definition dominance hypothesis

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Social Psychology

Intergroup Relations Social Psychology

Social dominance theory.

Social dominance theory (SDT; Sidanius & Pratto, 1999 ) is a multi-level, integrative theory of intergroup relations. Its central aim has been to understand the ubiquity and stubborn stability of group-based inequalities, though our research program has begun to explore how to introduce instability in considering group-based social hierarchies.

What’s New in Social Dominance Theory

Social dominance theory in the workplace.

Social dominance theory adds to understanding how power and hierarchies operate within workplaces. For example, there is an association between employees’ levels of social dominance orientation and what influence tactics they use and respond well to, and this association shows the asymmetric effect that social dominance theory hypothesizes between hierarchy-enhancing and hierarchy-attenuating work contexts.

Aiello, A., Pierro, A., & Pratto, F. (2013). Framing Social Dominance Orientation and Power in organizational context. Basic and Applied Social Psychology, 5, 487-495.

Aiello, A.,  Tesi, A. , Pierro, A., Pratto, F. (2017). Social dominance and interpersonal power: Asymmetrical relationships within Hierarchy-enhancing and Hierarchy-attenuating work environments.  Journal of Applied Social Psychology.   (  http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/jasp.12488/full  ) 

What’s wrong with the “Clash of Civilizations” Thesis

Bernard Lewis’s thesis, promoted especially by Samuel Huntington, argues that the conflict between Arabs and the West is based on a “clash of civilizations.” Our data show instead that both social identity and Arabs from Lebanon and Syria hold negative attitudes towards the west because they oppose Western hegemony.

Sidanius, J., Kteily, N., Levin, S., Pratto, F., & Obaidi, M. (2015). Support for asymmetric violence among Arab populations: The clash of cultures, social identity, or counterdominance?  Group Processes & Intergroup Relations . DOI: 1368430215577224.

International Support for the Arab Uprisings

We present data from several nations about people’s willingness (or not) to engage in sympathetic collective action on behalf of Arabs, employing both social dominance theory and social identity theory.

Stewart. A. L., Pratto, F., Bou Zeineddine, F., Sweetman, J., Eicher, V., Licata, L., Morselle, D., Saab, R., Aiello, A., Chryssochoou, X., Cichocka, A., Cidam, A., Foels, R., Giguère, B., Li, L., Prati, F., & van Stekelenburg, J. (2015). International Support for the Arab Uprisings: Understanding Sympathetic Collective Action Using Theories of Social Dominance and Social Identity.  Group Processes and Intergroup Relations.  Published online before print January 19, 2015, doi: 10.1177/1368430214558310.

International Limits & Expansion of Social Dominance Theory

We offer a critique of Social Dominance Theory and its limits, as well as providing suggestions for developing the theory and needed research.

Pratto, F., Stewart, A. L., & Bou Zeineddine, F. (2013). When Inequality Fails: Power, Group Dominance, and Societal Change. Journal of Social and Political Psychology , 1, 132-160. doi:10.5964/jspp.v1i1.97

Revised Long Social Dominance Orientation Scale

We also revised the long version of the Social Dominance Scale, predicting and finding that the Dominance component corresponds to harsher prejudice measures and policy attitudes, and the Anti-Egalitarian component corresponds to subtler prejudice measures and policy attitudes.

Ho, A. K., Sidanius, J., Pratto, F., Levin, S., Thomsen, L., Kteily N. & Sheehy-Skeffington, J. (2012). Social Dominance Orientation: Revisiting the structure and function of a variable predicting social and political attitudes. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 38, 583-606.

Ho, A. K., Sidanius, J. Kteily, N., Sheehy-Skeffington, J. Pratto, F. Henkel, K. E., Foels, R., Stewart, A. L. (2015). The Nature of Social Dominance Orientation: Theorizing and Measuring Preferences for Intergroup Inequality Using the New SDO 7 Scale. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 109 , 1003-1038.   http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/pspi0000033

The Salience of Group Distinctions Moderates the Relationship between People’s Social Dominance Orientation and Their Political Attitudes

Social Dominance Theory predicts that people who oppose group-based dominance in general will support social and political policies and practices that promote low-power groups. In addition, SDT predicts that this relationship will be stronger for group distinctions that are especially salient in people’s society. We tested both predictions in a cross-national study, using a new Short SDO scale, and attitudes about women, the poor, and ethnic or religious minorities. Using national indicators pertaining to salience of these groups, we found that the expected negative relationship between SDO and each attitude was stronger in countries where that group distinction was stronger. The salience of each of the target groups was not related.

Pratto, F., Çidam, A., Stewart, A.L., Bou Zeineddine, F., Aranda, M., Aiello, A., Chryssochoou, X., Cichocka, A., Cohrs, C., Durrheim, K., Eicher, V., Foels, R., Górska, P., Lee, I., Licata, L., Li, L., Liu, J., Morselli, D., Meyer, I., Muldoon, O., Muluk, H., Petrovic, N., Prati, F., Papastamou, S., Petrovic, I., Prodromitis, G., Rubini, M., Saab, R., van Stekelenburg, J., Sweetman, J., Zheng, W., Henkel, K.E. (2013). Social Dominance in Context and in Individuals: Contextual Moderation of Robust Effects of Social Dominance Orientation in 15 languages and 20 countries. Social Psychological and Personality Science, 4, 587-599 . DOI: 10.1177/1948550612473663

