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St. Philaret of Moscow: Daily Prayer and Prayer of the Prisoner

St. Philaret of Moscow

St. Philaret left a voluminous inheritance of what can be truly called patristic works. He also composed prayers, 1 one of which has become a part of many people’s morning prayers . It is a prayer not for what we want, but for what God wills—that He would always be before us, working in us His Holy will. 2

Morning Prayer of Metropolitan Philaret of Moscow

O Lord, I do not know what to ask of Thee. Thou alone knowest what I need. Thou lovest me more than I know how to love myself. O Father, grant Thy servant what I myself do not know how to ask. I do not dare to ask a cross of Thee, nor consolation; I only stand before Thee with my heart open; Thou seest the needs that I myself do not know. Look, and work in me according to Thy mercy; smite and heal me, cast me down and raise me up! I am reverent and silent before Thy holy will and ways that are unfathomable to me. I offer myself as a sacrifice to Thee; teach me to pray. Do Thou Thyself pray in me. Amen.

Another prayer attributed to the illustrious hierarch was written for prisoners , who although they have been incarcerated for crimes committed, especially need help from the Lord to bear the difficulty of their penitentiary life. But aren’t we are all seemingly prisoners of circumstances that surround us—family troubles, job loss or difficulty, rocky relationships, poverty, and any other thing that makes us feel like there is no way out? But we can pray to God with these words, that He would give us comfort and the strength to endure everything for the sake of cleansing our own sins, which have most likely brought us to these situations.

Prayer of the Prisoner

O my Lord God and Savior, blessed be Thy holy name!

Thanksgiving and praise be to Thee O Lord, for all the blessings I have received from Thee in this life. Sorrow and sickness have overtaken me, and I call upon Thy name. Reproach has fallen upon me. Thou hast laid me in the pit of hades, in the darkness and house of the dead. I sorrow for this, and I understand that I have this sorrow because I have sinned before Thee, and for my sins have these afflictions come upon me. For Thy righteous ones were not downcast, and even in prisons called out to Thee, and rejoiced in sufferings.

For if Thous shouldst mark iniquities, O Lord, O Lord, who shall stand? For there is no man that hath not sinned. But Thou, O Lord, dost bear the sins of the world and cleansest through repentance. I believe, for thou hast not turned even me, a sinner, away from Thy Face. Thy Only Begotten Son didst pour out His blood for the whole world. I believe that He can cleanse even me from my sins, and desires this.

Therefore with David I say: I will confess mine iniquities before the Lord against myself. And Thou forgavest the ungodliness of my heart. I fear the judge and judgment of man, but even more do I fear Thy irrevocable judgment and eternal condemnation. For unrighteousness has risen up against me; I make bold to pray to Thee with David’s words: Hearken O Lord unto my righteousness, and hear my judgment, and deliver me by Thy righteousness.

For although I have committed unrighteousness, heal my unrighteousness by Thy mercy. Do not allow my heart to incline to deceitful words, to hiding the truth, and false justification. Help me to understand and to hate my unrighteousness, to love righteousness, and in truth surround my soul with comfort. Ease the burden of my afflictions. Endure also me, the condemned, that I may endure with patience for the sake of cleansing my sins and for the sake of Thy merciful, righteous judgment.

For if shame has covered me before certain people, may I endure it with humility; may I receive They mercy, O Lord, and may I not be put to shame before the face of the world at Thy Dread [Last] Judgment.

I come to Thee woeful and sorrowful; deprive me not of Thy spiritual consolation. I come to Thee darkened; show me the light of hope for salvation. I fall down before Thee in exhaustion; raise me up and confirm me in Thy grace.

And above all grant me the desire and help me, O Lord, in everything to do Thy will; that in peace I may glorify Thy holy name, of the Father, and the Son, and the Holy Spirit. Amen.

