionally challenging for students ( Mabrouk and Peters, 2000 ; Seymour et al. , 2004 ; Cooper et al. , 2019c ; Limeri et al. , 2019 ). In fact, 50% of students sampled nationally from public R1 institutions consider leaving their undergraduate research experience prematurely, and about half of those students, or 25% of all students, ultimately leave their undergraduate research experience ( Cooper et al. , 2019c ). Notably, 33.8% of these individuals cited a negative lab environment and 33.3% cited negative relationships with their mentors as factors that influenced their decision about whether to leave ( Cooper et al. , 2019c ). Therefore, students’ depression may be exacerbated in challenging undergraduate research experiences, because studies have shown that depression is positively correlated with student stress ( Hish et al. , 2019 ).

While depression has not been explored in the context of undergraduate research experiences, depression has become a prominent concern surrounding graduate students conducting scientific research. A recent study that examined the “graduate student mental health crisis” ( Flaherty, 2018 ) found that work–life balance and graduate students’ relationships with their research advisors may be contributing to their depression ( Evans et al. , 2018 ). Specifically, this survey of 2279 PhD and master’s students from diverse fields of study, including the biological/physical sciences, showed that 39% of graduate students have experienced moderate to severe depression. Fifty-five percent of the graduate students with depression who were surveyed disagreed with the statement “I have good work life balance,” compared to only 21% of students with depression who agreed. Additionally, the study highlighted that more students with depression disagreed than agreed with the following statements: their advisors provided “real” mentorship, their advisors provided ample support, their advisors positively impacted their emotional or mental well-being, their advisors were assets to their careers, and they felt valued by their mentors. Another recent study identified that depression severity in biomedical doctoral students was significantly associated with graduate program climate, a perceived lack of employment opportunities, and the quality of students’ research training environment ( Nagy et al. , 2019 ). Environmental stress, academic stress, and family and monetary stress have also been shown to be predictive of depression severity in biomedical doctoral students ( Hish et al. , 2019 ). Further, one study found that self-esteem is negatively correlated and stress is positively correlated with graduate student depression; presumably research environments that challenge students’ self-esteem and induce stress are likely contributing to depressive symptoms among graduate students ( Kreger, 1995 ). While these studies have focused on graduate students, and there are certainly notable distinctions between graduate and undergraduate research, the research-related factors that affect graduate student depression, including work–life balance, relationships with mentors, research environment, stress, and self-esteem, may also be relevant to depression among undergraduates conducting research. Importantly, undergraduates in the United States have reported identical levels of depression as graduate students but are often less likely to seek mental health care services ( Wyatt and Oswalt, 2013 ), which is concerning if undergraduate research experiences exacerbate depression.

Based on the literature on the stressors of undergraduate research experiences and the literature identifying some potential causes of graduate student depression, we identified three aspects of undergraduate research that may exacerbate undergraduates’ depression. Mentoring: Mentors can be an integral part of a students’ research experience, bolstering their connections with others in the science community, scholarly productivity, and science identity, as well as providing many other benefits ( Thiry and Laursen, 2011 ; Prunuske et al. , 2013 ; Byars-Winston et al. , 2015 ; Aikens et al. , 2016 , 2017 ; Thompson et al. , 2016 ; Estrada et al. , 2018 ). However, recent literature has highlighted that poor mentoring can negatively affect undergraduate researchers ( Cooper et al. , 2019c ; Limeri et al. , 2019 ). Specifically, one study of 33 undergraduate researchers who had conducted research at 10 institutions identified seven major ways that they experienced negative mentoring, which included absenteeism, abuse of power, interpersonal mismatch, lack of career support, lack of psychosocial support, misaligned expectations, and unequal treatment ( Limeri et al. , 2019 ). We hypothesize negative mentoring experiences may be particularly harmful for students with depression, because support, particularly social support, has been shown to be important for helping individuals with depression cope with difficult circumstances ( Aneshensel and Stone, 1982 ; Grav et al. , 2012 ). Failure: Experiencing failure has been hypothesized to be an important aspect of undergraduate research experiences that may help students develop some the most distinguishing abilities of outstanding scientists, such as coping with failure, navigating challenges, and persevering ( Laursen et al. , 2010 ; Gin et al. , 2018 ; Henry et al. , 2019 ). However, experiencing failure and the stress and fatigue that often accompany it may be particularly tough for students with depression ( Aldwin and Greenberger, 1987 ; Mongrain and Blackburn, 2005 ). Lab environment: Fairness, inclusion/exclusion, and social support within one’s organizational environment have been shown to be key factors that cause people to either want to remain in the work place and be productive or to want to leave ( Barak et al. , 2006 ; Cooper et al. , 2019c ). We hypothesize that dealing with exclusion or a lack of social support may exacerbate depression for some students; patients with clinical depression react to social exclusion with more pronounced negative emotions than do individuals without clinical depression ( Jobst et al. , 2015 ). While there are likely other aspects of undergraduate research that affect student depression, we hypothesize that these factors have the potential to exacerbate negative research experiences for students with depression.

Depression has been shown to disproportionately affect many populations that are underrepresented or underserved within the scientific community, including females ( American College Health Association, 2018 ; Evans et al. , 2018 ), first-generation college students ( Jenkins et al. , 2013 ), individuals from low socioeconomic backgrounds ( Eisenberg et al. , 2007 ), members of the LGBTQ+ community ( Eisenberg et al. , 2007 ; Evans et al. , 2018 ), and people with disabilities ( Turner and Noh, 1988 ). Therefore, as the science community strives to be more diverse and inclusive ( Intemann, 2009 ), it is important that we understand more about the relationship between depression and scientific research, because negative experiences with depression in scientific research may be contributing to the underrepresentation of these groups. Specifically, more information is needed about how the research process and environment of research experiences may affect depression.

Given the high rate of depression among undergraduates, the links between depression and graduate research, the potentially challenging environment of undergraduate research, and how depression could disproportionately impact students from underserved communities, it is imperative to begin to explore the relationship between scientific research and depression among undergraduates to create research experiences that could maximize student success. In this exploratory interview study, we aimed to 1) describe how undergraduates’ symptoms of depression affect their research experiences, 2) understand how undergraduate research affects students’ feelings of depression, and 3) identify recommendations based on the literature and undergraduates’ reported experiences to promote a positive research experience for students with depression.

This study was done with an approved Arizona State University Institutional Review Board protocol #7247.

In Fall 2018, we surveyed undergraduate researchers majoring in the life sciences across 25 research-intensive (R1) public institutions across the United States (specific details about the recruitment of the students who completed the survey can be found in Cooper et al. (2019c) ). The survey asked students for their opinions about their undergraduate research experiences and their demographic information and whether they would be interested in participating in a follow-up interview related to their research experiences. For the purpose of this study, we exclusively interviewed students about their undergraduate research experiences in faculty member labs; we did not consider students’ experiences in CUREs. Of the 768 undergraduate researchers who completed the survey, 65% ( n = 496) indicated that they would be interested in participating in a follow-up interview. In Spring 2019, we emailed the 496 students, explaining that we were interested in interviewing students with depression about their experiences in undergraduate research. Our specific prompt was: “If you identify as having depression, we would be interested in hearing about your experience in undergraduate research in a 30–60 minute online interview.” We did not define depression in our email recruitment because we conducted think-aloud interviews with four undergraduates who all correctly interpreted what we meant by depression ( APA, 2013 ). We had 35 students agree to participate in the interview study. The interview participants represented 12 of the 25 R1 public institutions that were represented in the initial survey.

Student Interviews

We developed an interview script to explore our research questions. Specifically, we were interested in how students’ symptoms of depression affect their research experiences, how undergraduate research negatively affects student depression, and how undergraduate research positively affects student depression.

We recognized that mental health, and specifically depression, can be a sensitive topic to discuss with undergraduates, and therefore we tried to minimize any discomfort that the interviewees might experience during the interview. Specifically, we conducted think-aloud interviews with three graduate students who self-identified with having depression at the time of the interview. We asked them to note whether any interview questions made them uncomfortable. We also sought their feedback on questions given their experiences as persons with depression who had once engaged in undergraduate research. We revised the interview protocol after each think-aloud interview. Next, we conducted four additional think-aloud interviews with undergraduates conducting basic science or biology education research who identified with having depression to establish cognitive validity of the questions and to elicit additional feedback about any questions that might make someone uncomfortable. The questions were revised after each think-aloud interview until no question was unclear or misinterpreted by the students and we were confident that the questions minimized students’ potential discomfort ( Trenor et al. , 2011 ). A copy of the final interview script can be found in the Supplemental Material.

All interviews were individually conducted by one of two researchers (K.M.C. and L.E.G.) who conducted the think-aloud interviews together to ensure that their interviewing practices were as similar as possible. The interviews were approximately an hour long, and students received a $15 gift card for their participation.

Personal, Research, and Depression Demographics

All student demographics and information about students’ research experiences were collected using the survey distributed to students in Fall 2018. We collected personal demographics, including the participants’ gender, race/ethnicity, college generation status, transfer status, financial stability, year in college, major, and age. We also collected information about the students’ research experiences, including the length of their first research experiences, the average number of hours they spend in research per week, how they were compensated for research, who their primary mentors were, and the focus areas of their research.

In the United States, mental healthcare is disproportionately unavailable to Black and Latinx individuals, as well as those who come from low socioeconomic backgrounds ( Kataoka et al. , 2002 ; Howell and McFeeters, 2008 ; Santiago et al. , 2013 ). Therefore, to minimize a biased sample, we invited anyone who identified with having depression to participate in our study; we did not require students to be diagnosed with depression or to be treated for depression in order to participate. However, we did collect information about whether students had been formally diagnosed with depression and whether they had been treated for depression. After the interview, all participants were sent a link to a short survey that asked them if they had ever been diagnosed with depression and how, if at all, they had ever been treated for depression. A copy of these survey questions can be found in the Supplemental Material. The combined demographic information of the participants is in Table 1 . The demographics for each individual student can be found in the Supplemental Material.

a Students reported the time they had spent in research 6 months before being interviewed and only reported on the length of time of their first research experiences.

b Students were invited to report multiple ways in which they were treated for their depression; other treatments included lifestyle changes and meditation.

c Students were invited to report multiple means of compensation for their research if they had been compensated for their time in different ways.

d Students were asked whether they felt financially stable, particularly during the undergraduate research experience.

e Students reported who they work/worked with most closely during their research experiences.

f Staff members included lab coordinators or lab managers.

g Other focus areas of research included sociology, linguistics, psychology, and public health.

Interview Analysis

The initial interview analysis aimed to explore each idea that a participant expressed ( Charmaz, 2006 ) and to identify reoccurring ideas throughout the interviews. First, three authors (K.M.C., L.E.G., and S.E.B.) individually reviewed a different set of 10 interviews and took detailed analytic notes ( Birks and Mills, 2015 ). Afterward, the authors compared their notes and identified reoccurring themes throughout the interviews using open coding methods ( Saldaña, 2015 ).

Once an initial set of themes was established, two researchers (K.M.C. and L.E.G.) individually reviewed the same set of 15 randomly selected interviews to validate the themes identified in the initial analysis and to screen for any additional themes that the initial analysis may have missed. Each researcher took detailed analytic notes throughout the review of an interview, which they discussed after reviewing each interview. The researchers compared what quotes from each interview they categorized into each theme. Using constant comparison methods, they assigned quotes to each theme and constantly compared the quotes to ensure that each quote fit within the description of the theme ( Glesne and Peshkin, 1992 ). In cases in which quotes were too different from other quotes, a new theme was created. This approach allowed for multiple revisions of the themes and allowed the authors to define a final set of codes; the researchers created a final codebook with refined definitions of emergent themes (the final coding rubric can be found in the Supplemental Material). Once the final codebook was established, the researchers (K.M.C. and L.E.G.) individually coded seven additional interviews (20% of all interviews) using the coding rubric. The researchers compared their codes, and their Cohen’s κ interrater score for these seven interviews was at an acceptable level (κ  =  0.88; Landis and Koch, 1977 ). One researcher (L.E.G.) coded the remaining 28 out of 35 interviews. The researchers determined that data saturation had been reached with the current sample and no further recruitment was needed ( Guest et al. , 2006 ). We report on themes that were mentioned by at least 20% of students in the interview study. In the Supplemental Material, we provide the final coding rubric with the number of participants whose interview reflected each theme ( Hannah and Lautsch, 2011 ). Reporting the number of individuals who reported themes within qualitative data can lead to inaccurate conclusions about the generalizability of the results to a broader population. These qualitative data are meant to characterize a landscape of experiences that students with depression have in undergraduate research rather than to make claims about the prevalence of these experiences ( Glesne and Peshkin, 1992 ). Because inferences about the importance of these themes cannot be drawn from these counts, they are not included in the results of the paper ( Maxwell, 2010 ). Further, the limited number of interviewees made it not possible to examine whether there were trends based on students’ demographics or characteristics of their research experiences (e.g., their specific area of study). Quotes were lightly edited for clarity by inserting clarification brackets and using ellipses to indicate excluded text. Pseudonyms were given to all students to protect their privacy.

The Effect of Depressive Symptoms on Undergraduate Research

We asked students to describe the symptoms associated with their depression. Students described experiencing anxiety that is associated with their depression; this could be anxiety that precedes their depression or anxiety that results from a depressive episode or a period of time when an individual has depression symptoms. Further, students described difficulty getting out of bed or leaving the house, feeling tired, a lack of motivation, being overly self-critical, feeling apathetic, and having difficulty concentrating. We were particularly interested in how students’ symptoms of depression affected their experiences in undergraduate research. During the think-aloud interviews that were conducted before the interview study, graduate and undergraduate students consistently described that their depression affected their motivation in research, their creativity in research, and their productivity in research. Therefore, we explicitly asked undergraduate researchers how, if at all, their depression affected these three factors. We also asked students to describe any additional ways in which their depression affected their research experiences. Undergraduate researchers commonly described five additional ways in which their depression affected their research; for a detailed description of each way students’ research was affected and for example quotes, see Table 2 . Students described that their depression negatively affected their productivity in the lab. Commonly, students described that their productivity was directly affected by a lack of motivation or because they felt less creative, which hindered the research process. Additionally, students highlighted that they were sometimes less productive because their depression sometimes caused them to struggle to engage intellectually with their research or caused them to have difficulty remembering or concentrating; students described that they could do mundane or routine tasks when they felt depressed, but that they had difficulty with more complex and intellectually demanding tasks. However, students sometimes described that even mundane tasks could be difficult when they were required to remember specific steps; for example, some students struggled recalling a protocol from memory when their depression was particularly severe. Additionally, students noted that their depression made them more self-conscious, which sometimes held them back from sharing research ideas with their mentors or from taking risks such as applying to competitive programs. In addition to being self-conscious, students highlighted that their depression caused them to be overly self-critical, and some described experiencing imposter phenomenon ( Clance and Imes, 1978 ) or feeling like they were not talented enough to be in research and were accepted into a lab by a fluke or through luck. Finally, students described that depression often made them feel less social, and they struggled to socially engage with other members of the lab when they were feeling down.

The Effect of Undergraduate Research Experiences on Student Depression

We also wanted to explore how research impacted students’ feelings of depression. Undergraduates described how research both positively and negatively affected their depression. In the following sections, we present aspects of undergraduate research and examine how each positively and/or negatively affected students’ depression using embedded student quotes to highlight the relationships between related ideas.

Lab Environment: Relationships with Others in the Lab.

Some aspects of the lab environment, which we define as students’ physical, social, or psychological research space, could be particularly beneficial for students with depression.

Specifically, undergraduate researchers perceived that comfortable and positive social interactions with others in the lab helped their depression. Students acknowledged how beneficial their relationships with graduate students and postdocs could be.

Marta: “I think always checking in on undergrads is important. It’s really easy [for us] to go a whole day without talking to anybody in the lab. But our grad students are like ‘Hey, what’s up? How’s school? What’s going on?’ (…) What helps me the most is having that strong support system. Sometimes just talking makes you feel better, but also having people that believe in you can really help you get out of that negative spiral. I think that can really help with depression.”

Kelley: “I know that anytime I need to talk to [my postdoc mentors] about something they’re always there for me. Over time we’ve developed a relationship where I know that outside of work and outside of the lab if I did want to talk to them about something I could talk to them. Even just talking to someone about hobbies and having that relationship alone is really helpful [for depression].”

In addition to highlighting the importance of developing relationships with graduate students or postdocs in the lab, students described that forming relationships with other undergraduates in the lab also helped their depression. Particularly, students described that other undergraduate researchers often validated their feelings about research, which in turn helped them realize that what they are thinking or feeling is normal, which tended to alleviate their negative thoughts. Interestingly, other undergraduates experiencing the same issues could sometimes help buffer them from perceiving that a mentor did not like them or that they were uniquely bad at research. In this article, we use the term “mentor” to refer to anyone who students referred to in the interviews as being their mentors or managing their research experiences; this includes graduate students, postdoctoral scholars, lab managers, and primary investigators (PIs).

Abby: “One of my best friends is in the lab with me.  A lot of that friendship just comes from complaining about our stress with the lab and our annoyance with people in the lab. Like when we both agree like, ‘Yeah, the grad students were really off today, it wasn’t us,’ that helps. ‘It wasn’t me, it wasn’t my fault that we were having a rough day in lab; it was the grad students.’ Just being able to realize, ‘Hey, this isn’t all caused by us,’ you know? (…) We understand the stresses in the lab. We understand the details of what each other are doing in the lab, so when something doesn’t work out, we understand that it took them like eight hours to do that and it didn’t work. We provide empathy on a different level.”

Meleana: “It’s great to have solidarity in being confused about something, and it’s just that is a form of validation for me too. When we leave a lab meeting and I look at [another undergrad] I’m like, ‘Did you understand anything that they were just saying?’ And they’re like, ‘Oh, no.’ (…) It’s just really validating to hear from the other undergrads that we all seem to be struggling with the same things.”

Developing positive relationships with faculty mentors or PIs also helped alleviate some students’ depressive feelings, particularly when PIs shared their own struggles with students. This also seemed to normalize students’ concerns about their own experiences.

Alexandra: “[Talking with my PI] is helpful because he would talk about his struggles, and what he faced. A lot of it was very similar to my struggles.  For example, he would say, ‘Oh, yeah, I failed this exam that I studied so hard for. I failed the GRE and I paid so much money to prepare for it.’ It just makes [my depression] better, like okay, this is normal for students to go through this. It’s not an out of this world thing where if you fail, you’re a failure and you can’t move on from it.”

Students’ relationships with others in the lab did not always positively impact their depression. Students described instances when the negative moods of the graduate students and PIs would often set the tone of the lab, which in turn worsened the mood of the undergraduate researchers.

Abby: “Sometimes [the grad students] are not in a good mood. The entire vibe of the lab is just off, and if you make a joke and it hits somebody wrong, they get all mad. It really depends on the grad students and the leadership and the mood that they’re in.”

Interviewer: “How does it affect your depression when the grad students are in a bad mood?”

Abby: “It definitely makes me feel worse. It feels like, again, that I really shouldn’t go ask them for help because they’re just not in the mood to help out. It makes me have more pressure on myself, and I have deadlines I need to meet, but I have a question for them, but they’re in a bad mood so I can’t ask. That’s another day wasted for me and it just puts more stress, which just adds to the depression.”

Additionally, some students described even more concerning behavior from research mentors, which negatively affected their depression.

Julie: “I had a primary investigator who is notorious in the department for screaming at people, being emotionally abusive, unreasonable, et cetera. (…) [He was] kind of harassing people, demeaning them, lying to them, et cetera, et cetera. (…) Being yelled at and constantly demeaned and harassed at all hours of the day and night, that was probably pretty bad for me.”

While the relationships between undergraduates and graduate, postdoc, and faculty mentors seemed to either alleviate or worsen students’ depressive symptoms, depending on the quality of the relationship, students in this study exclusively described their relationships with other undergraduates as positive for their depression. However, students did note that undergraduate research puts some of the best and brightest undergraduates in the same environment, which can result in students comparing themselves with their peers. Students described that this comparison would often lead them to feel badly about themselves, even though they would describe their personal relationship with a person to be good.

Meleana: “In just the research field in general, just feeling like I don’t really measure up to the people around me [can affect my depression]. A lot of the times it’s the beginning of a little spiral, mental spiral. There are some past undergrads that are talked about as they’re on this pedestal of being the ideal undergrads and that they were just so smart and contributed so much to the lab. I can never stop myself from wondering like, ‘Oh, I wonder if I’m having a contribution to the lab that’s similar or if I’m just another one of the undergrads that does the bare minimum and passes through and is just there.’”

Natasha: “But, on the other hand, [having another undergrad in the lab] also reminded me constantly that some people are invested in this and meant to do this and it’s not me. And that some people know a lot more than I do and will go further in this than I will.”

While students primarily expressed that their relationships with others in the lab affected their depression, some students explained that they struggled most with depression when the lab was empty; they described that they did not like being alone in the lab, because a lack of stimulation allowed their minds to be filled with negative thoughts.

Mia: “Those late nights definitely didn’t help [my depression]. I am alone, in the entire building.  I’m left alone to think about my thoughts more, so not distracted by talking to people or interacting with people. I think more about how I’m feeling and the lack of progress I’m making, and the hopelessness I’m feeling. That kind of dragged things on, and I guess deepened my depression.”

Freddy: “Often times when I go to my office in the evening, that is when I would [ sic ] be prone to be more depressed. It’s being alone. I think about myself or mistakes or trying to correct mistakes or whatever’s going on in my life at the time. I become very introspective. I think I’m way too self-evaluating, way too self-deprecating and it’s when I’m alone when those things are really, really triggered. When I’m talking with somebody else, I forget about those things.”

In sum, students with depression highlighted that a lab environment full of positive and encouraging individuals was helpful for their depression, whereas isolating or competitive environments and negative interactions with others often resulted in more depressive feelings.

Doing Science: Experiencing Failure in Research, Getting Help, Receiving Feedback, Time Demands, and Important Contributions.

In addition to the lab environment, students also described that the process of doing science could affect their depression. Specifically, students explained that a large contributor to their depression was experiencing failure in research.

Interviewer: “Considering your experience in undergraduate research, what tends to trigger your feelings of depression?”

Heather: “Probably just not getting things right. Having to do an experiment over and over again. You don’t get the results you want. (…) The work is pretty meticulous and it’s frustrating when I do all this work, I do a whole experiment, and then I don’t get any results that I can use. That can be really frustrating. It adds to the stress. (…) It’s hard because you did all this other stuff before so you can plan for the research, and then something happens and all the stuff you did was worthless basically.”

Julie: “I felt very negatively about myself [when a project failed] and pretty panicked whenever something didn’t work because I felt like it was a direct reflection on my effort and/or intelligence, and then it was a big glaring personal failure.”

Students explained that their depression related to failing in research was exacerbated if they felt as though they could not seek help from their research mentors. Perceived insufficient mentor guidance has been shown to be a factor influencing student intention to leave undergraduate research ( Cooper et al. , 2019c ). Sometimes students talked about their research mentors being unavailable or unapproachable.

Michelle: “It just feels like [the graduate students] are not approachable. I feel like I can’t approach them to ask for their understanding in a certain situation. It makes [my depression] worse because I feel like I’m stuck, and that I’m being limited, and like there’s nothing I can do. So then I kind of feel like it’s my fault that I can’t do anything.”

Other times, students described that they did not seek help in fear that they would be negatively evaluated in research, which is a fear of being judged by others ( Watson and Friend, 1969 ; Weeks et al. , 2005 ; Cooper et al. , 2018 ). That is, students fear that their mentor would think negatively about them or judge them if they were to ask questions that their mentor thought they should know the answer to.

Meleana: “I would say [my depression] tends to come out more in being more reserved in asking questions because I think that comes more like a fear-based thing where I’m like, ‘Oh, I don’t feel like I’m good enough and so I don’t want to ask these questions because then my mentors will, I don’t know, think that I’m dumb or something.’”

Conversely, students described that mentors who were willing to help them alleviated their depressive feelings.

Crystal: “Yeah [my grad student] is always like, ‘Hey, I can check in on things in the lab because you’re allowed to ask me for that, you’re not totally alone in this,’ because he knows that I tend to take on all this responsibility and I don’t always know how to ask for help. He’s like, ‘You know, this is my lab too and I am here to help you as well,’ and just reminds me that I’m not shouldering this burden by myself.”

Ashlyn: “The graduate student who I work with is very kind and has a lot of patience and he really understands a lot of things and provides simple explanations. He does remind me about things and he will keep on me about certain tasks that I need to do in an understanding way, and it’s just because he’s patient and he listens.”

In addition to experiencing failure in science, students described that making mistakes when doing science also negatively affected their depression.

Abby: “I guess not making mistakes on experiments [is important in avoiding my depression]. Not necessarily that your experiment didn’t turn out to produce the data that you wanted, but just adding the wrong enzyme or messing something up like that. It’s like, ‘Oh, man,’ you know? You can get really down on yourself about that because it can be embarrassing.”

Commonly, students described that the potential for making mistakes increased their stress and anxiety regarding research; however, they explained that how other people responded to a potential mistake was what ultimately affected their depression.

Briana: “Sometimes if I made a mistake in correctly identifying an eye color [of a fly], [my PI] would just ridicule me in front of the other students. He corrected me but his method of correcting was very discouraging because it was a ridicule. It made the others laugh and I didn’t like that.”

Julie: “[My PI] explicitly [asked] if I had the dedication for science. A lot of times he said I had terrible judgment. A lot of times he said I couldn’t be trusted. Once I went to a conference with him, and, unfortunately, in front of another professor, he called me a klutz several times and there was another comment about how I never learn from my mistakes.”

When students did do things correctly, they described how important it could be for them to receive praise from their mentors. They explained that hearing praise and validation can be particularly helpful for students with depression, because their thoughts are often very negative and/or because they have low self-esteem.

Crystal: “[Something that helps my depression is] I have text messages from [my graduate student mentor] thanking me [and another undergraduate researcher] for all of the work that we’ve put in, that he would not be able to be as on track to finish as he is if he didn’t have our help.”

Interviewer: “Why is hearing praise from your mentor helpful?”

Crystal: “Because a lot of my depression focuses on everybody secretly hates you, nobody likes you, you’re going to die alone. So having that validation [from my graduate mentor] is important, because it flies in the face of what my depression tells me.”

Brian: “It reminds you that you exist outside of this negative world that you’ve created for yourself, and people don’t see you how you see yourself sometimes.”

Students also highlighted how research could be overwhelming, which negatively affected their depression. Particularly, students described that research demanded a lot of their time and that their mentors did not always seem to be aware that they were juggling school and other commitments in addition to their research. This stress exacerbated their depression.

Rose: “I feel like sometimes [my grad mentors] are not very understanding because grad students don’t take as many classes as [undergrads] do. I think sometimes they don’t understand when I say I can’t come in at all this week because I have finals and they’re like, ‘Why though?’”

Abby: “I just think being more understanding of student life would be great. We have classes as well as the lab, and classes are the priority. They forget what it’s like to be a student. You feel like they don’t understand and they could never understand when you say like, ‘I have three exams this week,’ and they’re like, ‘I don’t care. You need to finish this.’”

Conversely, some students reported that their research labs were very understanding of students’ schedules. Interestingly, these students talked most about how helpful it was to be able to take a mental health day and not do research on days when they felt down or depressed.

Marta: “My lab tech is very open, so she’ll tell us, ‘I can’t come in today. I have to take a mental health day.’ So she’s a really big advocate for that. And I think I won’t personally tell her that I’m taking a mental health day, but I’ll say, ‘I can’t come in today, but I’ll come in Friday and do those extra hours.’ And she’s like, ‘OK great, I’ll see you then.’  And it makes me feel good, because it helps me take care of myself first and then I can take care of everything else I need to do, which is amazing.”

Meleana: “Knowing that [my mentors] would be flexible if I told them that I’m crazy busy and can’t come into work nearly as much this week [helps my depression]. There is flexibility in allowing me to then care for myself.”

Interviewer: “Why is the flexibility helpful given the depression?”

Meleana: “Because sometimes for me things just take a little bit longer when I’m feeling down. I’m just less efficient to be honest, and so it’s helpful if I feel like I can only go into work for 10 hours in a week. It declutters my brain a little bit to not have to worry about all the things I have to do in work in addition the things that I need to do for school or clubs, or family or whatever.”

Despite the demanding nature of research, a subset of students highlighted that their research and research lab provided a sense of stability or familiarity that distracted them from their depression.

Freddy: “I’ll [do research] to run away from those [depressive] feelings or whatever. (…) I find sadly, I hate to admit it, but I do kind of run to [my lab]. I throw myself into work to distract myself from the feelings of depression and sadness.”

Rose: “When you’re sad or when you’re stressed you want to go to things you’re familiar with. So because lab has always been in my life, it’s this thing where it’s going to be there for me I guess. It’s like a good book that you always go back to and it’s familiar and it makes you feel good. So that’s how lab is. It’s not like the greatest thing in the world but it’s something that I’m used to, which is what I feel like a lot of people need when they’re sad and life is not going well.”

Many students also explained that research positively affects their depression because they perceive their research contribution to be important.

Ashlyn: “I feel like I’m dedicating myself to something that’s worthy and something that I believe in. It’s really important because it contextualizes those times when I am feeling depressed. It’s like, no, I do have these better things that I’m working on. Even when I don’t like myself and I don’t like who I am, which is again, depression brain, I can at least say, ‘Well, I have all these other people relying on me in research and in this area and that’s super important.’”

Jessica: “I mean, it just felt like the work that I was doing had meaning and when I feel like what I’m doing is actually going to contribute to the world, that usually really helps with [depression] because it’s like not every day you can feel like you’re doing something impactful.”

In sum, students highlighted that experiencing failure in research and making mistakes negatively contributed to depression, especially when help was unavailable or research mentors had a negative reaction. Additionally, students acknowledged that the research could be time-consuming, but that research mentors who were flexible helped assuage depressive feelings that were associated with feeling overwhelmed. Finally, research helped some students’ depression, because it felt familiar, provided a distraction from depression, and reminded students that they were contributing to a greater cause.

We believe that creating more inclusive research environments for students with depression is an important step toward broadening participation in science, not only to ensure that we are not discouraging students with depression from persisting in science, but also because depression has been shown to disproportionately affect underserved and underrepresented groups in science ( Turner and Noh, 1988 ; Eisenberg et al. , 2007 ; Jenkins et al. , 2013 ; American College Health Association, 2018 ). We initially hypothesized that three features of undergraduate research—research mentors, the lab environment, and failure—may have the potential to exacerbate student depression. We found this to be true; students highlighted that their relationships with their mentors as well as the overall lab environment could negatively affect their depression, but could also positively affect their research experiences. Students also noted that they struggled with failure, which is likely true of most students, but is known to be particularly difficult for students with depression ( Elliott et al. , 1997 ). We expand upon our findings by integrating literature on depression with the information that students provided in the interviews about how research mentors can best support students. We provide a set of evidence-based recommendations focused on mentoring, the lab environment, and failure for research mentors wanting to create more inclusive research environments for students with depression. Notably, only the first recommendation is specific to students with depression; the others reflect recommendations that have previously been described as “best practices” for research mentors ( NASEM, 2017 , 2019 ; Sorkness et al. , 2017 ) and likely would benefit most students. However, we examine how these recommendations may be particularly important for students with depression. As we hypothesized, these recommendations directly address three aspects of research: mentors, lab environment, and failure. A caveat of these recommendations is that more research needs to be done to explore the experiences of students with depression and how these practices actually impact students with depression, but our national sample of undergraduate researchers with depression can provide an initial starting point for a discussion about how to improve research experiences for these students.

Recommendations to Make Undergraduate Research Experiences More Inclusive for Students with Depression

Recognize student depression as a valid illness..

Allow students with depression to take time off of research by simply saying that they are sick and provide appropriate time for students to recover from depressive episodes. Also, make an effort to destigmatize mental health issues.

Undergraduate researchers described both psychological and physical symptoms that manifested as a result of their depression and highlighted how such symptoms prevented them from performing to their full potential in undergraduate research. For example, students described how their depression would cause them to feel unmotivated, which would often negatively affect their research productivity. In cases in which students were motivated enough to come in and do their research, they described having difficulty concentrating or engaging in the work. Further, when doing research, students felt less creative and less willing to take risks, which may alter the quality of their work. Students also sometimes struggled to socialize in the lab. They described feeling less social and feeling overly self-critical. In sum, students described that, when they experienced a depressive episode, they were not able to perform to the best of their ability, and it sometimes took a toll on them to try to act like nothing was wrong, when they were internally struggling with depression. We recommend that research mentors treat depression like any other physical illness; allowing students the chance to recover when they are experiencing a depressive episode can be extremely important to students and can allow them to maximize their productivity upon returning to research ( Judd et al. , 2000 ). Students explained that if they are not able to take the time to focus on recovering during a depressive episode, then they typically continue to struggle with depression, which negatively affects their research. This sentiment is echoed by researchers in psychiatry who have found that patients who do not fully recover from a depressive episode are more likely to relapse and to experience chronic depression ( Judd et al. , 2000 ). Students described not doing tasks or not showing up to research because of their depression but struggling with how to share that information with their research mentors. Often, students would not say anything, which caused them anxiety because they were worried about what others in the lab would say to them when they returned. Admittedly, many students understood why this behavior would cause their research mentors to be angry or frustrated, but they weighed the consequences of their research mentors’ displeasure against the consequences of revealing their depression and decided it was not worth admitting to being depressed. This aligns with literature that suggests that when individuals have concealable stigmatized identities, or identities that can be hidden and that carry negative stereotypes, such as depression, they will often keep them concealed to avoid negative judgment or criticism ( Link and Phelan, 2001 ; Quinn and Earnshaw, 2011 ; Jones and King, 2014 ; Cooper and Brownell, 2016 ; Cooper et al. , 2019b ; Cooper et al ., unpublished data ). Therefore, it is important for research mentors to be explicit with students that 1) they recognize mental illness as a valid sickness and 2) that students with mental illness can simply explain that they are sick if they need to take time off. This may be useful to overtly state on a research website or in a research syllabus, contract, or agreement if mentors use such documents when mentoring undergraduates in their lab. Further, research mentors can purposefully work to destigmatize mental health issues by explicitly stating that struggling with mental health issues, such as depression and anxiety, is common. While we do not recommend that mentors ask students directly about depression, because this can force students to share when they are not comfortable sharing, we do recommend providing opportunities for students to reveal their depression ( Chaudoir and Fisher, 2010 ). Mentors can regularly check in with students about how they’re doing, and talk openly about the importance of mental health, which may increase the chance that students may feel comfortable revealing their depression ( Chaudoir and Quinn, 2010 ; Cooper et al ., unpublished data ).

Foster a Positive Lab Environment.

Encourage positivity in the research lab, promote working in shared spaces to enhance social support among lab members, and alleviate competition among undergraduates.