1   The translations of these prayers given in this post are our own (not official).

2   When searching in Google for the “Prayer of St. Philaret of Moscow”, one seems always to find not this prayer, but the prayer of the Optina Elders: “O Lord, grant me to greet the coming day in peace, help me in all things to rely upon Your holy will. In every hour of the day reveal Your will to me. Bless my dealings with all who surround me. Teach me to treat all that comes to me throughout the day with peace of soul and with firm conviction that Your will governs all. In all my words and deeds, guide my thoughts and feelings. In unforeseen events, let me not forget that all are sent by You. Teach me to act firmly and wisely, without embittering and embarrasssing others. Give me strength to bear the fatigue of the coming day with all that it shall bring. Direct my will, teach me to pray. And, Yourself, pray in me. Amen.” These prayers are very similar.

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V. I.   Lenin

Lessons of the moscow uprising.

Published: Proletary , No. 2, August 29, 1906. Published according to the Proletary text. Source: Lenin Collected Works , Progress Publishers, 1965 , Moscow, Volume 11 , pages  171-178 . Translated: Transcription\Markup: R. Cymbala Public Domain: Lenin Internet Archive (2000). You may freely copy, distribute, display and perform this work; as well as make derivative and commercial works. Please credit “Marxists Internet Archive” as your source. • README

The publication of the book Moscow in December 1905 (Moscow, 1906) could not have been more timely. It is an urgent task of the workers’ party to assimilate the lessons of the December uprising. Unfortunately, this book is like a barrel of honey spoilt by a spoonful of tar: most interesting material—despite its incompleteness—and incredibly slovenly, incredibly trite conclusions. We shall deal with these conclusions on another occasion [1] ; at present we shall turn our attention to the burning political question of the day, to the lessons of the Moscow uprising.

The principal forms of the December movement in Moscow were the peaceful strike and demonstrations, and these were the only forms of struggle in which the vast majority of the workers took an active part. Yet, the December action in Moscow vividly demonstrated that the general strike, as an independent and predominant form of struggle, is out of date, that the movement is breaking out of these narrow bounds with elemental and irresistible force and giving rise to the highest form of struggle—an uprising.

In calling the strike, all the revolutionary parties, all the Moscow unions recognised and even intuitively felt that it must inevitably grow into an uprising. On December 6 the Soviet of Workers’ Deputies resolved to “strive to transform the strike into an armed uprising”. As a matter of fact, however, none of the organisations were prepared for this. Even the Joint Council of Volunteer Fighting Squads [2] spoke ( on December 9 !) of an uprising as of something remote, and it is quite evident that it had no hand in or control of   the street fighting that took place. The organisations failed to keep pace with the growth and range of the movement.

The strike was growing into an uprising, primarily as a result of the pressure of the objective conditions created after October. A general strike could no longer take the government unawares: it had already organised the forces of counter-revolution, and they were ready for military action. The whole course of the Russian revolution after October, and the sequence of events in Moscow in the December days, strikingly confirmed one of Marx’s profound propositions: revolution progresses by giving rise to a strong and united counter-revolution, i.e., it compels the enemy to resort to more and more extreme measures of defence and in this way devises ever more powerful means of attack. [3]

December 7 and 8: a peaceful strike, peaceful mass demonstrations. Evening of the 8th: the siege of the Aquarium. [4] The morning of the 9th: the crowd in Strastnaya Square is attacked by the dragoons. Evening: the Fiedler building [5] is raided. Temper rises. The unorganised street crowds, quite spontaneously and hesitatingly, set up the first barricades.

The 10th: artillery fire is opened on the barricades and the crowds in the streets. Barricades are set up more deliberately, and no longer in isolated cases, but on a really mass scale. The whole population is in the streets; all the main centres of the city are covered by a network of barricades. For several days the volunteer fighting units wage a stubborn guerrilla battle against the troops, which exhausts the troops and compels Dubasov [6] to beg for reinforcements. Only on December 15 did the superiority of the government forces become complete, and on December 17 the Semyonovsky Regiment [7] crushed Presnya District, the last stronghold of the uprising.