Students in this study highlighted that the “leadership” of the lab, meaning graduate students, postdocs, lab managers, and PIs, were often responsible for establishing the tone of the lab; that is, if they were in a bad mood it would trickle down and negatively affect the moods of the undergraduates. Explicitly reminding lab leadership that their moods can both positively and negatively affect undergraduates may be important in establishing a positive lab environment. Further, students highlighted how they were most likely to experience negative thoughts when they were alone in the lab. Therefore, it may be helpful to encourage all lab members to work in a shared space to enhance social interactions among students and to maximize the likelihood that undergraduates have access to help when needed. A review of 51 studies in psychiatry supported our undergraduate researchers’ perceptions that social relationships positively impacted their depression; the study found that perceived emotional support (e.g., someone available to listen or give advice), perceived instrumental support (e.g., someone available to help with tasks), and large diverse social networks (e.g., being socially connected to a large number of people) were significantly protective against depression ( Santini et al. , 2015 ). Additionally, despite forming positive relationships with other undergraduates in the lab, many undergraduate researchers admitted to constantly comparing themselves with other undergraduates, which led them to feel inferior, negatively affecting their depression. Some students talked about mentors favoring current undergraduates or talking positively about past undergraduates, which further exacerbated their feelings of inferiority. A recent study of students in undergraduate research experiences highlighted that inequitable distribution of praise to undergraduates can create negative perceptions of lab environments for students (Cooper et al. , 2019). Further, the psychology literature has demonstrated that when people feel insecure in their social environments, it can cause them to focus on a hierarchical view of themselves and others, which can foster feelings of inferiority and increase their vulnerability to depression ( Gilbert et al. , 2009 ). Thus, we recommend that mentors be conscious of their behaviors so that they do not unintentionally promote competition among undergraduates or express favoritism toward current or past undergraduates. Praise is likely best used without comparison with others and not done in a public way, although more research on the impact of praise on undergraduate researchers needs to be done. While significant research has been done on mentoring and mentoring relationships in the context of undergraduate research ( Byars-Winston et al. , 2015 ; Aikens et al. , 2017 ; Estrada et al. , 2018 ; Limeri et al. , 2019 ; NASEM, 2019 ), much less has been done on the influence of the lab environment broadly and how people in nonmentoring roles can influence one another. Yet, this study indicates the potential influence of many different members of the lab, not only their mentors, on students with depression.

Develop More Personal Relationships with Undergraduate Researchers and Provide Sufficient Guidance.

Make an effort to establish more personal relationships with undergraduates and ensure that they perceive that they have access to sufficient help and guidance with regard to their research.

When we asked students explicitly how research mentors could help create more inclusive environments for undergraduate researchers with depression, students overwhelmingly said that building mentor–student relationships would be extremely helpful. Students suggested that mentors could get to know students on a more personal level by asking about their career interests or interests outside of academia. Students also remarked that establishing a more personal relationship could help build the trust needed in order for undergraduates to confide in their research mentors about their depression, which they perceived would strengthen their relationships further because they could be honest about when they were not feeling well or their mentors might even “check in” with them in times where they were acting differently than normal. This aligns with studies showing that undergraduates are most likely to reveal a stigmatized identity, such as depression, when they form a close relationship with someone ( Chaudoir and Quinn, 2010 ). Many were intimidated to ask for research-related help from their mentors and expressed that they wished they had established a better relationship so that they would feel more comfortable. Therefore, we recommend that research mentors try to establish relationships with their undergraduates and explicitly invite them to ask questions or seek help when needed. These recommendations are supported by national recommendations for mentoring ( NASEM, 2019 ) and by literature that demonstrates that both social support (listening and talking with students) and instrumental support (providing students with help) have been shown to be protective against depression ( Santini et al. , 2015 ).

Treat Undergraduates with Respect and Remember to Praise Them.

Avoid providing harsh criticism and remember to praise undergraduates. Students with depression often have low self-esteem and are especially self-critical. Therefore, praise can help calibrate their overly negative self-perceptions.

Students in this study described that receiving criticism from others, especially harsh criticism, was particularly difficult for them given their depression. Multiple studies have demonstrated that people with depression can have an abnormal or maladaptive response to negative feedback; scientists hypothesize that perceived failure on a particular task can trigger failure-related thoughts that interfere with subsequent performance ( Eshel and Roiser, 2010 ). Thus, it is important for research mentors to remember to make sure to avoid unnecessarily harsh criticisms that make students feel like they have failed (more about failure is described in the next recommendation). Further, students with depression often have low self-esteem or low “personal judgment of the worthiness that is expressed in the attitudes the individual holds towards oneself” ( Heatherton et al. , 2003 , p. 220; Sowislo and Orth, 2013 ). Specifically, a meta-analysis of longitudinal studies found that low self-esteem is predictive of depression ( Sowislo and Orth, 2013 ), and depression has also been shown to be highly related to self-criticism ( Luyten et al. , 2007 ). Indeed, nearly all of the students in our study described thinking that they are “not good enough,” “worthless,” or “inadequate,” which is consistent with literature showing that people with depression are self-critical ( Blatt et al. , 1982 ; Gilbert et al. , 2006 ) and can be less optimistic of their performance on future tasks and rate their overall performance on tasks less favorably than their peers without depression ( Cane and Gotlib, 1985 ). When we asked students what aspects of undergraduate research helped their depression, students described that praise from their mentors was especially impactful, because they thought so poorly of themselves and they needed to hear something positive from someone else in order to believe it could be true. Praise has been highlighted as an important aspect of mentoring in research for many years ( Ashford, 1996 ; Gelso and Lent, 2000 ; Brown et al. , 2009 ) and may be particularly important for students with depression. In fact, praise has been shown to enhance individuals’ motivation and subsequent productivity ( Hancock, 2002 ; Henderlong and Lepper, 2002 ), factors highlighted by students as negatively affecting their depression. However, something to keep in mind is that a student with depression and a student without depression may process praise differently. For a student with depression, a small comment that praises the student’s work may not be sufficient for the student to process that comment as praise. People with depression are hyposensitive to reward or have reward-processing deficits ( Eshel and Roiser, 2010 ); therefore, praise may affect students without depression more positively than it would affect students with depression. Research mentors should be mindful that students with depression often have a negative view of themselves, and while students report that praise is extremely important, they may have trouble processing such positive feedback.

Normalize Failure and Be Explicit about the Importance of Research Contributions.

Explicitly remind students that experiencing failure is expected in research. Also explain to students how their individual work relates to the overall project so that they can understand how their contributions are important. It can also be helpful to explain to students why the research project as a whole is important in the context of the greater scientific community.

Experiencing failure has been thought to be a potentially important aspect of undergraduate research, because it may provide students with the potential to develop integral scientific skills such as the ability to navigate challenges and persevere ( Laursen et al. , 2010 ; Gin et al. , 2018 ; Henry et al. , 2019 ). However, in the interviews, students described that when their science experiments failed, it was particularly tough for their depression. Students’ negative reaction to experiencing failure in research is unsurprising, given recent literature that has predicted that students may be inadequately prepared to approach failure in science ( Henry et al. , 2019 ). However, the literature suggests that students with depression may find experiencing failure in research to be especially difficult ( Elliott et al. , 1997 ; Mongrain and Blackburn, 2005 ; Jones et al. , 2009 ). One potential hypothesis is that students with depression may be more likely to have fixed mindsets or more likely to believe that their intelligence and capacity for specific abilities are unchangeable traits ( Schleider and Weisz, 2018 ); students with a fixed mindset have been hypothesized to have particularly negative responses to experiencing failure in research, because they are prone to quitting easily in the face of challenges and becoming defensive when criticized ( Forsythe and Johnson, 2017 ; Dweck, 2008 ). A study of life sciences undergraduates enrolled in CUREs identified three strategies of students who adopted adaptive coping mechanisms, or mechanisms that help an individual maintain well-being and/or move beyond the stressor when faced with failure in undergraduate research: 1) problem solving or engaging in strategic planning and decision making, 2) support seeking or finding comfort and help with research, and 3) cognitive restructuring or reframing a problem from negative to positive and engaging in self encouragement ( Gin et al. , 2018 ). We recommend that, when undergraduates experience failure in science, their mentors be proactive in helping them problem solve, providing help and support, and encouraging them. Students also explained that mentors sharing their own struggles as undergraduate and graduate students was helpful, because it normalized failure. Sharing personal failures in research has been recommended as an important way to provide students with psychosocial support during research ( NASEM, 2019 ). We also suggest that research mentors take time to explain to students why their tasks in the lab, no matter how small, contribute to the greater research project ( Cooper et al. , 2019a ). Additionally, it is important to make sure that students can explain how the research project as a whole is contributing to the scientific community ( Gin et al. , 2018 ). Students highlighted that contributing to something important was really helpful for their depression, which is unsurprising, given that studies have shown that meaning in life or people’s comprehension of their life experiences along with a sense of overarching purpose one is working toward has been shown to be inversely related to depression ( Steger, 2013 ).

Limitations and Future Directions

This work was a qualitative interview study intended to document a previously unstudied phenomenon: depression in the context of undergraduate research experiences. We chose to conduct semistructured interviews rather than a survey because of the need for initial exploration of this area, given the paucity of prior research. A strength of this study is the sampling approach. We recruited a national sample of 35 undergraduates engaged in undergraduate research at 12 different public R1 institutions. Despite our representative sample from R1 institutions, these findings may not be generalizable to students at other types of institutions; lab environments, mentoring structures, and interactions between faculty and undergraduate researchers may be different at other institution types (e.g., private R1 institutions, R2 institutions, master’s-granting institutions, primarily undergraduate institutions, and community colleges), so we caution against making generalizations about this work to all undergraduate research experiences. Future work could assess whether students with depression at other types of institutions have similar experiences to students at research-intensive institutions. Additionally, we intentionally did not explore the experiences of students with specific identities owing to our sample size and the small number of students in any particular group (e.g., students of a particular race, students with a graduate mentor as the primary mentor). We intend to conduct future quantitative studies to further explore how students’ identities and aspects of their research affect their experiences with depression in undergraduate research.

The students who participated in the study volunteered to be interviewed about their depression; therefore, it is possible that depression is a more salient part of these students’ identities and/or that they are more comfortable talking about their depression than the average population of students with depression. It is also important to acknowledge the personal nature of the topic and that some students may not have fully shared their experiences ( Krumpal, 2013 ), particularly those experiences that may be emotional or traumatizing ( Kahn and Garrison, 2009 ). Additionally, our sample was skewed toward females (77%). While females do make up approximately 60% of students in biology programs on average ( Eddy et al. , 2014 ), they are also more likely to report experiencing depression ( American College Health Association, 2018 ; Evans et al. , 2018 ). However, this could be because women have higher rates of depression or because males are less likely to report having depression; clinical bias, or practitioners’ subconscious tendencies to overlook male distress, may underestimate depression rates in men ( Smith et al. , 2018 ). Further, females are also more likely to volunteer to participate in studies ( Porter and Whitcomb, 2005 ); therefore, many interview studies have disproportionately more females in the data set (e.g., Cooper et al. , 2017 ). If we had been able to interview more male students, we might have identified different findings. Additionally, we limited our sample to life sciences students engaged in undergraduate research at public R1 institutions. It is possible that students in other majors may have different challenges and opportunities for students with depression, as well as different disciplinary stigmas associated with mental health.

In this exploratory interview study, we identified a variety of ways in which depression in undergraduates negatively affected their undergraduate research experiences. Specifically, we found that depression interfered with students’ motivation and productivity, creativity and risk-taking, engagement and concentration, and self-perception and socializing. We also identified that research can negatively affect depression in undergraduates. Experiencing failure in research can exacerbate student depression, especially when students do not have access to adequate guidance. Additionally, being alone or having negative interactions with others in the lab worsened students’ depression. However, we also found that undergraduate research can positively affect students’ depression. Research can provide a familiar space where students can feel as though they are contributing to something meaningful. Additionally, students reported that having access to adequate guidance and a social support network within the research lab also positively affected their depression. We hope that this work can spark conversations about how to make undergraduate research experiences more inclusive of students with depression and that it can stimulate additional research that more broadly explores the experiences of undergraduate researchers with depression.

Important note

If you or a student experience symptoms of depression and want help, there are resources available to you. Many campuses provide counseling centers equipped to provide students, staff, and faculty with treatment for depression, as well as university-dedicated crisis hotlines. Additionally, there are free 24/7 services such as Crisis Text Line, which allows you to text a trained live crisis counselor (Text “CONNECT” to 741741; Text Depression Hotline , 2019 ), and phone hotlines such as the National Suicide Prevention Lifeline at 1-800-273-8255 (TALK). You can also learn more about depression and where to find help near you through the Anxiety and Depression Association of American website: https://adaa.org ( Anxiety and Depression Association of America, 2019 ) and the Depression and Biopolar Support Alliance: http://dbsalliance.org ( Depression and Biopolar Support Alliance, 2019 ).

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

We are extremely grateful to the undergraduate researchers who shared their thoughts and experiences about depression with us. We acknowledge the ASU LEAP Scholars for helping us create the original survey and Rachel Scott for her helpful feedback on earlier drafts of this article. L.E.G. was supported by a National Science Foundation (NSF) Graduate Fellowship (DGE-1311230) and K.M.C. was partially supported by a Howard Hughes Medical Institute (HHMI) Inclusive Excellence grant (no. 11046) and an NSF grant (no. 1644236). Any opinions, findings, conclusions, or recommendations expressed in this material are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the NSF or HHMI.

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Submitted: 4 November 2019 Revised: 24 February 2020 Accepted: 6 March 2020

© 2020 K. M. Cooper, L. E. Gin, et al. CBE—Life Sciences Education © 2020 The American Society for Cell Biology. This article is distributed by The American Society for Cell Biology under license from the author(s). It is available to the public under an Attribution–Noncommercial–Share Alike 3.0 Unported Creative Commons License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/3.0).

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A Literature Review of Studies of Depression and Treatment Outcomes Among U.S. College Students Since 1990

• Elissa J. Miller M.D., M.P.H.
• Henry Chung M.D.

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According to the fall 2007 American College Health Association-National College Health Assessment ( 1 ), a national survey of approximately 20,500 college students on 39 campuses, 43.2% of the students reported "feeling so depressed it was difficult to function" at least once in the past 12 months. More than 3,200 university students reported being diagnosed as having depression, with 39.2% of those students diagnosed in the past 12 months, 24.2% currently in therapy for depression, and 35.8% taking antidepressant medication. Among the students surveyed, 10.3% admitted "seriously considering attempting suicide" within the past 12 months and 1.9% actually attempted suicide during that period.

Although the above data may seem surprising to some, it is not to most mental health clinicians and administrators at U.S. colleges. According to the 2008 National Survey of Counseling Center Directors, 95% of respondents believe that there has been a trend in recent years of an increase in the number of students with serious psychological problems. In 2008 an estimated 26% of counseling center clients were taking psychiatric medication, up from 20% in 2003, 17% in 2000, and 9% in 1994 ( 2 ). And although the rate of suicide among college students may have decreased in recent decades ( 3 ), suicide remains the third leading cause of death among adolescents and young adults ( 4 ).

Many college administrators have begun to appreciate the effect that a student's depression can have on overall functioning in the college community. Depression has been linked to academic difficulties as well as interpersonal problems at school, with more severe depression correlated with higher levels of impairment ( 5 ). The treatment of depression among college students has been associated with a protective effect on these students' grade point averages ( 6 ). In an effort to diagnose and treat early and effectively, and thus decrease the excess morbidity and risk of suicide associated with depression, some U.S. colleges have even begun to screen students for depression in the primary care setting ( 7 ).

There are unique challenges of providing treatment to college students. These challenges include significant academic pressure in semester-based cycles, extensive semester breaks that result in discontinuities of care, and heavy reliance on community supports that can be inconsistent. Given the prevalence and impact of depression on college campuses and the varying services offered by university mental health centers throughout the United States, there is a significant need to evaluate successful models of treatment and their related outcomes.

The databases PsycINFO, MEDLINE, and CINAHL were searched for studies related to depression among U.S. college students and treatment outcome by using the following terms: "depression," "college or university or graduate or junior college or community college students," "colleges," "community colleges," "treatment and prevention," "empirical study," and "peer reviewed journal." Initially, no limitation was placed on years included in the search. Eighteen relevant publications were read and analyzed closely for method and content, with particular focus on location and inclusion criteria of study participants. Studies were eliminated if participants were students at colleges outside of the United States, if the studies did not have specific depression criteria for inclusion, or if the students included were at risk of depression but did not meet criteria for having depression. Nine remaining articles were reviewed further, and it was decided that the five studies published before 1990 had decreased relevance and would be excluded from this review in light of the growing availability of selective serotonin reuptake inhibitor medications since 1990, which substantially changed the treatment of depression among college students. In addition, the demographic characteristics of U.S. college students may have changed since the early 1990s, with many college counseling center directors noting a trend in recent years of an increase in students with serious psychological problems ( 2 ). Only four articles ( 8 , 9 , 10 , 11 ) remained for this review of depression and treatment outcomes of U.S. college students.

In 2007 Kelly and colleagues ( 8 ) conducted a nonexperimental study that recruited from introductory psychology classes university students with depression who were not currently in treatment, offering both financial compensation and class credit for research involvement. Sixty college students (66% Caucasian, 57% female) with major depression were followed for nine weeks without any treatment to assess for sudden gains (that is, precipitous improvements in depressive symptomatology), remission of depressive symptoms, and reversal of improvements. The authors found that 60% of the college students with major depression experienced sudden gains over the nine weeks of not receiving treatment. However, before the end of the nine-week observation period, more than half of these sudden gains reversed. At the end of the period of not receiving treatment, depression was in remission for 20% of the students. The authors concluded that sudden gains may be part of the natural course of depression for some college students, irrespective of treatment, and that self-evaluation processes may play an important role in recovery.

In 2000 Lara and colleagues ( 9 ) conducted a nonexperimental study in which undergraduate students taking psychology classes who had a recent-onset major depressive episode were paid or received course credit for their research participation. Eighty-four students (51% Caucasian, 86% female) were followed for 26 weeks to assess whether various psychosocial factors predicted the short-term course of major depression. The authors found that within the 26-week period of no treatment, 68% of the college students who were initially depressed recovered. Among those who recovered, 21% relapsed by the end of the 26-week period into another major depressive episode. Lara and colleagues concluded that college students with depression may sometimes spontaneously recover and relapse and that harsh discipline in childhood was significantly associated with higher mean levels of depression at follow-up and relapse but not with recovery.

In 2006 Geisner and colleagues ( 10 ) conducted a four-week randomized controlled trial of depression treatment and recruited undergraduates with depression who were enrolled in psychology courses to participate for course credit. The study enrolled 177 students with depression (49% Caucasian and 48% Asian, 70% female) who were randomly assigned either to an intervention group that received personalized mailed feedback or to a control group. The authors found that depressive symptoms improved for both the intervention and control groups, but in the intervention condition there was a significantly greater improvement of depressive symptoms, as measured by the DSM-IV-Based Depression Scale. There was no significant difference between the intervention and control groups on symptoms measured by the Beck Depression Inventory (BDI). Geisner and colleagues concluded that an intervention using personalized mailed feedback may be useful for reducing depressive symptoms among college students.

In 1993 Pace and Dixon ( 11 ) conducted a four- to seven-week randomized controlled trial to assess the treatment effectiveness of individual cognitive therapy for college students with depressive symptoms. Participating undergraduate students earned course credit for their research involvement. Seventy-four students (100% Caucasian, 81% female) who met strict criteria for study inclusion were randomly assigned to either a group that received individual cognitive therapy or a control condition where participants did not receive treatment and were put on a waiting list for cognitive therapy. Pace and Dixon found that 74% of participants in the cognitive therapy group (versus 33% in control group) were classified as nondepressed with BDI scores of less than 10 after four to seven weeks of treatment. At the one-month follow-up, 81% of participants in the cognitive therapy group (versus 64% of control group) were classified as nondepressed. Outcomes at both time points were statistically significant in favor of cognitive therapy. The authors concluded that brief individual cognitive therapy may effectively reduce mild to moderate depressive symptoms as well as depressive self-schemata among college students.

The current body of literature on depression and treatment outcomes among U.S. college students is sparse, and for the four studies we found, varying inclusion and exclusion criteria, assessment methods, and lengths of treatment make the interpretation of results difficult. Whereas Kelly and colleagues ( 8 ) and Lara and colleagues ( 9 ) used the Structured Clinical Interview for DSM-IV to diagnose participants with major depressive disorder, Geisner and colleagues ( 10 ) and Pace and Dixon ( 11 ) used self-report scales to measure depressive symptoms for study inclusion and Pace and Dixon excluded students with severe levels of depressive symptoms. All four studies recruited students who were not seeking treatment and who were offered course credit for participating, a reward that might have influenced the degree of improvement in outcomes. There was no consistent standard used across studies to define a student with depression, even when using the same assessment tool. In terms of length of treatment, only two of the four reviewed studies followed students for more than nine weeks. The length of time over which students are assessed is especially critical for the college population, where time is defined by a semester calendar, moods are often influenced by exam schedules, and treatments are adjusted to accommodate upcoming vacations ( 12 ). Today's college mental health services tend to employ short-term models of care (eight to 16 sessions), with referral to outside clinicians if longer-term treatment is necessary ( 13 ). Given these dynamics, future research in college mental health will need to establish quality standards for ongoing monitoring and follow-up of students' treatment outcomes.

Unfortunately, the results from these four studies may not be fully applicable to college students today or in the future, particularly in light of the changing demographic characteristics of those attending universities as well as the rapidly evolving role of pharmacology in the treatment of depression. Only two of the four studies reviewed offered any active treatment for depression, and none of the studies included any form of pharmacological treatment. Consistent with current medical literature and best practices, many treatment-seeking college students diagnosed as having depression currently receive psychotherapy and psychopharmacological treatment ( 1 ). Because major depression can be a chronic recurring condition, future research needs to evaluate the effectiveness of the various treatment modalities used to treat college students with depression. This is particularly important in light of the recent addition of a black-box warning for the use of antidepressant medications among young adults aged 18 to 24 years, which recommends the close monitoring of patients taking antidepressant medication for clinical worsening, suicidality, or unusual changes in behavior.

Conclusions

In light of the high prevalence of depression among college students today and the risks and sequelae this illness poses if not diagnosed and treated early and effectively, it is imperative that research funding be increased for both naturalistic and intervention studies of depression and treatment outcomes in the college health setting. First, research documenting depression and treatment outcomes in this cohort should be identified in order to evaluate the adequacy of current care. Second, research should be directed to assessing specific short-term or semester-based interventions for students with depression. Models that explore the effectiveness of integration with primary care, care management, medication, and short-term psychotherapy are all important targets for future study. By conducting such research, effective treatment models and benchmarks of treatment outcome in the college population can be developed and integrated into college mental health practice.

Acknowledgments and disclosures

The authors thank Michael Klein, Ph.D., for his assistance in the development of this brief report.

Dr. Chung has served on advisory boards for Takeda Pharmaceuticals and Lundbeck Pharmaceuticals and has served as a speaker for Pfizer and Jazz Pharmaceuticals. Dr. Miller reports no competing interests.

At the time of this report, Dr. Miller was a Public Psychiatry Fellow at New York State Psychiatric Institute and Columbia University, New York City. Dr. Chung is associate vice-president of student health at New York University Student Heath Center, New York City. Send correspondence to Dr. Miller at the New York State Psychiatric Institute, Columbia University, 1051 Riverside Dr., Box 111, New York, NY 10032 (e-mail: [email protected] ).

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• Published: 13 July 2021

Systematic review and meta-analysis of depression, anxiety, and suicidal ideation among Ph.D. students

• Emily N. Satinsky 1 ,
• Tomoki Kimura 2 ,
• Mathew V. Kiang 3 , 4 ,
• Rediet Abebe 5 , 6 ,
• Scott Cunningham 7 ,
• Hedwig Lee 8 ,
• Xiaofei Lin 9 ,
• Cindy H. Liu 10 , 11 ,
• Igor Rudan 12 ,
• Srijan Sen 13 ,
• Mark Tomlinson 14 , 15 ,
• Miranda Yaver 16 &
• Alexander C. Tsai 1 , 11 , 17  

Scientific Reports volume  11 , Article number:  14370 ( 2021 ) Cite this article

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• Epidemiology
• Health policy
• Quality of life

University administrators and mental health clinicians have raised concerns about depression and anxiety among Ph.D. students, yet no study has systematically synthesized the available evidence in this area. After searching the literature for studies reporting on depression, anxiety, and/or suicidal ideation among Ph.D. students, we included 32 articles. Among 16 studies reporting the prevalence of clinically significant symptoms of depression across 23,469 Ph.D. students, the pooled estimate of the proportion of students with depression was 0.24 (95% confidence interval [CI], 0.18–0.31; I 2  = 98.75%). In a meta-analysis of the nine studies reporting the prevalence of clinically significant symptoms of anxiety across 15,626 students, the estimated proportion of students with anxiety was 0.17 (95% CI, 0.12–0.23; I 2  = 98.05%). We conclude that depression and anxiety are highly prevalent among Ph.D. students. Data limitations precluded our ability to obtain a pooled estimate of suicidal ideation prevalence. Programs that systematically monitor and promote the mental health of Ph.D. students are urgently needed.

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Introduction.

Mental health problems among graduate students in doctoral degree programs have received increasing attention 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 . Ph.D. students (and students completing equivalent degrees, such as the Sc.D.) face training periods of unpredictable duration, financial insecurity and food insecurity, competitive markets for tenure-track positions, and unsparing publishing and funding models 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 11 , 12 —all of which may have greater adverse impacts on students from marginalized and underrepresented populations 13 , 14 , 15 . Ph.D. students’ mental health problems may negatively affect their physical health 16 , interpersonal relationships 17 , academic output, and work performance 18 , 19 , and may also contribute to program attrition 20 , 21 , 22 . As many as 30 to 50% of Ph.D. students drop out of their programs, depending on the country and discipline 23 , 24 , 25 , 26 , 27 . Further, while mental health problems among Ph.D. students raise concerns for the wellbeing of the individuals themselves and their personal networks, they also have broader repercussions for their institutions and academia as a whole 22 .

Despite the potential public health significance of this problem, most evidence syntheses on student mental health have focused on undergraduate students 28 , 29 or graduate students in professional degree programs (e.g., medical students) 30 . In non-systematic summaries, estimates of the prevalence of clinically significant depressive symptoms among Ph.D. students vary considerably 31 , 32 , 33 . Reliable estimates of depression and other mental health problems among Ph.D. students are needed to inform preventive, screening, or treatment efforts. To address this gap in the literature, we conducted a systematic review and meta-analysis to explore patterns of depression, anxiety, and suicidal ideation among Ph.D. students.

Flowchart of included articles.

The evidence search yielded 886 articles, of which 286 were excluded as duplicates (Fig.  1 ). An additional nine articles were identified through reference lists or grey literature reports published on university websites. Following a title/abstract review and subsequent full-text review, 520 additional articles were excluded.

Of the 89 remaining articles, 74 were unclear about their definition of graduate students or grouped Ph.D. and non-Ph.D. students without disaggregating the estimates by degree level. We obtained contact information for the authors of most of these articles (69 [93%]), requesting additional data. Three authors clarified that their study samples only included Ph.D. students 34 , 35 , 36 . Fourteen authors confirmed that their study samples included both Ph.D. and non-Ph.D. students but provided us with data on the subsample of Ph.D. students 37 , 38 , 39 , 40 , 41 , 42 , 43 , 44 , 45 , 46 , 47 , 48 , 49 , 50 . Where authors clarified that the sample was limited to graduate students in non-doctoral degree programs, did not provide additional data on the subsample of Ph.D. students, or did not reply to our information requests, we excluded the studies due to insufficient information (Supplementary Table S1 ).

Ultimately, 32 articles describing the findings of 29 unique studies were identified and included in the review 16 , 32 , 33 , 34 , 35 , 36 , 37 , 38 , 39 , 40 , 41 , 42 , 43 , 44 , 45 , 46 , 47 , 48 , 50 , 51 , 52 , 53 , 54 , 55 , 56 , 57 , 58 , 59 , 60 , 61 , 62 (Table 1 ). Overall, 26 studies measured depression, 19 studies measured anxiety, and six studies measured suicidal ideation. Three pairs of articles reported data on the same sample of Ph.D. students 33 , 38 , 45 , 51 , 53 , 56 and were therefore grouped in Table 1 and reported as three studies. Publication dates ranged from 1979 to 2019, but most articles (22/32 [69%]) were published after 2015. Most studies were conducted in the United States (20/29 [69%]), with additional studies conducted in Australia, Belgium, China, Iran, Mexico, and South Korea. Two studies were conducted in cross-national settings representing 48 additional countries. None were conducted in sub-Saharan Africa or South America. Most studies included students completing their degrees in a mix of disciplines (17/29 [59%]), while 12 studies were limited to students in a specific field (e.g., biomedicine, education). The median sample size was 172 students (interquartile range [IQR], 68–654; range, 6–6405). Seven studies focused on mental health outcomes in demographic subgroups, including ethnic or racialized minority students 37 , 41 , 43 , international students 47 , 50 , and sexual and gender minority students 42 , 54 .

In all, 16 studies reported the prevalence of depression among a total of 23,469 Ph.D. students (Fig.  2 ; range, 10–47%). Of these, the most widely used depression scales were the PHQ-9 (9 studies) and variants of the Center for Epidemiologic Studies-Depression scale (CES-D, 4 studies) 63 , and all studies assessed clinically significant symptoms of depression over the past one to two weeks. Three of these studies reported findings based on data from different survey years of the same parent study (the Healthy Minds Study) 40 , 42 , 43 , but due to overlap in the survey years reported across articles, these data were pooled. Most of these studies were based on data collected through online surveys (13/16 [81%]). Ten studies (63%) used random or systematic sampling, four studies (25%) used convenience sampling, and two studies (13%) used multiple sampling techniques.

Pooled estimate of the proportion of Ph.D. students with clinically significant symptoms of depression.

The estimated proportion of Ph.D. students assessed as having clinically significant symptoms of depression was 0.24 (95% confidence interval [CI], 0.18–0.31; 95% predictive interval [PI], 0.04–0.54), with significant evidence of between-study heterogeneity (I 2  = 98.75%). A subgroup analysis restricted to the twelve studies conducted in the United States yielded similar findings (pooled estimate [ES] = 0.23; 95% CI, 0.15–0.32; 95% PI, 0.01–0.60), with no appreciable difference in heterogeneity (I 2  = 98.91%). A subgroup analysis restricted to the studies that used the PHQ-9 to assess depression yielded a slightly lower prevalence estimate and a slight reduction in heterogeneity (ES = 0.18; 95% CI, 0.14–0.22; 95% PI, 0.07–0.34; I 2  = 90.59%).

Nine studies reported the prevalence of clinically significant symptoms of anxiety among a total of 15,626 Ph.D. students (Fig.  3 ; range 4–49%). Of these, the most widely used anxiety scale was the 7-item Generalized Anxiety Disorder scale (GAD-7, 5 studies) 64 . Data from three of the Healthy Minds Study articles were pooled into two estimates, because the scale used to measure anxiety changed midway through the parent study (i.e., the Patient Health Questionnaire-Generalized Anxiety Disorder [PHQ-GAD] scale was used from 2007 to 2012 and then switched to the GAD-7 in 2013 40 ). Most studies (8/9 [89%]) assessed clinically significant symptoms of anxiety over the past two to four weeks, with the one remaining study measuring anxiety over the past year. Again, most of these studies were based on data collected through online surveys (7/9 [78%]). Five studies (56%) used random or systematic sampling, two studies (22%) used convenience sampling, and two studies (22%) used multiple sampling techniques.

Pooled estimate of the proportion of Ph.D. students with clinically significant symptoms of anxiety.

The estimated proportion of Ph.D. students assessed as having anxiety was 0.17 (95% CI, 0.12–0.23; 95% PI, 0.02–0.41), with significant evidence of between-study heterogeneity (I 2  = 98.05%). The subgroup analysis restricted to the five studies conducted in the United States yielded a slightly lower proportion of students assessed as having anxiety (ES = 0.14; 95% CI, 0.08–0.20; 95% PI, 0.00–0.43), with no appreciable difference in heterogeneity (I 2  = 98.54%).

Six studies reported the prevalence of suicidal ideation (range, 2–12%), but the recall windows varied greatly (e.g., ideation within the past 2 weeks vs. past year), precluding pooled estimation.

Additional stratified pooled estimates could not be obtained. One study of Ph.D. students across 54 countries found that phase of study was a significant moderator of mental health, with students in the comprehensive examination and dissertation phases more likely to experience distress compared with students primarily engaged in coursework 59 . Other studies identified a higher prevalence of mental ill-health among women 54 ; lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer (LGBTQ) students 42 , 54 , 60 ; and students with multiple intersecting identities 54 .

Several studies identified correlates of mental health problems including: project- and supervisor-related issues, stress about productivity, and self-doubt 53 , 62 ; uncertain career prospects, poor living conditions, financial stressors, lack of sleep, feeling devalued, social isolation, and advisor relationships 61 ; financial challenges 38 ; difficulties with work-life balance 58 ; and feelings of isolation and loneliness 52 . Despite these challenges, help-seeking appeared to be limited, with only about one-quarter of Ph.D. students reporting mental health problems also reporting that they were receiving treatment 40 , 52 .

Risk of bias

Twenty-one of 32 articles were assessed as having low risk of bias (Supplementary Table S2 ). Five articles received one point for all five categories on the risk of bias assessment (lowest risk of bias), and one article received no points (highest risk). The mean risk of bias score was 3.22 (standard deviation, 1.34; median, 4; IQR, 2–4). Restricting the estimation sample to 12 studies assessed as having low risk of bias, the estimated proportion of Ph.D. students with depression was 0.25 (95% CI, 0.18–0.33; 95% PI, 0.04–0.57; I 2  = 99.11%), nearly identical to the primary estimate, with no reduction in heterogeneity. The estimated proportion of Ph.D. students with anxiety, among the 7 studies assessed as having low risk of bias, was 0.12 (95% CI, 0.07–0.17; 95% PI, 0.01–0.34; I 2  = 98.17%), again with no appreciable reduction in heterogeneity.

In our meta-analysis of 16 studies representing 23,469 Ph.D. students, we estimated that the pooled prevalence of clinically significant symptoms of depression was 24%. This estimate is consistent with estimated prevalence rates in other high-stress biomedical trainee populations, including medical students (27%) 30 , resident physicians (29%) 65 , and postdoctoral research fellows (29%) 66 . In the sample of nine studies representing 15,626 Ph.D. students, we estimated that the pooled prevalence of clinically significant symptoms of anxiety was 17%. While validated screening instruments tend to over-identify cases of depression (relative to structured clinical interviews) by approximately a factor of two 67 , 68 , our findings nonetheless point to a major public health problem among Ph.D. students. Available data suggest that the prevalence of depressive and anxiety disorders in the general population ranges from 5 to 7% worldwide 69 , 70 . In contrast, prevalence estimates of major depressive disorder among young adults have ranged from 13% (for young adults between the ages of 18 and 29 years in the 2012–2013 National Epidemiologic Survey on Alcohol and Related Conditions III 71 ) to 15% (for young adults between the ages of 18 and 25 in the 2019 U.S. National Survey on Drug Use and Health 72 ). Likewise, the prevalence of generalized anxiety disorder was estimated at 4% among young adults between the ages of 18 and 29 in the 2001–03 U.S. National Comorbidity Survey Replication 73 . Thus, even accounting for potential upward bias inherent in these studies’ use of screening instruments, our estimates suggest that the rates of recent clinically significant symptoms of depression and anxiety are greater among Ph.D. students compared with young adults in the general population.

Further underscoring the importance of this public health issue, Ph.D. students face unique stressors and uncertainties that may put them at increased risk for mental health and substance use problems. Students grapple with competing responsibilities, including coursework, teaching, and research, while also managing interpersonal relationships, social isolation, caregiving, and financial insecurity 3 , 10 . Increasing enrollment in doctoral degree programs has not been matched with a commensurate increase in tenure-track academic job opportunities, intensifying competition and pressure to find employment post-graduation 5 . Advisor-student power relations rarely offer options for recourse if and when such relationships become strained, particularly in the setting of sexual harassment, unwanted sexual attention, sexual coercion, and rape 74 , 75 , 76 , 77 , 78 . All of these stressors may be magnified—and compounded by stressors unrelated to graduate school—for subgroups of students who are underrepresented in doctoral degree programs and among whom mental health problems are either more prevalent and/or undertreated compared with the general population, including Black, indigenous, and other people of color 13 , 79 , 80 ; women 81 , 82 ; first-generation students 14 , 15 ; people who identify as LGBTQ 83 , 84 , 85 ; people with disabilities; and people with multiple intersecting identities.