From a strike and demonstrations to isolated barricades. From isolated barricades to the mass erection of barricades and street fighting against the troops. Over the heads of the organisations, the mass proletarian struggle developed from a strike to an uprising. This is the greatest historic gain the Russian revolution achieved in December 1905; and like all preceding gains it was purchased at the price of enormous sacrifices. The movement was raised from a   general political strike to a higher stage. It compelled the reaction to go to the limit in its resistance, and so brought vastly nearer the moment when the revolution will also go to the limit in applying the means of attack. The reaction cannot go further than the shelling of barricades, buildings and crowds. But the revolution can go very much further than the Moscow volunteer fighting units, it can go very, very much further in breadth and depth. And the revolution has advanced far since December. The base of the revolutionary crisis has become immeasurably broader—the blade must now be sharpened to a keener edge.

The proletariat sensed sooner than its leaders the change in the objective conditions of the struggle and the need for a transition from the strike to an uprising. As is always the case, practice marched ahead of theory. A peaceful strike and demonstrations immediately ceased to satisfy the workers; they asked: What is to be done next? And they demanded more resolute action. The instructions to set up barricades reached the districts exceedingly late, when barricades were already being erected in the centre of the city. The workers set to work in large numbers, but even this did not satisfy them ; they wanted to know: what is to be done next?— they demanded active measures. In December, we, the leaders of the Social-Democratic proletariat, were like a commander-in-chief who has deployed his troops in such an absurd way that most of them took no active part in the battle. The masses of the workers demanded, but failed to receive, instructions for resolute mass action.

Thus, nothing could be more short-sighted than Plekhanov’s view, seized upon by all the opportunists, that the strike was untimely and should not have been started, and that “they should not have taken to arms”. On the contrary, we should have taken to arms more resolutely, energetically and aggressively; we should have explained to the masses that it was impossible to confine things to a peaceful strike and that a fearless and relentless armed fight was necessary. And now we must at last openly and publicly admit that political strikes are inadequate; we must carry on the widest agitation among the masses in favour of an armed uprising and make no attempt to obscure this question by talk about   “preliminary stages”, or to befog it in any way. We would be deceiving both ourselves and the people if we concealed from the masses the necessity of a desperate, bloody war of extermination, as the immediate task of the coming revolutionary action.

Such is the first lesson of the December events. Another lesson concerns the character of the uprising, the methods by which it is conducted, and the conditions which lead to the troops coming over to the side of the people. An extremely biased view on this latter point prevails in the Right wing of our Party. It is alleged that there is no possibility of fighting modern troops; the troops must become revolutionary. Of course, unless the revolution assumes a mass character and affects the troops, there can be no question of serious struggle. That we must work among the troops goes without saying. But we must not imagine that they will come over to our side at one stroke, as a result of persuasion or their own convictions. The Moscow uprising clearly demonstrated how stereotyped and lifeless this view is. As a matter of fact, the wavering of the troops, which is inevitable in every truly popular movement, leads to a real fight for the troops whenever the revolutionary struggle be comes acute. The Moscow uprising was precisely an example of the desperate, frantic struggle for the troops that takes place between the reaction and the revolution. Dubasov himself declared that of the fifteen thousand men of the Moscow garrison, only five thousand were reliable. The government restrained the waverers by the most diverse and desperate measures: they appealed to them, flattered them, bribed them, presented them with watches, money, etc.; they doped them with vodka, they lied to them, threatened them, confined them to barracks and disarmed them, and those who were suspected of being least reliable were removed by treachery and violence. And we must have the courage to confess, openly and unreservedly, that in this respect we lagged be hind the government. We failed to utilise the forces at our disposal for such an active, bold, resourceful and aggressive fight for the wavering troops as that which the government waged and won. We have carried on work in the army and we will redouble our efforts in the future ideologically to “win over” the troops. But we shall prove to be miserable   pedants if we forget that at a time of uprising there must also be a physical struggle for the troops.