Structural- and individual-level interventions will be needed to reduce the burden of mental ill-health among Ph.D. students worldwide 31 , 86 . Despite the high prevalence of mental health and substance use problems 87 , Ph.D. students demonstrate low rates of help-seeking 40 , 52 , 88 . Common barriers to help-seeking include fears of harming one’s academic career, financial insecurity, lack of time, and lack of awareness 89 , 90 , 91 , as well as health care systems-related barriers, including insufficient numbers of culturally competent counseling staff, limited access to psychological services beyond time-limited psychotherapies, and lack of programs that address the specific needs either of Ph.D. students in general 92 or of Ph.D. students belonging to marginalized groups 93 , 94 . Structural interventions focused solely on enhancing student resilience might include programs aimed at reducing stigma, fostering social cohesion, and reducing social isolation, while changing norms around help-seeking behavior 95 , 96 . However, structural interventions focused on changing stressogenic aspects of the graduate student environment itself are also needed 97 , beyond any enhancements to Ph.D. student resilience, including: undercutting power differentials between graduate students and individual faculty advisors, e.g., by diffusing power among multiple faculty advisors; eliminating racist, sexist, and other discriminatory behaviors by faculty advisors 74 , 75 , 98 ; valuing mentorship and other aspects of “invisible work” that are often disproportionately borne by women faculty and faculty of color 99 , 100 ; and training faculty members to emphasize the dignity of, and adequately prepare Ph.D. students for, non-academic careers 101 , 102 .

Our findings should be interpreted with several limitations in mind. First, the pooled estimates are characterized by a high degree of heterogeneity, similar to meta-analyses of depression prevalence in other populations 30 , 65 , 103 , 104 , 105 . Second, we were only able to aggregate depression prevalence across 16 studies and anxiety prevalence across nine studies (the majority of which were conducted in the U.S.) – far fewer than the 183 studies included in a meta-analysis of depression prevalence among medical students 30 and the 54 studies included in a meta-analysis of resident physicians 65 . These differences underscore the need for more rigorous study in this critical area. Many articles were either excluded from the review or from the meta-analyses for not meeting inclusion criteria or not reporting relevant statistics. Future research in this area should ensure the systematic collection of high-quality, clinically relevant data from a comprehensive set of institutions, across disciplines and countries, and disaggregated by graduate student type. As part of conducting research and addressing student mental health and wellbeing, university deans, provosts, and chancellors should partner with national survey and program institutions (e.g., Graduate Student Experience in the Research University [gradSERU] 106 , the American College Health Association National College Health Assessment [ACHA-NCHA], and HealthyMinds). Furthermore, federal agencies that oversee health and higher education should provide resources for these efforts, and accreditation agencies should require monitoring of mental health and programmatic responses to stressors among Ph.D. students.

Third, heterogeneity in reporting precluded a meta-analysis of the suicidality outcomes among the few studies that reported such data. While reducing the burden of mental health problems among graduate students is an important public health aim in itself, more research into understanding non-suicidal self-injurious behavior, suicide attempts, and completed suicide among Ph.D. students is warranted. Fourth, it is possible that the grey literature reports included in our meta-analysis are more likely to be undertaken at research-intensive institutions 52 , 60 , 61 . However, the direction of bias is unpredictable: mental health problems among Ph.D. students in research-intensive environments may be more prevalent due to detection bias, but such institutions may also have more resources devoted to preventive, screening, or treatment efforts 92 . Fifth, inclusion in this meta-analysis and systematic review was limited to those based on community samples. Inclusion of clinic-based samples, or of studies conducted before or after specific milestones (e.g., the qualifying examination or dissertation prospectus defense), likely would have yielded even higher pooled prevalence estimates of mental health problems. And finally, few studies provided disaggregated data according to sociodemographic factors, stage of training (e.g., first year, pre-prospectus defense, all-but-dissertation), or discipline of study. These factors might be investigated further for differences in mental health outcomes.

Clinically significant symptoms of depression and anxiety are pervasive among graduate students in doctoral degree programs, but these are understudied relative to other trainee populations. Structural and clinical interventions to systematically monitor and promote the mental health and wellbeing of Ph.D. students are urgently needed.

This systematic review and meta-analysis follows the Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses (PRISMA) approach (Supplementary Table S3 ) 107 . This study was based on data collected from publicly available bibliometric databases and did not require ethical approval from our institutional review boards.

Eligibility criteria

Studies were included if they provided data on either: (a) the number or proportion of Ph.D. students with clinically significant symptoms of depression or anxiety, ascertained using a validated scale; or (b) the mean depression or anxiety symptom severity score and its standard deviation among Ph.D. students. Suicidal ideation was examined as a secondary outcome.

We excluded studies that focused on graduate students in non-doctoral degree programs (e.g., Master of Public Health) or professional degree programs (e.g., Doctor of Medicine, Juris Doctor) because more is known about mental health problems in these populations 30 , 108 , 109 , 110 and because Ph.D. students face unique uncertainties. To minimize the potential for upward bias in our pooled prevalence estimates, we excluded studies that recruited students from campus counseling centers or other clinic-based settings. Studies that measured affective states, or state anxiety, before or after specific events (e.g., terrorist attacks, qualifying examinations) were also excluded.

If articles described the study sample in general terms (i.e., without clarifying the degree level of the participants), we contacted the authors by email for clarification. Similarly, if articles pooled results across graduate students in doctoral and non-doctoral degree programs (e.g., reporting a single estimate for a mixed sample of graduate students), we contacted the authors by email to request disaggregated data on the subsample of Ph.D. students. If authors did not reply after two contact attempts spaced over 2 months, or were unable to provide these data, we excluded these studies from further consideration.

Search strategy and data extraction

PubMed, Embase, PsycINFO, ERIC, and Business Source Complete were searched from inception of each database to November 5, 2019. The search strategy included terms related to mental health symptoms (e.g., depression, anxiety, suicide), the study population (e.g., graduate, doctoral), and measurement category (e.g., depression, Columbia-Suicide Severity Rating Scale) (Supplementary Table S4 ). In addition, we searched the reference lists and the grey literature.

After duplicates were removed, we screened the remaining titles and abstracts, followed by a full-text review. We excluded articles following the eligibility criteria listed above (i.e., those that were not focused on Ph.D. students; those that did not assess depression and/or anxiety using a validated screening tool; those that did not report relevant statistics of depression and/or anxiety; and those that recruited students from clinic-based settings). Reasons for exclusion were tracked at each stage. Following selection of included articles, two members of the research team extracted data and conducted risk of bias assessments. Discrepancies were discussed with a third member of the research team. Key extraction variables included: study design, geographic region, sample size, response rate, demographic characteristics of the sample, screening instrument(s) used for assessment, mean depression or anxiety symptom severity score (and its standard deviation), and the number (or proportion) of students experiencing clinically significant symptoms of depression or anxiety.

Risk of bias assessment

Following prior work 30 , 65 , the Newcastle–Ottawa Scale 111 was adapted and used to assess risk of bias in the included studies. Each study was assessed across 5 categories: sample representativeness, sample size, non-respondents, ascertainment of outcomes, and quality of descriptive statistics reporting (Supplementary Information S5 ). Studies were judged as having either low risk of bias (≥ 3 points) or high risk of bias (< 3 points).

Analysis and synthesis

Before pooling the estimated prevalence rates across studies, we first transformed the proportions using a variance-stabilizing double arcsine transformation 112 . We then computed pooled estimates of prevalence using a random effects model 113 . Study specific confidence intervals were estimated using the score method 114 , 115 . We estimated between-study heterogeneity using the I 2 statistic 116 . In an attempt to reduce the extent of heterogeneity, we re-estimated pooled prevalence restricting the analysis to studies conducted in the United States and to studies in which depression assessment was based on the 9-item Patient Health Questionnaire (PHQ-9) 117 . All analyses were conducted using Stata (version 16; StataCorp LP, College Station, Tex.). Where heterogeneity limited our ability to summarize the findings using meta-analysis, we synthesized the data using narrative review.

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Acknowledgements

We thank the following investigators for generously sharing their time and/or data: Gordon J. G. Asmundson, Ph.D., Amy J. L. Baker, Ph.D., Hillel W. Cohen, Dr.P.H., Alcir L. Dafre, Ph.D., Deborah Danoff, M.D., Daniel Eisenberg, Ph.D., Lou Farrer, Ph.D., Christy B. Fraenza, Ph.D., Patricia A. Frazier, Ph.D., Nadia Corral-Frías, Ph.D., Hanga Galfalvy, Ph.D., Edward E. Goldenberg, Ph.D., Robert K. Hindman, Ph.D., Jürgen Hoyer, Ph.D., Ayako Isato, Ph.D., Azharul Islam, Ph.D., Shanna E. Smith Jaggars, Ph.D., Bumseok Jeong, M.D., Ph.D., Ju R. Joeng, Nadine J. Kaslow, Ph.D., Rukhsana Kausar, Ph.D., Flavius R. W. Lilly, Ph.D., Sarah K. Lipson, Ph.D., Frances Meeten, D.Phil., D.Clin.Psy., Dhara T. Meghani, Ph.D., Sterett H. Mercer, Ph.D., Masaki Mori, Ph.D., Arif Musa, M.D., Shizar Nahidi, M.D., Ph.D., Arthur M. Nezu, Ph.D., D.H.L., Angelo Picardi, M.D., Nicole E. Rossi, Ph.D., Denise M. Saint Arnault, Ph.D., Sagar Sharma, Ph.D., Bryony Sheaves, D.Clin.Psy., Kennon M. Sheldon, Ph.D., Daniel Shepherd, Ph.D., Keisuke Takano, Ph.D., Sara Tement, Ph.D., Sherri Turner, Ph.D., Shawn O. Utsey, Ph.D., Ron Valle, Ph.D., Caleb Wang, B.S., Pengju Wang, Katsuyuki Yamasaki, Ph.D.

A.C.T. acknowledges funding from the Sullivan Family Foundation. This paper does not reflect an official statement or opinion from the County of San Mateo.  

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A.C.T. conceptualized the study and provided supervision. T.K. conducted the search. E.N.S. contacted authors for additional information not reported in published articles. E.N.S. and T.K. extracted data and performed the quality assessment appraisal. E.N.S. and A.C.T. conducted the statistical analysis and drafted the manuscript. T.K., M.V.K., R.A., S.C., H.L., X.L., C.H.L., I.R., S.S., M.T. and M.Y. contributed to the interpretation of the results. All authors provided critical feedback on drafts and approved the final manuscript.

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Satinsky, E.N., Kimura, T., Kiang, M.V. et al. Systematic review and meta-analysis of depression, anxiety, and suicidal ideation among Ph.D. students. Sci Rep 11 , 14370 (2021). https://doi.org/10.1038/s41598-021-93687-7

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DOI : https://doi.org/10.1038/s41598-021-93687-7

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The Critical Relationship Between Anxiety and Depression

• Ned H. Kalin , M.D.

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Anxiety and depressive disorders are among the most common psychiatric illnesses; they are highly comorbid with each other, and together they are considered to belong to the broader category of internalizing disorders. Based on statistics from the Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration, the 12-month prevalence of major depressive disorder in 2017 was estimated to be 7.1% for adults and 13.3% for adolescents ( 1 ). Data for anxiety disorders are less current, but in 2001–2003, their 12-month prevalence was estimated to be 19.1% in adults, and 2001–2004 data estimated that the lifetime prevalence in adolescents was 31.9% ( 2 , 3 ). Both anxiety and depressive disorders are more prevalent in women, with an approximate 2:1 ratio in women compared with men during women’s reproductive years ( 1 , 2 ).

Across all psychiatric disorders, comorbidity is the rule ( 4 ), which is definitely the case for anxiety and depressive disorders, as well as their symptoms. With respect to major depression, a worldwide survey reported that 45.7% of individuals with lifetime major depressive disorder had a lifetime history of one or more anxiety disorder ( 5 ). These disorders also commonly coexist during the same time frame, as 41.6% of individuals with 12-month major depression also had one or more anxiety disorder over the same 12-month period. From the perspective of anxiety disorders, the lifetime comorbidity with depression is estimated to range from 20% to 70% for patients with social anxiety disorder ( 6 ), 50% for patients with panic disorder ( 6 ), 48% for patients with posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) ( 7 ), and 43% for patients with generalized anxiety disorder ( 8 ). Data from the well-known Sequenced Treatment Alternatives to Relieve Depression (STAR*D) study demonstrate comorbidity at the symptom level, as 53% of the patients with major depression had significant anxiety and were considered to have an anxious depression ( 9 ).

Anxiety and depressive disorders are moderately heritable (approximately 40%), and evidence suggests shared genetic risk across the internalizing disorders ( 10 ). Among internalizing disorders, the highest level of shared genetic risk appears to be between major depressive disorder and generalized anxiety disorder. Neuroticism is a personality trait or temperamental characteristic that is associated with the development of both anxiety and depression, and the genetic risk for developing neuroticism also appears to be shared with that of the internalizing disorders ( 11 ). Common nongenetic risk factors associated with the development of anxiety and depression include earlier life adversity, such as trauma or neglect, as well as parenting style and current stress exposure. At the level of neural circuits, alterations in prefrontal-limbic pathways that mediate emotion regulatory processes are common to anxiety and depressive disorders ( 12 , 13 ). These findings are consistent with meta-analyses that reveal shared structural and functional brain alterations across various psychiatric illnesses, including anxiety and major depression, in circuits involving emotion regulation ( 13 ), executive function ( 14 ), and cognitive control ( 15 ).

Anxiety disorders and major depression occur during development, with anxiety disorders commonly beginning during preadolescence and early adolescence and major depression tending to emerge during adolescence and early to mid-adulthood ( 16 – 18 ). In relation to the evolution of their comorbidity, studies demonstrate that anxiety disorders generally precede the presentation of major depressive disorder ( 17 ). A European community-based study revealed, beginning at age 15, the developmental relation between comorbid anxiety and major depression by specifically focusing on social phobia (based on DSM-IV criteria) and then asking the question regarding concurrent major depressive disorder ( 18 ). The findings revealed a 19% concurrent comorbidity between these disorders, and in 65% of the cases, social phobia preceded major depressive disorder by at least 2 years. In addition, initial presentation with social phobia was associated with a 5.7-fold increased risk of developing major depressive disorder. These associations between anxiety and depression can be traced back even earlier in life. For example, childhood behavioral inhibition in response to novelty or strangers, or an extreme anxious temperament, is associated with a three- to fourfold increase in the likelihood of developing social anxiety disorder, which in turn is associated with an increased risk to develop major depressive disorder and substance abuse ( 19 ).

It is important to emphasize that the presence of comor‐bid anxiety symptoms and disorders matters in relation to treatment. Across psychiatric disorders, the presence of significant anxiety symptoms generally predicts worse outcomes, and this has been well demonstrated for depression. In the STAR*D study, patients with anxious major depressive disorder were more likely to be severely depressed and to have more suicidal ideation ( 9 ). This is consistent with the study by Kessler and colleagues ( 5 ), in which patients with anxious major depressive disorder, compared with patients with nonanxious major depressive disorder, were found to have more severe role impairment and more suicidal ideation. Data from level 1 of the STAR*D study (citalopram treatment) nicely illustrate the impact of comorbid anxiety symptoms on treatment. Compared with patients with nonanxious major depressive disorder, those 53% of patients with an anxious depression were less likely to remit and also had a greater side effect burden ( 20 ). Other data examining patients with major depressive disorder and comorbid anxiety disorders support the greater difficulty and challenge in treating patients with these comorbidities ( 21 ).

This issue of the Journal presents new findings relevant to the issues discussed above in relation to understanding and treating anxiety and depressive disorders. Drs. Conor Liston and Timothy Spellman, from Weill Cornell Medicine, provide an overview for this issue ( 22 ) that is focused on understanding mechanisms at the neural circuit level that underlie the pathophysiology of depression. Their piece nicely integrates human neuroimaging studies with complementary data from animal models that allow for the manipulation of selective circuits to test hypotheses generated from the human data. Also included in this issue is a review of the data addressing the reemergence of the use of psychedelic drugs in psychiatry, particularly for the treatment of depression, anxiety, and PTSD ( 23 ). This timely piece, authored by Dr. Collin Reiff along with a subgroup from the APA Council of Research, provides the current state of evidence supporting the further exploration of these interventions. Dr. Alan Schatzberg, from Stanford University, contributes an editorial in which he comments on where the field is in relation to clinical trials with psychedelics and to some of the difficulties, such as adequate blinding, in reliably studying the efficacy of these drugs ( 24 ).

In an article by McTeague et al. ( 25 ), the authors use meta-analytic strategies to understand the neural alterations that are related to aberrant emotion processing that are shared across psychiatric disorders. Findings support alterations in the salience, reward, and lateral orbital nonreward networks as common across disorders, including anxiety and depressive disorders. These findings add to the growing body of work that supports the concept that there are common underlying factors across all types of psychopathology that include internalizing, externalizing, and thought disorder dimensions ( 26 ). Dr. Deanna Barch, from Washington University in St. Louis, writes an editorial commenting on these findings and, importantly, discusses criteria that should be met when we consider whether the findings are actually transdiagnostic ( 27 ).

Another article, from Gray and colleagues ( 28 ), addresses whether there is a convergence of findings, specifically in major depression, when examining data from different structural and functional neuroimaging modalities. The authors report that, consistent with what we know about regions involved in emotion processing, the subgenual anterior cingulate cortex, hippocampus, and amygdala were among the regions that showed convergence across multimodal imaging modalities.

In relation to treatment and building on our understanding of neural circuit alterations, Siddiqi et al. ( 29 ) present data suggesting that transcranial magnetic stimulation (TMS) targeting can be linked to symptom-specific treatments. Their findings identify different TMS targets in the left dorsolateral prefrontal cortex that modulate different downstream networks. The modulation of these different networks appears to be associated with a reduction in different types of symptoms. In an editorial, Drs. Sean Nestor and Daniel Blumberger, from the University of Toronto ( 30 ), comment on the novel approach used in this study to link the TMS-related engagement of circuits with symptom improvement. They also provide a perspective on how we can view these and other circuit-based findings in relation to conceptualizing personalized treatment approaches.

Kendler et al. ( 31 ), in this issue, contribute an article that demonstrates the important role of the rearing environment in the risk to develop major depression. Using a unique design from a Swedish sample, the analytic strategy involves comparing outcomes from high-risk full sibships and high-risk half sibships where at least one of the siblings was home reared and one was adopted out of the home. The findings support the importance of the quality of the rearing environment as well as the presence of parental depression in mitigating or enhancing the likelihood of developing major depression. In an accompanying editorial ( 32 ), Dr. Myrna Weissman, from Columbia University, reviews the methods and findings of the Kendler et al. article and also emphasizes the critical significance of the early nurturing environment in relation to general health.

This issue concludes with an intriguing article on anxiety disorders, by Gold and colleagues ( 33 ), that demonstrates neural alterations during extinction recall that differ in children relative to adults. With increasing age, and in relation to fear and safety cues, nonanxious adults demonstrated greater connectivity between the amygdala and the ventromedial prefrontal cortex compared with anxious adults, as the cues were being perceived as safer. In contrast, neural differences between anxious and nonanxious youths were more robust when rating the memory of faces that were associated with threat. Specifically, these differences were observed in the activation of the inferior temporal cortex. In their editorial ( 34 ), Dr. Dylan Gee and Sahana Kribakaran, from Yale University, emphasize the importance of developmental work in relation to understanding anxiety disorders, place these findings into the context of other work, and suggest the possibility that these and other data point to neuroscientifically informed age-specific interventions.

Taken together, the papers in this issue of the Journal present new findings that shed light onto alterations in neural function that underlie major depressive disorder and anxiety disorders. It is important to remember that these disorders are highly comorbid and that their symptoms are frequently not separable. The papers in this issue also provide a developmental perspective emphasizing the importance of early rearing in the risk to develop depression and age-related findings important for understanding threat processing in patients with anxiety disorders. From a treatment perspective, the papers introduce data supporting more selective prefrontal cortical TMS targeting in relation to different symptoms, address the potential and drawbacks for considering the future use of psychedelics in our treatments, and present new ideas supporting age-specific interventions for youths and adults with anxiety disorders.

Disclosures of Editors’ financial relationships appear in the April 2020 issue of the Journal .

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Social media use and depression in adolescents: a scoping review

There have been increases in adolescent depression and suicidal behaviour over the last two decades that coincide with the advent of social media (SM) (platforms that allow communication via digital media), which is widely used among adolescents. This scoping review examined the bi-directional association between the use of SM, specifically social networking sites (SNS), and depression and suicidality among adolescents. The studies reviewed yielded four main themes in SM use through thematic analysis: quantity of SM use, quality of SM use, social aspects associated with SM use, and disclosure of mental health symptoms. Research in this field would benefit from use of longitudinal designs, objective and timely measures of SM use, research on the mechanisms of the association between SM use and depression and suicidality, and research in clinical populations to inform clinical practice.

Introduction

Over the past several decades, adolescent depression and suicidal behaviours have increased considerably. In the USA, depression diagnoses among youth increased from 8.7% in 2005 to 11.3% in 2014 ( Mojtabai, Olfson, & Han, 2016 ). Additionally, suicide is the second leading cause of death among youth between the ages of 10 and 34 ( Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, National Center for Injury Prevention and Control, 2017 ), with a 47.5% increase since 2000 ( Miron, Yu, Wilf-Miron, & Kohane, 2019 ). One suggested cause for this rise in adolescent depression and suicide is the advent of social media (SM) ( McCrae, Gettings, & Purssell, 2017 ; Twenge, Joiner, Rogers, & Martin, 2018 ).

The term ‘social media’ describes types of media that involve digital platforms and interactive participation. SM includes forms such as email, text, blogs, message boards, connection sites (online dating), games and entertainment, apps, and social networking sites (SNS) ( Manning, 2014 ). Over the past decade, SNS platforms designed to help people communicate and share information online have become ubiquitous. Among youth, 97% of all adolescents between the ages of 13 and 17 use at least one of the following seven SNS platforms: YouTube (85% of adolescents), Instagram (72%), Snapchat (69%), Facebook (51%), Twitter (32%), Tumblr (9%) or Reddit (7%) ( Pew Research Center, 2018a ).

Concerns have arisen around the effects of SM on adolescents’ mental health, due to SM’s association with decreased face-to-face interpersonal interactions ( Baym, 2010 ; Kraut et al., 1998 ; Nie, Hillygus, & Erbring, 2002 ; Robinson, Kestnbaum, Neustadtl, & Alvarez, 2002 ), addiction-like behaviours ( Anderson, Steen, & Stavropoulos, 2017 ), online bullying ( Kowalski, Limber, & Agatston, 2012 ), social pressure through increased social comparisons ( Guernsey, 2014 ), and contagion effect through increased exposure to suicide stories on SM ( Bell, 2014 ).

Conversely, others have described potential benefits of SM use in adolescents such as feelings of greater connection to friends and interactions with more diverse groups of people who can provide support ( Pew Research Center, 2018b ). In fact, higher internet use has been associated with positive social well-being, higher use of communication tools, and increased face-to-face conversations and social contacts in college students ( Baym, Zhang, & Lin, 2004 ; Kraut et al., 2002 ; Wang & Wellman, 2010 ). These findings suggest that internet use, including SM, may provide opportunities for social connection and access to information ( Reid Chassiakos et al., 2016 ).

Recent systematic reviews examining the association between online technologies and depression have found a ‘general correlation’ between SM use and depression in adolescents, but with conflicting findings in some domains (e.g. the association between time spent on SM and mental health problems), overall limited quality of the evidence ( Keles, McCrae, & Grealish, 2019 ), and a relative absence of studies designed to show causal effects ( Best, Manktelow, & Taylor, 2014 ). The scope of search in these reviews is broader in topic, including online technologies other than SM ( Best et al., 2014 ) or focussed on a select number of studies in order to meet the requirements of a systematic review ( Keles et al., 2019 ). With this scoping review, we aim to expand the inclusion of studies with a range of designs, while narrowing the scope of the topic of SM to those studies that specifically included SNS use. Additionally, we aim to expand the understanding and potential research gaps on the bi-directional association between SM and depression and suicidal behaviours in adolescents, including studies that consider SM use as a predictor as well as an outcome. A better understanding of this relationship can inform interventions and screenings related to SM use in clinical settings.

This scoping review was initiated by a research team including 3 mental health professionals with clinical expertise in treating depression and suicidality in adolescents. We followed the framework suggested by Arksey and O’Malley (2005) for scoping reviews. The review included five steps: (1) identifying the research question; (2) identifying relevant studies; (3) study selection; (4) charting the data; and (5) collating, summarizing and reporting the results.

Research question

The review was guided by the question: What is known from the existing literature about the association between depression and suicidality and use of SNS among adolescents? Given that much of the literature used SM and SNS interchangeably, this review used the term ‘social media’ or ‘SM’ when it was difficult to discern if the authors were referring exclusively to SNS.

Data sources and search strategy

The team conceived the research question through a series of discussions, and the first author (CV) consulted an informationist to identify the appropriate search terms and databases. A search of the database PsychINFO limited to peer-reviewed articles was conducted on 5 June 2019 (see Table 1 for search strategy). No additional methods were identified through other sources. The search was broad to include articles measuring depression as an outcome variable, and as a co-variate or independent variable. There was no restriction on the type of study design included, and English and Spanish language articles were included in the search. Articles were organized using Covidence systematic review software (Veritas Health Innovation, Melbourne, Australia).

Search strategy.

Eligibility criteria

(1) The study examined SM (versus internet use in general) and made specific mention of SNS; (2) participants were between the ages of 10 and 18. If adults were included, the majority of the study population was between 10–18 years of age, or the mean participant age was 18 or younger; (3) the study examined the association between SM use and depression and/or suicidality; (4) the study included at least one measure of depression; and (5) if the focus of the study was on SM addiction or cyberbullying, it included mention and a measure of depressive symptoms. We did not include articles in which: (1) the study primarily focussed on media use other than SM, or that did not specifically mention inclusion of SNS (e.g. studies that focussed only on TV, video game, smartphone use, blogging, email); (2) included primarily adult population; (3) was not an original study, but a case report, review, commentary, erratum, or letter to the editor; (4) focussed on addiction and cyberbullying exclusively without a depression measure; and (5) the method used was content analysis of SM posts without specification of the population age range.

Title and abstract relevance screening

The search yielded 728 articles of which six duplicates were removed. One author (CV) screened the remainder of the articles by title and abstract and a second author (TL) reviewed every 25th article for agreement. All authors screened full-text articles and extracted data from those that met the inclusion criteria. The authors met over the course of the full-text review process to resolve conflicts and maintain consistency among the authors themselves and with the research question. Of the total number of studies included for full-text review, 505 articles were excluded. Out of the 223 full-text studies assessed for eligibility, 175 were excluded. A total of 42 articles were eligible for review (see Figure 1 : PRISMA flow chart for details). A form was developed to extract the characteristics of each study that included author and year of publication, objectives of the study, study method, country where the study was conducted, depression scale used, number of participants, participant age, and results (see Table 2 for details).

PRISMA flow chart of data selection process.

Data charting form including author and year of publication, objectives of the study, method used, country where the study was conducted, depression scale used, number of participants, participant age, results and main social media focus.

AIU = Addictive internet Use; BIU = Borderline Addictive Internet Use; BSMAS = Bergen Social Media Addiction Scale; BIU = Borderline addictive internet use; CBP = Cyberbullying Perpetration; CERM = Cuestionario de Experiencias Relacionadas con el móvil (Questionnaire of Experiences Related to the cellphone); DIB = Dysfunctional Internet Behaviour; DSM-IV = Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (4th edition, Text Revision); FOMO = Fear of Missing Out; HVSM = Highly Visual Social Media; SNI = Intensity of social network use; IA = Internet Addiction; IAB = Internet Addictive Behaviour; OSNA = Online social networking addiction; PSMU = Problematic Social Media Use; RADS-2 = Reynolds Adolescent Depression Scale - Version 2; SITBs = self-injurious thoughts and behaviours; SNS = social networking sites.

Data summary and synthesis

After reviewing the table, each study was labelled according to the main focus of research related to SM, based on the objectives, variables used, and results of the study. The topics were classified into nine different categories based on the main SM focus of the article; categories were discussed and reviewed by two authors (TL and CV) ( Table 2 ). All authors then discussed the categories and grouped them into four main themes of studies looking at SM and depression in adolescents.

A total of 42 studies published between 2011 and 2019 met the inclusion criteria. Of the studies included, 16 were conducted in European Countries, 14 in the USA, 5 in Asia, 3 in Canada, 2 in Australia, and 2 in Latin American Countries. The number of participants per study ranged from 23 in a qualitative study (94 in the smallest quantitative study) to 118,545 participants in the largest study ( Table 2 ).

The studies reviewed were grouped into four themes with nine categories according to the main focus of the research. The themes and categories were: (1) quantity of SNS use: effects of the frequency of SM use and problematic SM use (or evidence of addictive engagement with SM); (2) quality of SM use: characteristics of SNS use and social comparisons; (3) social aspects of SM use: cyberbullying, social support, and parental involvement; and (4) disclosure of mental health symptoms: online disclosure and prediction of symptoms and suicide contagion effect ( Figure 2 ).

Number of studies by theme (quantity, quality, social and disclosure) and time period (2011–2012, 2013–2014, 2015–2016 and 2017–2018).

Quantity of SM use

The majority of studies ( n = 24) examined quantity of SM use by measuring either frequency or time spent on SM ( n = 17), or problematic or addictive engagement with SM ( n = 7).

Frequency of use

The majority of studies found a positive correlation between time spent on SNS and higher levels of The majority of studies found a positive correlation between time spent on SNS and higher levels of depression ( Akkın Gürbüz, Demir, Gökalp Özcan, Kadak, & Poyraz, 2017 ; Marengo, Longobardi, Fabris & Settanni, 2018 ; Pantic et al., 2012 ; Twenge et al., 2018 ; Woods & Scott, 2016 ). Higher frequency of SM use (≥2 h a day) was also found to be positively associated with suicidal ideation ( Sampasa-Kanyinga & Lewis, 2015 ) and attempts ( Sampasa-Kanyinga & Hamilton, 2015 ), in addition to deficits in self-regulation ( Lee, Ho, & Lwin, 2017 ). Factors such as the number of SM accounts and the frequency of checking SM ( Barry, Sidoti, Briggs, Reiter, & Lindsey, 2017 ) were associated with a variety of symptoms, including depression.

A study ( Oberst, Wegmann, Stodt, Brand, & Chamarro, 2017 ) examining SM use as an outcome suggested that depression may affect SM use both directly, and indirectly, mediated by the Fear of Missing Out (or the apprehension of missing rewarding experiences that others might be enjoying) ( Przybylski, Murayama, DeHaan, & Gladwell, 2013 ). Adolescents with depression were also found to have more difficulty regulating their SM use ( Lee et al., 2017 ).

Longitudinal studies suggested a reciprocal relationship between quantity of SM use and depression. Frison and Eggermont (2017) found that frequency of Instagram browsing at baseline predicted depressed mood six months later and depressed mood at baseline predicted later frequency of photo posting. Additionally, heavy use (>4 h per day) of the internet to communicate (including social networking) and play games (gaming) predicted depressive symptoms a year later ( Romer, Bagdasarov, & More, 2013 ). Further, depressive symptoms predicted increased internet use and decreased participation in non-screen activities (e.g. sports). Finally, Salmela-Aro, Upadyaya, Hakkarainen, Lonka, and Alho (2017) found that school burnout increased the risk for later excessive internet use and depressive symptoms. Conversely, Houghton et al. (2018) found small, positive bi-directional associations between depressive symptoms and screen use 1 year later, but their final model did not support a longitudinal association.

Yet, not all studies found a positive association between frequency of use and depressed mood. While Blomfield-Neira and Barber (2014) reported a link between adolescents having a SM profile and depressed mood, they found no correlation between SM frequency of use and depressed mood. Rather, investment in SM (a measure of how important SM is to an adolescent) was linked to poorer adjustment, lower self-esteem and depressed mood. Moderate SM use (a stable trend in the time spent on SM during adolescence and into early adulthood that did not interfere with functioning) was associated with better emotional self-regulation ( Coyne, Padilla-Walker, Holmgren, & Stockdale, 2018 ) and healthier development, especially when used to acquire information ( Romer et al., 2013 ). Finally, Rodriguez Puentes and Parra (2014) found a positive association between SM and externalizing behaviours, but no significant association between SM use and depression.

Additionally, age moderated the effects of frequency of use on depression. For example, in one study, older adolescents with higher SM use had higher ‘offline’ social competence, while younger adolescents with higher SM use had more internalizing problems and diminished academics and activities ( Tsitsika, Janikian, et al., 2014 ).

Problematic SM use

Seven studies explored problematic use or engagement with SM or the internet in an addictive manner (a dysfunctional pattern of behaviour similar to that of impulse control disorders, which causes distress and/or functional impairment) ( Critselis et al., 2014 ).

An addiction-like pattern of internet use (including SM use) was associated with emotional maladjustment ( Critselis et al., 2014 ), internalizing and externalizing symptoms ( Tsitsika, Tzavela, et al., 2014 ), and depressive mood ( Van Rooij, Ferguson, Van de Mheen, & Schoenmakers, 2017 ). Further, depressive mood predicted problematic internet use (both SM and gaming, independently) ( Kırcaburun et al., 2018 ; Van Rooij et al., 2017 ).

Bányai et al. (2017) assessed the prevalence of problematic internet use conducting a latent profile analysis to describe classes of users and found that the class described as ‘at risk’ for problematic internet and SM use tended to be female, use the internet for longer periods, and have lower self-esteem and more depressive symptoms. Yet, while Banjanin, Banjanin, Dimitrijevic, and Pantic (2015) found a positive correlation between internet addiction and depression in high school students (particularly for females), no such correlation was found with engagement with SM (measured by number of pictures posted).

Several studies examined mediators of the association of problematic SM use and depression. Wang et al. (2018) found that rumination mediated the relationship between SM addiction and adolescent depression, with a stronger effect among adolescents with low self-esteem. Additionally, insomnia partially mediated the association between SM addiction and depressive symptoms ( Li et al., 2017 ). Woods and Scott (2016) found that nighttime-specific SM use (in addition to overall use and emotional investment in SM) was associated with poorer sleep quality, anxiety and depressive symptoms. Finally, problematic SM use mediated the association between depressive symptoms and cyberbullying perpetration ( Kırcaburun et al., 2018 ).

Quality of SNS use

In addition to the frequency of adolescents’ engagement with SM, another focus of research has been the ways in which adolescents engage with SM. Of the studies selected, four primarily examined engagement styles with SM and two specifically examined social comparisons with other users.

Characteristics of SM use

The ways in which adolescents use SM may also have an effect on depression. One study ( Frison & Eggermont, 2016 ) characterized SM use as public (e.g. updating one’s status on a profile) vs private (e.g. messaging), and active (e.g. interacting with others on SM) vs passive (e.g. browsing on SM) and found that public Facebook use was associated with adolescent depressed mood. Among girls, passive use of Facebook yielded negative outcomes such as depressed mood, while active use yielded positive outcomes such as perceived social support ( Frison & Eggermont, 2016 ). A longitudinal study of Flemish adolescents by the same group ( Frison & Eggermont, 2017 ) found passive SM use at baseline to predict depressive symptoms 7 months later, while depressive symptoms predicted active use of SM. Interestingly, there was no association between depressive symptoms and Facebook use (frequency of use, network size, self-presentation, and peer interaction) in a study conducted among healthy adolescents ( Morin-Major et al., 2016 ).

Romer et al. (2013) found that the types of internet activities utilized (e.g. SNS, blogs, etc.) were associated with the frequency of self-reported depression-like symptoms. Additionally, using the internet for information searching was associated with higher grades, more frequent participation in clubs, and lower reports of depressive symptoms, while using the internet more than 4 h per day to communicate or play games was associated with greater depression-like symptoms, suggesting that Internet use for acquiring information is associated with healthy development.

A qualitative study further explored positive and negative aspects of SM use among adolescents diagnosed with clinical depression ( Radovic, Gmelin, Stein, & Miller, 2017 ). Participants described positive SM use as including searching for positive content (e.g. entertainment, humour, content creation) or social connection, while they described negative SM use as sharing risky behaviours, cyberbullying, or making self-denigrating comparisons with others. Furthermore, this study found that adolescents’ use of SM shifted from negative to positive during the course of treatment.