In the December days, the Moscow proletariat taught us magnificent lessons in ideologically “winning over” the troops, as, for example, on December 8 in Strastnaya Square, when the crowd surrounded the Cossacks, mingled and fraternised with them, and persuaded them to turn back. Or on December 10, in Presnya District, when two working girls, carrying a red flag in a crowd of 10,000 people, rushed out to meet the Cossacks crying: “Kill us! We will not surrender the flag alive!” And the Cossacks were disconcerted and galloped away, amidst the shouts from the crowd: “Hurrah for the Cossacks!” These examples of courage and heroism should be impressed forever on the mind of the proletariat.

But here are examples of how we lagged behind Dubasov. On December 9, soldiers were marching down Bolshaya Serpukhovskaya Street singing the Marseillaise , on their way to join the insurgents. The workers sent delegates to meet them. Malakhov himself galloped at breakneck speed towards them. The workers were too late, Malakhov reached them first. He delivered a passionate speech, caused the soldiers to waver, surrounded them with dragoons, marched them off to barracks and locked them in. Malakhov reached the soldiers in time and we did not, although within two days 150,000 people had risen at our call, and these could and should have organised the patrolling of the streets. Malakhov surrounded the soldiers with dragoons, whereas we failed to surround the Malakhovs with bomb-throwers. We could and should have done this; and long ago the Social-Democratic press (the old Iskra [8] ) pointed out that ruthless extermination of civil and military chiefs was our duty during an uprising. What took place in Bolshaya Serpukhovskaya Street was apparently repeated in its main features in front of the Nesvizhskiye Barracks and the Krutitskiye Barracks, and also when the workers attempted to “withdraw” the Ekaterinoslav Regiment, and when delegates were sent to the sappers in Alexandrov, and when the Rostov artillery on its way to Moscow was turned back, and when the sappers were disarmed in Kolomna, and so on. During the uprising we proved unequal to our task in the fight for the wavering troops.

The December events confirmed another of Marx’s profound propositions, which the opportunists have forgotten, namely, that insurrection is an art and that the principal rule of this art is the waging of a desperately bold and irrevocably determined offensive . [9] We have not sufficiently assimilated this truth. We ourselves have not sufficiently learned, nor have we taught the masses, this art, this rule to attack at all costs. We must make up for this omission with all our energy. It is not enough to take sides on the question of political slogans; it is also necessary to take sides on the question of an armed uprising. Those who are opposed to it, those who do not prepare for it, must be ruthlessly dismissed from the ranks of the supporters of the revolution, sent packing to its enemies, to the traitors or cowards; for the day is approaching when the force of events and the conditions of the struggle will compel us to distinguish between enemies and friends according to this principle. It is not passivity that we should preach, not mere “waiting” until the troops “come over”. No! We must proclaim from the house tops the need for a bold offensive and armed attack, the necessity at such times of exterminating the persons in command of the enemy, and of a most energetic fight for the wavering troops.

The third great lesson taught by Moscow concerns the tactics and organisation of the forces for an uprising. Military tactics depend on the level of military technique. This plain truth Engels demonstrated and brought home to all Marxists. [10] Military technique today is not what it was in the middle of the nineteenth century. It would be folly to contend against artillery in crowds and defend barricades with revolvers. Kautsky was right when he wrote that it is high time now, after Moscow, to review Engels’s conclusions, and that Moscow had inaugurated “new barricade tactics ”. [11] These tactics are the tactics of guerrilla warfare. The organisation required for such tactics is that of mobile and exceedingly small units, units of ten, three or even two persons. We often meet Social-Democrats now who scoff whenever units of five or three are mentioned. But scoffing is only a cheap way of ignoring the new question of tactics and organisation raised by street fighting under the conditions imposed by modern military technique. Study carefully the story   of the Moscow uprising, gentlemen, and you will understand what connection exists between “units of five” and the question of “new barricade tactics”.