Social comparisons

Two studies examined social comparisons made through SM and the association with depression. Nesi and Prinstein (2015) found that technology-based social comparison and feedback-seeking were associated with depressive symptoms, even when controlling for the effects of overall frequency of technology use, offline excessive reassurance-seeking, and prior depressive symptoms. This association was strongest among females and adolescents low in popularity (as measured by peer report). Niu et al. (2018) found that negative social comparisons mediated the association between Qzone use (a Chinese SM site) and depression, and that the association between Qzone use and negative social comparisons was stronger among individuals with low self-esteem. However, there was no direct effect of Qzone use on depression. An additional study that primarily focussed on studying frequency of use ( Marengo et al., 2018 ) found that increased use of highly visual SM (e.g. Instagram) predicted internalizing symptoms and body image concerns in a student sample. Moreover, in this study, the effect of highly visual SM on internalizing symptoms was mediated by body image concerns.

Social aspects of SM use

Several studies looked at the social aspects of engagement with SM, either by evaluating the effects of cybervictimization ( n = 4) on depression, parental involvement both through monitoring of SM use or direct engagement with the adolescent ( n = 3), and aspects of social support received by the adolescent within and outside of SNS ( n = 2).

Cyberbullying/cybervictimization

Four studies examined cyberbullying via SM and depressive symptoms. Duarte, Pittman, Thorsen, Cunningham, and Ranney (2018) found that symptoms of depression, post-traumatic stress disorder, and suicidal ideation were more prevalent among participants who reported any past-year cyberbullying (either victimization or perpetration). After adjusting for a range of demographic factors, only lesbian, gay, and bisexual status correlated with cyberbullying involvement or adverse mental health outcomes. Another study found that cyberbullying victimization fully mediated the association between SM use and psychological distress and suicide attempts ( Sampasa-Kanyinga & Hamilton, 2015 ). Furthermore, a 12-month longitudinal study found that cybervictimization predicted later depressive symptoms ( Cole et al., 2016 ). Depressive symptoms have also been shown to be a risk factor (rather than an outcome) for cybervictimization on Facebook ( Frison, Subrahmanyam, & Eggermont, 2016 ), showing evidence of the bi-directionality of this association.

Social support

While many studies examined potential negative effects of SM use, some studies examined the positive effects of SM use on youth outcomes, including social support. Frison and Eggermont (2015) found that adolescents seeking social support through Facebook had improved depressive symptoms if support was received, but worsened symptoms if support was not received. This pattern was not found in non-virtual social support contexts, suggesting differences in online and traditional social support contexts. A later study that primarily focussed on the characteristics of SM use ( Frison & Eggermont, 2016 ) found that perception of online support was particularly protective against depressive symptoms in girls with ‘active’ Facebook use (e.g. those who update their status or instant message on Facebook). Finally, Frison et al. (2016) showed that support from friends can be a protective factor of Facebook victimization.

Parental involvement/parental monitoring

Studies examining parent and family role in adolescent SM use and its outcomes were heterogeneous. One study ( Coyne, Padilla-Walker, Day, Harper, & Stockdale, 2014 ) explored adolescent use of SM with parents and found lower internalizing behaviours in participants who used SNS with their parents (mediated by feelings of parent/child connection). Another study ( Fardouly, Magson, Johnco, Oar, & Rapee, 2018 ) examined parent control over preadolescents’ time spent on SM and found no association between parental control and preadolescent depressive symptoms.

Family relationships offline were also associated with adolescent outcomes. Isarabhakdi and Pewnil (2016) examined adolescents’ engagement with offline relationships and found improved mental health outcomes with higher involvement in family activities and with peers, while internet use did not significantly improve mental well-being. This finding suggests that in-person support systems were more effective for the promotion of mental well-being. Interestingly, in Szwedo, Mikami, and Allen (2011) , negative interactions with mothers during early adolescence were associated with youth preferring online versus face-to-face communication, experiencing more negative interactions on webpages, and forming close friendships with someone they met online 7 years later. An additional study that primarily focussed on suicide contagion ( Tseng & Yang, 2015 ) found that family support was protective for both males and females, while friend support was protective only for females. However, ‘significant other’ support was a risk factor for suicidal plans among females.

Disclosure of mental health symptoms on SM

A few of the studies selected focussed on studying the disclosure of depressive symptoms on SM and explored the potential of disclosure of symptoms of distress on SM to predict depression and suicide, in addition to the phenomenon of suicide contagion.

Online disclosure and prediction of mental health symptoms

Although content analysis is a method theorized to have potential to predict and prevent non-suicidal and suicidal self-injurious behaviours, the data are mixed. Ophir, Asterhan, and Schwarz (2019) examined the predictive validity of explicit references to personal distress in adolescents’ Facebook postings, comparing these postings with external, self-report measures of psychological distress (e.g. depression) and found that most depressed adolescents did not publish explicit references to depression. Additionally, adolescents published less verbal content than adult users of SNS. Conversely, Akkın Gürbüz et al. (2017) found that while disclosures of depressed mood were frequent among both depressed and non-depressed adolescents, those who were depressed shared more negative feelings, anhedonia, and suicidal thoughts on SM than those who were not depressed.

Suicide contagion effect

One longitudinal study examined suicide contagion effects ( Dunlop, More, & Romer, 2011 ) finding that even though traditional SNS (e.g. Facebook or MySpace) were a significant source of exposure to suicide stories, this exposure was not associated with increases in suicidal ideation one year later. On the other hand, exposure to online discussion forums (including self-help forums) did predict increases in suicidal ideation over time. Notably, this study found that in a quarter of the sample, the exposure to suicide stories took place through SM. Another study ( Tseng & Yang, 2015 ) found that higher importance attributed to web communication (e.g. chatting or making friends online) was associated with increased risk of self-injurious thoughts and behaviours in boys.

The recent rise in the prevalence of depression and suicide among adolescents has coincided with an increase in screen-related activities, including SM use ( Twenge et al., 2018 ), sparking an interest in investigating the effects of SM use on adolescent mental health. This interest has given rise to a broad scope of research, ranging from observational to experimental and qualitative studies through interviews or analysis of SM content, and systematic studies. This scoping review aimed to understand the breadth of research in the area of depression and SM (with a focus on SNS) and to identify the existing research gaps.

We identified four main themes of research, including (1) the quantity of SM use; (2) the quality of SM use; (3) social aspects associated with SM use; and (4) SM as a tool for disclosure of mental health symptoms and potential for prediction and prevention of depression and suicide outcomes.

Most research on SM and depressive symptoms has focussed on the effects of frequency of SM use and problematic SM use. The majority of articles included in this review demonstrated a positive and bi-directional association between frequency of SM use and depression and in some instances even suicidality. Yet some questions remain to be determined, including to what degree adolescents’ personal vulnerabilities and characteristics of SM use moderate the association between SM use and depression or suicidality, and whether other environmental factors, such as family support and/or monitoring, or cultural differences influence this association. Although moderate SM use may be associated with better self-regulation, it is unclear if this is due to moderate users being better at self-regulation.

Findings from the studies examining problematic SM use were consistent with prior studies linking problematic internet use with a variety of psychosocial outcomes including depressive symptoms ( Reid Chassiakos et al., 2016 ). Though limited in number, studies reviewed here suggested that problematic or addictive SM use may be more common in females ( Banyai et al., 2017 ; Kırcaburun et al., 2018 ) and in those starting use at a younger age ( Tsitsika, Janikian, et al., 2014 ). These findings suggest a possible role of screening for addictive SM use, with a particular focus on risk stratification for younger and female adolescents.

With respect to the effects of patterns and types of SM use, studies reviewed here suggest possible differential effects between passive and active, and private versus public SM use. This suggests that screening only for time spent on SM may be insufficient. Moreover, though there are types of SM use that have adverse mental health effects for adolescents (e.g. addictive patterns, nighttime use), other types of SM use, such as for information searching or receiving social support, may have a positive effect ( Coyne et al., 2018 ; Frison & Eggermont, 2016 ; Romer et al., 2013 ). Furthermore, over time, depressed adolescents can successfully shift their use of SM from negative (e.g. cyberbullying) to positive (e.g. searching for humour), possibly through increasing awareness of the effect of SM use on their mood ( Radovic et al., 2017 ). Given the ubiquity of SM use, these results suggest that interventions targeting changes in adolescents’ use of SM may be fruitful in improving their mental health.

Consistent with prior research ( Feinstein et al., 2013 ), studies examining social comparisons found significant associations between social comparisons made via SM and depression. The tendency of individuals to share more positive depictions of themselves on SM ( Subrahmanyam & Greenfield, 2008 ), and the increased opportunities for comparisons ( Steers, Wickham, & Acitelli, 2014 ) may suggest a confluence of risks for depression and an important avenue for interventions. Moreover, the studies reviewed and previous findings ( Buunk & Gibbons, 2007 ) suggest that individuals with low self-esteem may be at higher risk for the negative effects of social comparisons on mental health.

As previously shown ( Cénat et al., 2014 ), most studies found cyberbullying (either perpetration or victimization) was either associated with mental health problems ( Cole et al., 2016 ; Duarte et al., 2018 ) or moderated the relationship between SM use and depression and suicidality ( Sampasa-Kanyinga & Hamilton, 2015 ). Additionally, cyberbullying may be a distinctive form of victimization that requires further investigation in order to understand its impact on adolescent mental health ( Dempsey, Sulkowski, Nichols, & Storch, 2009 ).

Studies examining social support highlight the association of both depressed mood and low in-person social support with social networking and online support-seeking ( Frison & Eggermont, 2015 ). Moreover, while social support online can be beneficial ( Frison & Eggermont, 2015 ), excessive reliance on online communication and support may be problematic ( Twenge et al., 2018 ). Of note, parental involvement both positively and negatively affected SM use and adolescent outcomes. These mixed findings suggest a need to include parental relationships in research (both via online and ‘offline’ communication), to better understand their role in adolescents’ SM use and depression.

Surprisingly, depressed adolescents were not more likely to publish explicit references to depression on SM platforms than their healthy peers ( Ophir et al., 2019 ) which suggests that screening for depression via SM may not be useful when used alone. However, some depressed adolescents posted more negative feelings, anhedonia and suicidal ideation ( Akkın Gürbüz et al., 2017 ), suggesting that SM may be used as a supplemental tool to track the course of depressive mood over time and start discussions about mental health.

Suicide contagion effect is a relatively understudied area, despite concerns raised that increased exposure to SM may amplify this effect ( Bell, 2014 ). Given that adolescents are particularly vulnerable to the group contagion effect of suicide ( Stack, 2003 ) and the potential for increased exposure to suicide stories online ( Dunlop et al., 2011 ), interventions to limit this exposure could decrease suicide contagion.

The studies reviewed identified several potential moderators of the association between SM use and adolescent depression, including age and gender. The differential effects of SM use on mental health depending on the age of the adolescent ( Tsitsika, Tzavela, et al., 2014 ) are not surprising given the developmental differences in social and mood regulation skills between younger and older adolescents. Likewise, potential mediators of the effects of SM on mental health such as social comparisons ( Niu et al., 2018 ), body image concerns ( Marengo et al., 2018 ), perceived support online ( Frison & Eggermont, 2015 ), and parent–child relationship ( Coyne et al., 2014 ) may also be important targets for future interventions.

The studies reviewed present several limitations. Most studies were cross-sectional and could not elucidate the directionality of the association between SM use and depression. Most of the studies included self-report rather than clinician-administered measures of depression, and retrospective reports, asking participants to report on past activities. Newer methods that measure actual (and not just reported) use (e.g. news feed activity, number of likes and comments) and more frequent and timely reports of SM use (e.g. diaries) could more accurately explain these associations. Another limitation is that many of the studies recruited participants in schools, limiting the generalizability to clinical samples. It is possible that those students not in school were spending more time on SM and/or experiencing more depressive symptoms. Most studies included general assessments of SM without specifying whether the use was limited to SNS or other forms of SM or internet use. While we tried to narrow our search to studies that explicitly included questions on SNS use, many also asked about other types of SM use. Separating the different types of SM use may be difficult when asking for adolescents’ self-reports, but more immediate measures of mood symptoms and SNS use could be more specific and informative. Finally, while some studies included contextual factors such as the educational and family environments, other contextual factors such as ethnicity and cultural context are areas of potential for investigation.

Conclusions

In summary, extensive research on the quantity and quality of SM use has shown an association between SM use and depression in adolescents. Given that most studies are cross-sectional, longitudinal research would help assess the direction of this association. At the same time, some aspects of SM use may have a beneficial effect on adolescent well-being, such as the ability to have diversity of friendships and easily accessed supports. Furthermore, the use of SM content to detect symptoms has potential in depression and suicide prevention. Finally, moderators of the association between SM and adolescent depression and suicidality (e.g. gender, age, parental involvement) are areas to explore that would allow more targeted interventions. Since SM will remain an important facet of adolescents’ lives, a better understanding of the mechanisms of its relationship with depression could be beneficial to increase exposure to mental health interventions and promote well-being.

Acknowledgements

The authors acknowledge the help of Jaime Blanck, MLIS, MPA for her help with the search and retrieval of full-text articles.

Disclosure statement

Dr. Vidal is supported by the Stravos Niarchos Foundation. Ms. Lhaksampa and Dr. Miller are supported by the Once Upon a Time Foundation. Drs. Miller and Dr. Platt are supported by the Patient-Centered Outcomes Research Institute (PCORI). Dr. Platt is supported by the NIMH 1K23MH118431 and the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation.

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April 23, 2024

Research in Context: Treating depression

Finding better approaches.

While effective treatments for major depression are available, there is still room for improvement. This special Research in Context feature explores the development of more effective ways to treat depression, including personalized treatment approaches and both old and new drugs.

Everyone has a bad day sometimes. People experience various types of stress in the course of everyday life. These stressors can cause sadness, anxiety, hopelessness, frustration, or guilt. You may not enjoy the activities you usually do. These feelings tend to be only temporary. Once circumstances change, and the source of stress goes away, your mood usually improves. But sometimes, these feelings don’t go away. When these feelings stick around for at least two weeks and interfere with your daily activities, it’s called major depression, or clinical depression.

In 2021, 8.3% of U.S. adults experienced major depression. That’s about 21 million people. Among adolescents, the prevalence was much greater—more than 20%. Major depression can bring decreased energy, difficulty thinking straight, sleep problems, loss of appetite, and even physical pain. People with major depression may become unable to meet their responsibilities at work or home. Depression can also lead people to use alcohol or drugs or engage in high-risk activities. In the most extreme cases, depression can drive people to self-harm or even suicide.

The good news is that effective treatments are available. But current treatments have limitations. That’s why NIH-funded researchers have been working to develop more effective ways to treat depression. These include finding ways to predict whether certain treatments will help a given patient. They're also trying to develop more effective drugs or, in some cases, find new uses for existing drugs.

Finding the right treatments

The most common treatments for depression include psychotherapy, medications, or a combination. Mild depression may be treated with psychotherapy. Moderate to severe depression often requires the addition of medication.

Several types of psychotherapy have been shown to help relieve depression symptoms. For example, cognitive behavioral therapy helps people to recognize harmful ways of thinking and teaches them how to change these. Some researchers are working to develop new therapies to enhance people’s positive emotions. But good psychotherapy can be hard to access due to the cost, scheduling difficulties, or lack of available providers. The recent growth of telehealth services for mental health has improved access in some cases.

There are many antidepressant drugs on the market. Different drugs will work best on different patients. But it can be challenging to predict which drugs will work for a given patient. And it can take anywhere from 6 to 12 weeks to know whether a drug is working. Finding an effective drug can involve a long period of trial and error, with no guarantee of results.

If depression doesn’t improve with psychotherapy or medications, brain stimulation therapies could be used. Electroconvulsive therapy, or ECT, uses electrodes to send electric current into the brain. A newer technique, transcranial magnetic stimulation (TMS), stimulates the brain using magnetic fields. These treatments must be administered by specially trained health professionals.

“A lot of patients, they kind of muddle along, treatment after treatment, with little idea whether something’s going to work,” says psychiatric researcher Dr. Amit Etkin.

One reason it’s difficult to know which antidepressant medications will work is that there are likely different biological mechanisms that can cause depression. Two people with similar symptoms may both be diagnosed with depression, but the causes of their symptoms could be different. As NIH depression researcher Dr. Carlos Zarate explains, “we believe that there’s not one depression, but hundreds of depressions.”

Depression may be due to many factors. Genetics can put certain people at risk for depression. Stressful situations, physical health conditions, and medications may contribute. And depression can also be part of a more complicated mental disorder, such as bipolar disorder. All of these can affect which treatment would be best to use.

Etkin has been developing methods to distinguish patients with different types of depression based on measurable biological features, or biomarkers. The idea is that different types of patients would respond differently to various treatments. Etkin calls this approach “precision psychiatry.”

One such type of biomarker is electrical activity in the brain. A technique called electroencephalography, or EEG, measures electrical activity using electrodes placed on the scalp. When Etkin was at Stanford University, he led a research team that developed a machine-learning algorithm to predict treatment response based on EEG signals. The team applied the algorithm to data from a clinical trial of the antidepressant sertraline (Zoloft) involving more than 300 people.

EEG data for the participants were collected at the outset. Participants were then randomly assigned to take either sertraline or an inactive placebo for eight weeks. The team found a specific set of signals that predicted the participants’ responses to sertraline. The same neural “signature” also predicted which patients with depression responded to medication in a separate group.

Etkin’s team also examined this neural signature in a set of patients who were treated with TMS and psychotherapy. People who were predicted to respond less to sertraline had a greater response to the TMS/psychotherapy combination.

Etkin continues to develop methods for personalized depression treatment through his company, Alto Neuroscience. He notes that EEG has the advantage of being low-cost and accessible; data can even be collected in a patient’s home. That’s important for being able to get personalized treatments to the large number of people they could help. He’s also working on developing antidepressant drugs targeted to specific EEG profiles. Candidate drugs are in clinical trials now.

“It’s not like a pie-in-the-sky future thing, 20-30 years from now,” Etkin explains. “This is something that could be in people's hands within the next five years.”

New tricks for old drugs

While some researchers focus on matching patients with their optimal treatments, others aim to find treatments that can work for many different patients. It turns out that some drugs we’ve known about for decades might be very effective antidepressants, but we didn’t recognize their antidepressant properties until recently.

One such drug is ketamine. Ketamine has been used as an anesthetic for more than 50 years. Around the turn of this century, researchers started to discover its potential as an antidepressant. Zarate and others have found that, unlike traditional antidepressants that can take weeks to take effect, ketamine can improve depression in as little as one day. And a single dose can have an effect for a week or more. In 2019, the FDA approved a form of ketamine for treating depression that is resistant to other treatments.

But ketamine has drawbacks of its own. It’s a dissociative drug, meaning that it can make people feel disconnected from their body and environment. It also has the potential for addiction and misuse. For these reasons, it’s a controlled substance and can only be administered in a doctor’s office or clinic.

Another class of drugs being studied as possible antidepressants are psychedelics. These include lysergic acid diethylamide (LSD) and psilocybin, the active ingredient in magic mushrooms. These drugs can temporarily alter a person’s mood, thoughts, and perceptions of reality. Some have historically been used for religious rituals, but they are also used recreationally.

In clinical studies, psychedelics are typically administered in combination with psychotherapy. This includes several preparatory sessions with a therapist in the weeks before getting the drug, and several sessions in the weeks following to help people process their experiences. The drugs are administered in a controlled setting.

Dr. Stephen Ross, co-director of the New York University Langone Health Center for Psychedelic Medicine, describes a typical session: “It takes place in a living room-like setting. The person is prepared, and they state their intention. They take the drug, they lie supine, they put on eye shades and preselected music, and two therapists monitor them.” Sessions last for as long as the acute effects of the drug last, which is typically several hours. This is a healthcare-intensive intervention given the time and personnel needed.

In 2016, Ross led a clinical trial examining whether psilocybin-assisted therapy could reduce depression and anxiety in people with cancer. According to Ross, as many as 40% of people with cancer have clinically significant anxiety and depression. The study showed that a single psilocybin session led to substantial reductions in anxiety and depression compared with a placebo. These reductions were evident as soon as one day after psilocybin administration. Six months later, 60-80% of participants still had reduced depression and anxiety.

Psychedelic drugs frequently trigger mystical experiences in the people who take them. “People can feel a sense…that their consciousness is part of a greater consciousness or that all energy is one,” Ross explains. “People can have an experience that for them feels more ‘real’ than regular reality. They can feel transported to a different dimension of reality.”

About three out of four participants in Ross’s study said it was among the most meaningful experiences of their lives. And the degree of mystical experience correlated with the drug’s therapeutic effect. A long-term follow-up study found that the effects of the treatment continued more than four years later.

If these results seem too good to be true, Ross is quick to point out that it was a small study, with only 29 participants, although similar studies from other groups have yielded similar results. Psychedelics haven’t yet been shown to be effective in a large, controlled clinical trial. Ross is now conducting a trial with 200 people to see if the results of his earlier study pan out in this larger group. For now, though, psychedelics remain experimental drugs—approved for testing, but not for routine medical use.

Unlike ketamine, psychedelics aren’t considered addictive. But they, too, carry risks, which certain conditions may increase. Psychedelics can cause cardiovascular complications. They can cause psychosis in people who are predisposed to it. In uncontrolled settings, they have the risk of causing anxiety, confusion, and paranoia—a so-called “bad trip”—that can lead the person taking the drug to harm themself or others. This is why psychedelic-assisted therapy takes place in such tightly controlled settings. That increases the cost and complexity of the therapy, which may prevent many people from having access to it.

Better, safer drugs

Despite the promise of ketamine or psychedelics, their drawbacks have led some researchers to look for drugs that work like them but with fewer side effects.

Depression is thought to be caused by the loss of connections between nerve cells, or neurons, in certain regions of the brain. Ketamine and psychedelics both promote the brain’s ability to repair these connections, a quality called plasticity. If we could understand how these drugs encourage plasticity, we might be able to design drugs that can do so without the side effects.

Dr. David Olson at the University of California, Davis studies how psychedelics work at the cellular and molecular levels. The drugs appear to promote plasticity by binding to a receptor in cells called the 5-hydroxytryptamine 2A receptor (5-HT2AR). But many other compounds also bind 5-HT2AR without promoting plasticity. In a recent NIH-funded study, Olson showed that 5-HT2AR can be found both inside and on the surface of the cell. Only compounds that bound to the receptor inside the cells promoted plasticity. This suggests that a drug has to be able to get into the cell to promote plasticity.

Moreover, not all drugs that bind 5-HT2AR have psychedelic effects. Olson’s team has developed a molecular sensor, called psychLight, that can identify which compounds that bind 5-HT2AR have psychedelic effects. Using psychLight, they identified compounds that are not psychedelic but still have rapid and long-lasting antidepressant effects in animal models. He’s founded a company, Delix Therapeutics, to further develop drugs that promote plasticity.

Meanwhile, Zarate and his colleagues have been investigating a compound related to ketamine called hydroxynorketamine (HNK). Ketamine is converted to HNK in the body, and this process appears to be required for ketamine’s antidepressant effects. Administering HNK directly produced antidepressant-like effects in mice. At the same time, it did not cause the dissociative side effects and addiction caused by ketamine. Zarate’s team has already completed phase I trials of HNK in people showing that it’s safe. Phase II trials to find out whether it’s effective are scheduled to begin soon.  

“What [ketamine and psychedelics] are doing for the field is they’re helping us realize that it is possible to move toward a repair model versus a symptom mitigation model,” Olson says. Unlike existing antidepressants, which just relieve the symptoms of depression, these drugs appear to fix the underlying causes. That’s likely why they work faster and produce longer-lasting effects. This research is bringing us closer to having safer antidepressants that only need to be taken once in a while, instead of every day.

—by Brian Doctrow, Ph.D.

Related Links

• How Psychedelic Drugs May Help with Depression
• Biosensor Advances Drug Discovery
• Neural Signature Predicts Antidepressant Response
• How Ketamine Relieves Symptoms of Depression
• Protein Structure Reveals How LSD Affects the Brain
• Predicting The Usefulness of Antidepressants
• Depression Screening and Treatment in Adults
• Serotonin Transporter Structure Revealed
• Placebo Effect in Depression Treatment
• When Sadness Lingers: Understanding and Treating Depression
• Psychedelic and Dissociative Drugs

References:  An electroencephalographic signature predicts antidepressant response in major depression.  Wu W, Zhang Y, Jiang J, Lucas MV, Fonzo GA, Rolle CE, Cooper C, Chin-Fatt C, Krepel N, Cornelssen CA, Wright R, Toll RT, Trivedi HM, Monuszko K, Caudle TL, Sarhadi K, Jha MK, Trombello JM, Deckersbach T, Adams P, McGrath PJ, Weissman MM, Fava M, Pizzagalli DA, Arns M, Trivedi MH, Etkin A.  Nat Biotechnol.  2020 Feb 10. doi: 10.1038/s41587-019-0397-3. Epub 2020 Feb 10. PMID: 32042166. Rapid and sustained symptom reduction following psilocybin treatment for anxiety and depression in patients with life-threatening cancer: a randomized controlled trial. Ross S, Bossis A, Guss J, Agin-Liebes G, Malone T, Cohen B, Mennenga SE, Belser A, Kalliontzi K, Babb J, Su Z, Corby P, Schmidt BL. J Psychopharmacol . 2016 Dec;30(12):1165-1180. doi: 10.1177/0269881116675512. PMID: 27909164. Long-term follow-up of psilocybin-assisted psychotherapy for psychiatric and existential distress in patients with life-threatening cancer. Agin-Liebes GI, Malone T, Yalch MM, Mennenga SE, Ponté KL, Guss J, Bossis AP, Grigsby J, Fischer S, Ross S. J Psychopharmacol . 2020 Feb;34(2):155-166. doi: 10.1177/0269881119897615. Epub 2020 Jan 9. PMID: 31916890. Psychedelics promote neuroplasticity through the activation of intracellular 5-HT2A receptors.  Vargas MV, Dunlap LE, Dong C, Carter SJ, Tombari RJ, Jami SA, Cameron LP, Patel SD, Hennessey JJ, Saeger HN, McCorvy JD, Gray JA, Tian L, Olson DE.  Science . 2023 Feb 17;379(6633):700-706. doi: 10.1126/science.adf0435. Epub 2023 Feb 16. PMID: 36795823. Psychedelic-inspired drug discovery using an engineered biosensor.  Dong C, Ly C, Dunlap LE, Vargas MV, Sun J, Hwang IW, Azinfar A, Oh WC, Wetsel WC, Olson DE, Tian L.  Cell . 2021 Apr 8: S0092-8674(21)00374-3. doi: 10.1016/j.cell.2021.03.043. Epub 2021 Apr 28. PMID: 33915107. NMDAR inhibition-independent antidepressant actions of ketamine metabolites. Zanos P, Moaddel R, Morris PJ, Georgiou P, Fischell J, Elmer GI, Alkondon M, Yuan P, Pribut HJ, Singh NS, Dossou KS, Fang Y, Huang XP, Mayo CL, Wainer IW, Albuquerque EX, Thompson SM, Thomas CJ, Zarate CA Jr, Gould TD. Nature . 2016 May 26;533(7604):481-6. doi: 10.1038/nature17998. Epub 2016 May 4. PMID: 27144355.

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What Is a Good Thesis Statement About Depression?

Do you need to compose an informative or an argumentative essay on depression? One of the vital parts of your paper is a thesis statement on depression. Note there are various types of thesis statements, and what you use depends on the type of essay you are writing. A thesis summarizes the concept that you write on your research paper or the bottom line that you will write in your essay. It should elaborate more on the depression topics for the research paper you are working on. But at times, you might have a hard time writing your thesis statement.

Good Thesis Statement about Teenage Depression

Bipolar disorder thesis statements about depression, interesting thesis statements about depression, interesting thesis statement about diagnosis and treatment of depression, thesis statement about stress and depression, free thesis statements about depression and anxiety, get help with your depression research paper.

Here is a list of thesis statements to have an easier time writing your essay. They cover different topics, making it easy to select what excites you. Here we go!

Are you writing about teenagers and how they are always overthinking about their future, and they end up getting depressed? You need to write a good thesis statement for a depression research paper. That will help your depression argumentative essay stand out. Here are some thesis statement for depression to check out.

• There is a link between depression and alcohol among teenagers and the various ways to control it.
• Teenagers dealing with mood disorders eat and sleep more than usual, getting less interested in regular activities.
• Mediation is an effective way to reach out to adolescents that show heightened symptoms of depression.
• Self-blaming attributions are social cognitive mechanisms among adolescents.
• Peer victimization causes high-stress levels among adolescents and has negative psychological consequences.

Choosing a good depression thesis statement on bipolar disorder can be hectic. Research on bipolar will require a good thesis statement for mental health. Choose a thesis statement about mental health awareness here.

• People with Bipolar depression have more difficulties getting quality sleep.
• Bipolar disorder influences every aspect of a person’s life and changes their quality of life.
• Bipolar disorder causes depressive moods or lows of mental disorder.
• Bipolar is a severe mental issue that can negatively impact your moods, self-esteem, and behavior.
• Psychological evaluations play a significant role in diagnosing bipolar disorder.

When writing your essay, ensure that the thesis statement for mental health is fascinating. You will impress your professors if you get the right depression research paper outline as your thesis statement. Here is a depression thesis statement you can use.

• The effects of human psychology are viewed in the form of depression.
• Clinical psychology can help to bring outpatients who have depression.
• Treating long-term depression in bipolar patients is possible.
• Bipolar patients are drained to the roots of depression.
• Well-established rehabilitation centers can help bring drug addicts from depression.

Are you thinking of writing a thesis on depression and how to treat it? If so, you need to have an excellent thesis statement about mental health that will impress your professor. Read this list to find a thesis you need for your research paper.

• There are different ways to diagnose and treat depression from its early stage.
• People who show signs of depression from an early stage and seek treatment are likely to recover instead of those who do not show early signs.
• After you receive treatment for depression, putting the right measure in place is one of the best and effective ways to ensure that you do not get it again for the second time.
• Anxiety can interfere with daily living, and it can get anyone from children to adults.
• Besides medication, you need a lifestyle change and acceptance to treat depression.

Is your research about stress and how it can impact mental health? Getting a thesis statement for depression research paper that impresses your examiners can be challenging. Choose a thesis statement for your mental illness research paper below.

• Although it is normal for various situations to cause stress, having constant stress can have detrimental effects.
• To survive the modern industrial society, you need to have stress management strategies.
• The challenges of understanding and adapting to the changing environment can lead to stress.
• Lack of proper stress management will lead to inefficiency in everything people do.
• Stress does not come unless there are underlying stressors in your life.

Our team of writers is well-conversant about a free thesis statement about anxiety you can use. The best anxiety thesis statement will help you get the best grades. Here is a list of statements that stands out:

• Many factors can lead to early anxiety, but the leading cause of anxiety in adolescents is directly linked to families.
• Anxiety is a severe mental disorder that can occur without any apparent triggers.
• Long-term depression and anxiety can impact your mental health, but you can recover if you seek treatment.
• Depression and anxiety are not interlinked, and it is essential to learn how to differentiate them on practical grounds.
• Society has a role to play in helping people come out of depression and anxiety.

How do you write a research paper about depression and how it affects mental health? Before choosing a thesis statement on mental health, have a clear understanding of the essay that you are writing. That will help you get the best thesis to make our essay stand out.

But don’t keep stressing out about your thesis statement for mental illness research paper. We have your work cut out because our skilled writers have compiled a list of thesis statements about mental health and depression topics for research paper writing. We will also suggest correct thesis statements for your essay homework or assignment.

If you are still unsure of the statement to use, get in touch with us today. We have a team of skilled and experienced writers that can help you with your essay or research project and ensure that you get the best grades.

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10 New Thesis Statement about Depression & Anxiety | How to Write One?

Did you know according to the National Institute of Mental Health; it is estimated that approximately 8.4% of adults are patients of major depression in the US? Well, depression is a common illness globally that affects a lot of people. Yet, the reasons for this psychological sickness vary from person to person and numerous studies are being conducted to discover more about depression.

Therefore, college and university students are currently assigned to write research papers, dissertations, essays, and a thesis about depression. However, writing essays on such topics aims to increase the awareness of physical and mental well-being among youth and help them find solutions.

However, a lot of students find it pretty challenging to write a thesis statement about depression and seek someone to write my essay . No worries! In this article, you will learn about what is a good thesis statement about mental health and some effective methods and approaches to write a killer headline and compose an astonishing essay about depression.

5 Thesis Statement About Depression:

• “The complexity of depression, which includes biological, psychological, and environmental components, emphasizes the need for individualized treatment plans that consider each person’s particular requirements.”
• “Depression in the workplace not only affects an individual’s productivity but also carries economic implications, emphasizing the importance of fostering a mental health-friendly work environment.”
• “Alternative, holistic approaches to mental health care have the potential to be more successful as the link between creative expressions, such as art therapy, and depression management becomes more commonly recognized.”
• “It is critical to enhance geriatric mental health treatment and reduce the stigma associated with mental illness in older people since depression in senior populations is typically underdiagnosed and mistreated.”
• “The link between early childhood adversity and the risk of developing depression later in life accentuates the importance of early intervention and support systems for children exposed to adverse experiences.”

5 Thesis Statements about Anxiety & Depression :

• “Depression and anxiety Co-occurring disorders are a major concern in mental health, necessitating integrated treatment options that meet the unique challenges that co-occurring diseases provide.”
• “The utilization of technology-driven therapies, such as smartphone apps and telehealth services, is a realistic approach of addressing persons suffering from anxiety and depression, while also increasing access to mental health care.”
• “The examination of the gut-brain connection and its potential role in anxiety and depression showcases a burgeoning area of research that could lead to novel treatments emphasizing nutrition and gut health.”
• “Adolescents who experience both anxiety and depression face a serious issue that calls for comprehensive school-based mental health programs and preventative measures to promote young people’s mental health.”
• “Exploring the impact of sociocultural factors and the role of community support systems in the experience of anxiety and depression provides insights into the development of culturally sensitive mental health interventions.”

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Follow 7 Proven Methods to Compose Thesis Statement about Depression

A thesis is the overview of the concepts and ideas that you will write in your research paper or in the essay. Yet, a thesis statement about anxiety focuses more on the stress and depression topics for the paper you’re working on, which can be written by following the tips given below.

Nonetheless, you can compose an outline by covering the points mentioned below:

1. Pick a good study topic and perform a basic reading. Look for some intriguing statistics and try to come up with creative ways to approach your subject. Examine a few articles for deficiencies in understanding.

2. Make a list of your references and jot down when you come across a noteworthy quotation. You can cite them in your paper as references. Organize all of the information you’ve acquired in one location.

3. In one phrase, state the purpose of your essay. Consider what you want to happen when other people read your article.

4. Examine your notes and construct a list of all the key things you wish to emphasize. Make use of brainstorming strategies and jot down any ideas that come to mind.

5. Review and revise the arguments and write a thesis statement for a research paper or essay about depression.

6. Organize your essay by organizing the list of points. Arrange the points in a logical sequence. Analyze all elements to ensure that they are all relevant to your goal.

7. Reread all of your statements and arrange your outline in a standard manner, such as a bulleted list.

Final Words

So, what is an ideal way to write a thesis statement about depression for your research paper or essay? We hope you have a thorough idea of the essay you’re writing before picking a thesis statement about mental well-being. That will assist you in developing the greatest thesis for our essay.

But don’t get too worked up over your thesis statement for a research paper on mental disorders. Our professional subject experts have produced a list of thesis statements about mental health and depression themes for research paper writing, so you’ve got your job cut out for you. For your essay assignments or assignments, we will also offer appropriate thesis statements.

If you’re still confused about which statement to use, contact us right away. We have a staff of highly qualified and seasoned writers who can assist you with your essay or research work and guarantee that you receive the highest possible score.

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