Moscow advanced these tactics, but failed to develop them far enough, to apply them to any considerable extent, to a really mass extent. There were too few volunteer fighting squads, the slogan of bold attack was not issued to the masses of the workers and they did not apply it; the guerrilla detachments were too uniform in character, their arms and methods were inadequate, their ability to lead the crowd was almost undeveloped. We must make up for all this and we shall do so by learning from the experience of Moscow, by spreading this experience among the masses and by stimulating their creative efforts to develop it still further. And the guerrilla warfare and mass terror that have been taking place throughout Russia practically without a break since December, will undoubtedly help the masses to learn the correct tactics of an uprising. Social-Democracy must recognise this mass terror and incorporate it into its tactics, organising and controlling it of course, subordinating it to the interests and conditions of the working-class movement and the general revolutionary struggle, while eliminating and ruthlessly lopping off the “hooligan” perversion of this guerrilla warfare which was so splendidly and ruthlessly dealt with by our Moscow comrades during the uprising and by the Letts during the days of the famous Lettish republics. [12]

There have been new advances in military technique in the very recent period. The Japanese War produced the hand grenade. The small-arms factories have placed automatic rifles on the market. Both these weapons are already being successfully used in the Russian revolution, but to a degree that is far from adequate. We can and must take advantage of improvements in technique, teach the workers’ detachments to make bombs in large quantities, help them and our fighting squads to obtain supplies of explosives, fuses and automatic rifles. If the mass of the workers takes part in uprisings in the towns, if mass attacks are launched on the enemy, if a determined and skilful fight is waged for the troops, who after the Duma, after Sveaborg and Kronstadt are wavering more than ever—and if we ensure participation   of the rural areas in the general struggle—victory will be ours in the next all-Russian armed uprising.

Let us, then, develop our work more extensively and set our tasks more boldly, while mastering the lessons of the great days of the Russian revolution. The basis of our work is a correct estimate of class interests and of the requirements of the nation’s development at the present juncture. We are rallying, and shall continue to rally, an increasing section of the proletariat, the peasantry and the army under the slogan of overthrowing the tsarist regime and convening a constituent assembly by a revolutionary government. As hitherto, the basis and chief content of our work is to develop the political understanding of the masses. But let us not forget that, in addition to this general, constant and fundamental task, times like the present in Russia impose other, particular and special tasks. Let us not become pedants and philistines, let us not evade these special tasks of the moment, these special tasks of the given forms of struggle, by meaningless references to our permanent duties, which remain unchanged at all times and in all circumstances.

Let us remember that a great mass struggle is approaching. It will be an armed uprising. It must, as far as possible, be simultaneous. The masses must know that they are entering upon an armed, bloody and desperate struggle. Contempt for death must become widespread among them and will ensure victory. The onslaught on the enemy must be pressed with the greatest vigour; attack, not defence, must be the slogan of the masses; the ruthless extermination of the enemy will be their task; the organisation of the struggle will become mobile and flexible; the wavering elements among the troops will be drawn into active participation. And in this momentous struggle, the party of the class-conscious proletariat must discharge its duty to the full.

[1] See pp. 189-93 of this volume.— Ed .

[2] The Joint Council of Volunteer Fighting Squads was formed in Moscow at the end of October 1905. It was created at the outset for the practical struggle against the Black Hundreds but it was kept in existence during the December uprising. It included representatives of the volunteer squads of the Moscow Committee of the R.S.D.L.P., the Moscow group of Social-Democrats, the Moscow committee of the Socialist-Revolutionary Party, and also of the volunteer squads bearing the names “Free District”, “University”, “Typographical” and “Caucasian”. The S.-R.-Menshevik majority   of the Joint Council was responsible for disorganising its activity; during the days of the December armed uprising it lagged behind the revolutionary events and was incapable of acting as the operational general staff of the uprising.

[3] Lenin cites the proposition put forward by Marx in his Class Struggles in France, 1848 to 1860 (see Marx and Engels, Selected Works , Vol. 1, Moscow, 1958, p. 139).

[4] During the evening of December 8 (21), 1905, soldiers and police cordoned off the “Aquarium” garden (at the Sadovo-Triumfalnaya Square) where a crowded meeting was being held in the theatre. Thanks to the selfless efforts of the workers’ volunteer squads guarding the meeting, bloodshed was avoided; those who possessed arms were enabled to escape through a broken fence, but the other participants in the meeting who went out through the gate were searched, beaten up and in many cases arrested.

[5] The Fiedler school building (at Chistiye Prudy) was regularly used for party meetings. During the evening of December 9 (22), 1905, when a meeting was being held there, it was surrounded by troops. The participants in the meeting, mostly members of volunteer squads, refused to surrender and barricaded themselves in the building. The troops opened fire using artillery and machine-guns. During the destruction of the building more than 30 persons were killed or wounded; 120 were arrested.

[6] Dubasov, F. V. (1845-1912)—Governor-General of Moscow in 1905-06, who directed the suppression of the armed uprising of the Moscow workers in December 1905.

[7] Semenovtsy —soldiers of the Semenovsky Guards Regiment who were sent from St. Petersburg to Moscow in December 1905 to suppress the uprising of the Moscow workers.

[8] Iskra ( The Spark )—the first all-Russian illegal Marxist revolutionary newspaper. It was founded by Lenin in 1900, and it played a decisive part in building the Marxist revolutionary party of the Russian working class. After the Party, at the Second Congress of the R.S.D.L.P. in 1903, had split into a revolutionary (Bolshevik) wing and an opportunist (Menshevik) wing, Iskra passed into the hands of the Mensheviks and became known as the “ new ” Iskra in contrast to Lenin’s old Iskra .

[9] This refers to Engels’s Revolution and Counter-Revolution in Germany, 1848 (New York Daily Tribune , 18.IX. 1852) which was published in 1851-52 as a series of articles in the newspaper New York Daily Tribune over the signature of Marx, who originally intended to write them but, being preoccupied with his economic researches, handed over the task to Engels. In writing the articles Engels   constantly consulted Marx, who also read them through, before they were sent to the press. Not until 1913, as a result of the publication of the correspondence between Marx and Engels, did it become known that the work had been written by Engels.

[10] Engels expounded this proposition on a number of occasions in his works, notably in Anti-Dühring .

[11] Lenin deals with this in more detail in his work “The Russian Revolution and the Tasks of the Proletariat” (see present edition, Vol. 10, pp. 141-42).

[12] In December 1905 various Lettish towns were seized by armed detachments of insurgent workers, agricultural labourers and peasants. Guerrilla war against the tsarist troops began. In January 1906 the uprising in Latvia was suppressed by punitive expeditions under tsarist generals.

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Moscow Muled

Why do moscow mules come in copper mugs.

Oct 18, 2019

Have you ever wondered why the Moscow Mule cocktail is served in a copper mug? In this post, we answer that question in detail. As it turns out, the answer is partly based on historical events and partly based on the extra "kick" that copper brings to this classic cocktail. Let's dive in!

Introduction

A remarkable cocktail is something you notice from across the room, easily identified by the signature drinking vessel it's served in. Few are more distinct than the burnished copper mug of a Moscow Mule. 

Great cocktails aren't just alcohol and mixers––they should be something more, a full sensory experience from beginning to end. It starts as you observe the precise convergence of ingredients in a golden ratio that blossoms into flavors and aromas of citrus and spicy ginger. It is then delivered into an ice-filled copper mug and garnished with fresh mint and a slice of lime.  Finally, it is presented before you, shiny and cold, compelling you to taste.

The copper mule mug not only tells the story of the drink it contains, but also is essentially functional to the full experience. You might already know that the cone-shaped bowl of a long-stemmed Martini glass was designed so that olives would stand perfectly upright, and the elegantly curvaceous welled Margarita glass was designed to add ample salt, sugar and garnishes.

But why are Moscow Mules served in copper mugs?

Inquiring minds want to know, so this article will sum up the science and history of why traditional Moscow Mules come in copper mugs, and other legit benefits of serving cocktails in pure copper mugs. This includes:

A Brief History of the Moscow Mule

The science of using copper mugs.

• How Copper Mugs Amplify the Taste & Aroma of your Moscow Mule
• The Enhanced Experience of Drinking from a Pure Copper Mug

The origin of this timeless cocktail is the tale of the American Dream. One fateful day in 1941 , three struggling entrepreneurs had a serendipitous meeting at the Cock 'N Bull bar on the Sunset Strip in Hollywood: A bar owner passionate about his unpopular home-brewed ginger beer, a businessman who took a big chance and purchased Smirnoff vodka, and a Russian immigrant with a cache of copper mugs she couldn't seem to sell. That day, the unlikely trio wisely decided to join forces in a bold venture that would not only save their individual businesses, but also create an iconic American cocktail.

Essentially, the Moscow Mule is the most successful marketing campaign in cocktail history. At a time when most Americans had never even heard of vodka, this cocktail introduced them to the traditional Russian alcohol, and established Smirnoff as a necessity in both bars and homes alike.

Thanks to celebrity endorsement, the Moscow Mule soon took the Hollywood cocktail scene by storm, and quickly became the most beloved mixed drink of the 1950's.

It's popularity understandably waned during the Cold War, and it was briefly re-branded as the Smirnoff Mule to distance itself from communism. However, the recent cocktail renaissance of the 21st century has seen the Moscow Mule come kicking back, as evidenced by lists like Esquire's Top 10 Cocktails of 2019 , and Business Insider's 8th Best-selling Cocktail in the World, 2018 .

But the answer to why Moscow Mules are served in copper mugs goes much further than a conveniently clever alliance between co-founders desperate for a big break. The story of the Moscow Mule is both the struggle of the immigrant searching for success, and the flashy lifestyle of the rich and famous.

It boasts a simple recipe , yet a complex flavor profile, encapsulated in a shiny copper mug. And as delicious and refreshing as the Moscow Mule may be, it's the copper mug that makes the cocktail so extraordinary.  Like the drink itself, the pure copper mule mug is a balance of form and functionality.

The most scientific benefit of the copper mug is its ability to regulate temperature. When a drink is served in a copper mug, it gets cold fast––and stays that way.

Copper is a renowned thermal conductor that will keep your beverage frosty in any weather, and is one of the reasons the traditional Moscow Mule has become synonymous with summer. Add a little ice, and the copper chills drinks instantly, and sustains a refreshingly icy rim with every sip.

Because copper is such an excellent conductor, it can keep your cold beverages colder for longer. The downfall of many ill-fated cocktails on a hot summer day is melting ice. Copper mugs stay brisk, and don't disrupt the recipe's ratio, so the simple yet distinct flavors of the Moscow Mule remain strong till the last drop.

Another important feature of the solid copper Moscow Mule mug is the handle. Much like the stem of a wine glass, the copper mug handle keeps the nearly 100 degree body temperature of your hand from impacting the status of your deliciously frosty cocktail.

How Copper Mugs Amplify the Taste and Aroma of Your Moscow Mule

If you want to know what a Moscow Mule tastes like, purists would insist the only way to experience it is in a 100% copper mug. Aside from being a great American tradition, copper mugs offer some unique enhancements to both the flavor and aroma of the Moscow Mule (or almost any finely-crafted cocktail).

Although subjective, most discerning drinkers would agree that copper mugs imbue cocktails with a superior taste. Experts explain that the copper oxidizes the vodka upon contact, thus enhancing the flavor profile and potency of the aromatics.

The intense cold of the copper also creates more stability in the bubbles of the ginger beer carbonation, and balances the tangy citrus of the lime with the earthy spice of the ginger.

For the skeptics out there, the theory of superior taste is easily verifiable. Simply make or order two Moscow Mules––one served in a plastic cup, and one served in a copper mug. Take a moment to inhale deeply, enjoy a big sip, and let your senses be the judge.

The epiphany should take a matter of moments, and you soon realize why a Moscow Mule is best served in a copper mug, and why any other cup or glass is vastly inferior. The difference can be so vivid, you might even consider drinking all your favorite beverages from copper mugs, even hot tea and coffee!

The Enhanced Experience of Drinking From a Pure Copper Mug

Throwing back shots with reckless disregard is a great way to get hammered, but a terrible way to enjoy something delicious. People order cocktails for the full package––observing its creation, revelling in its presentation, and slowly savoring its captivating story and unique taste.

Not only is a cocktail a well-balanced combination of spirits and mixers, it's also about the aesthetic and function of the vessel it's served in. A cocktail should be an object of inspired beauty, presented thoughtfully in a suitable glass or mug and garnished appropriately. It should take time, because it's made by hand.

Although the copper mug has become the symbol of Moscow Mules, it can also pair exquisitely with many other cocktails. Many people seem drawn to the shine and nostalgia of the metal, and Mixologists seem impressed by the scientific properties of the copper mug. Other drinks prominently featured in copper mugs include Dark 'n Stormy, Mescal, Gin & Tonic, and Cuba Libre.

No matter how frosted a beer glass gets, nothing can keep a mixed drink colder than a copper mug. The sensation when one's lips touch the ice-cold rim with every sip is part of the unique experience.

The flavors are heightened, the aromas amplified, and the balance of vodka, lime juice and ginger beer is never watered-down by melting ice. Provided your Moscow Mule is served in a pure copper mug, the last sip should be just as robust and enjoyable as the first.

The benefits of drinking from copper mugs aren't a newfound discovery. In fact, copper has been the preferred metal for drinking vessels for thousands of years.

Gurus in India have been using copper mugs for hundreds of years, and copper goblets called Escra have been found in ancient Irish ruins. Even American settles in 1645 drank exclusively from a massive tankard made of pure copper, known today as the Virginia Tankard .

The Moscow Mule is a classic drink served in a magnificent copper mug because it tells a compelling story, and enhances your consumption experience. It is an unforgettable drink because it's served in a mug that is both more beautiful than and functionally superior to glass.

Three Reasons Moscow Mules Come in Copper Mugs

The reason your Moscow Mule is served in a copper mug is not a fluke. It is not because it's the latest trendy hipster craze. It's not just a marketing ploy (although it definitely started out as one), nor is it a conspiracy by the lobbyists for Big Copper.

Moscow Mules come in copper mugs for three reasons: taste, temperature, and presentation.

The unique experience of drinking a Moscow Mule is a balanced combination of these three elements. It's also the reason this drink is not only the most recognizable, but also consistently one of the most popular drinks in global cocktail culture history.

Taste: The natural properties of the copper oxidize the alcohol, resulting in powerful aromatics and superior flavors. The bubbles of the ginger beer stay fizzy, and perfectly counter the acidity of the fresh lime juice. It's spicy yet refreshing. Simply put, it's delicious!

Temperature: Copper is an ideal thermal conductor, instantly chilling your beverage upon creation, and maintaining a consistently arctic temperature. This prevents the ice from quickly melting and dulling the cocktail ratio, while keeping the rim refreshingly frosty with every sip. The handle also keeps your hot little fingers from fluctuating the temperature with every touch.

Presentation: A glinting copper mug looks authentic and catches the eye. It is vintage, yet modern, and tells a story of creativity, charm and resilience. It is instantly recognizable, and makes for a fine looking beverage. Yes please!

The Bottom Line

The copper mug is iconic, a great American tradition of nearly 80 years, and is the only proper way to drink a Moscow Mule. Cheers!

Did You Enjoy This Article?

Thank you for reading! If you enjoyed this article, you might also like the following articles:  How to Clean and Care for Copper Mugs: The Definitive Guide and  Why You Should Only Use Moscow Mule Copper Mugs With Stainless Steel Lining

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