For the paper, http://spp.sagepub.com/content/early/2013/02/18/1948550612473663. Note: The Simplified Chinese version in the on-line article is not correct. For the SSDO scale in 16 languages, click here SSDO

U.S. Hegemony and Regional Politics in the Levant

How do people in nations subordinated by other nations think about hegemonic nations? What is the relationship between their support or opposition to hegemonic nations and to political factions in their country or region? This paper examined Syrian and Lebanese citizens’ attitudes towards their own governments and toward Hezbollah in 2010, considering what kind of relationship those factions had toward their own government. We found that people who are generally opposed to group-based dominance (Social Dominance Orientation) disliked American influence over Arabs, and this predicted whether they liked factions that oppose the U.S. (Syrian government, Hezbollah) or that were friendly towards the U.S. (Lebanese government at the time of the study).

Pratto, F., Sidanius, J., Bou Zeineddine, F., Kteily, N., & Levin, S. (2013). When domestic politics and international relations intermesh: Subordinated publics’ factional support within layered power structures Foreign Policy Analysis, 1-22. doi: 10.1111/fpa.12023 . Also (2014), 10, 127-148.

You can download the pre-publication draft of the paper here: Domestic & International relations

Race and Sexual Dominance

We asked men who have sex with men and who identified as Asian or Asian-American about their feelings about themselves and conditions under which they would risk unsafe sex. We found that sexual positions, race of partners, and social dominance orientation together imply recapitulation of intersectional hierarchies in an important domain.

Tan, J. Y., Pratto, F., Operario, D. & Dworkin, S. (April 2, 2013). Sexual Positioning And Race-Based Attraction By Preferences For Social Dominance Among Gay Asian/Pacific Islander Men in the United States. Archives of Sexual Behavior. DOI 10.1007/s10508-013-0088-y

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The Dominance Behavioral System and Psychopathology: Evidence from Self-Report, Observational, and Biological Studies

Sheri l. johnson.

1 Department of Psychology, University of California, Berkeley

Liane J. Leedom

2 Department of Psychology, University of Bridgeport, Bridgeport CT

Luma Muhtadie

The dominance behavioral system (DBS) can be conceptualized as a biologically-based system which guides dominance motivation, dominant and subordinate behavior, and responsivity to perceptions of power and subordination. A growing body of research suggests that problems with the DBS are evident across a broad range of psychopathologies. We begin by describing psychological, social, and biological correlates of the dominance behavioral system (DBS). Extensive research suggests that externalizing disorders, mania-proneness, and narcissistic traits are related to heightened dominance motivation and behaviors. Mania and narcissistic traits also appear related to inflated self-perceptions of power. Anxiety and depression are related to subordination and submissiveness, as well as a desire to avoid subordination. Models of the DBS have received support from research with humans and animals; from self-report, observational, and biological methods; and using naturalistic and experimental paradigms. Limitations of available research include the relative lack of longitudinal studies using multiple measures of the DBS and the absence of relevant studies using diagnosed samples to study narcissistic personality disorder and bipolar disorder. We provide suggestions for future research on the DBS and psychopathology, including investigations of whether the DBS can be used to differentiate specific disorder outcomes; the need for more sophisticated biological research; and the value of longitudinal dynamical research. Implications of using the DBS as a tool in clinical assessment and treatment are discussed.

This paper reviews evidence that the dominance behavioral system (DBS) is related to psychopathology. We begin with an overview describing psychological and social outcomes associated with the DBS, as well as the paradigms that have been used to measure the behavior and biology of this system. Against this backdrop of basic literature, we review a substantial body of work suggesting that the DBS is integrally related to psychopathology. Support for the links between the DBS and abnormal behavior has emerged from a wide array of paradigms and using a wide variety of measures. These literatures have nonetheless remained in separate silos, with little cross-fertilization across studies using self-report, observational, and biological measures; across human and animal literatures or across various forms of psychopathology. Given evidence that the DBS is involved in a number of clinical diagnoses, we argue for more refined research on the mechanisms and processes linking the DBS to different psychopathologies.

Despite the variability in the terminology used by different authors and in different fields of study, there is agreement regarding the existence of such a system in all mammals and regarding the ultimate goal this system serves: namely, control over social and material resources, or what we will call power . Authors have variably referred to the DBS as the rank regulation system ( Zuroff, Fournier, Patall, & Leybman, 2010 ), the hierarchical domain ( Bugental, 2000 ), or the power system ( Shaver, Segev, & Mikulincer, 2011 ). Herein, we will use the term Dominance Behavioral System, or DBS. The DBS encompasses a series of biological, psychological, and behavioral components. These components serve the organism's goal of control over social and material resources that are critical for survival and reproduction. The DBS motivates behavior, directs sensory processing, and ensures efficient, rapid learning of behaviors that increase the likelihood of attaining this goal.

The human DBS and its components evolved in the context of both competition and the need for peaceful group living. The evolution of group living did not eliminate the competitive element of social interactions, and competition is associated with costs to individuals and the social group, especially when it involves aggression ( Archer, 2006a ). In humans and higher primates, strategies for acquiring power, including those that provide lower-cost alternatives to direct competition, are complex. Dominance and submissive behaviors serve to regulate aggression and conflict while ensuring that dominant individuals generally have first access to the resources that garner the greatest reproductive success ( Fournier, Moskowitz, & Zuroff, 2002 ).

The DBS and its Components

The pursuit of power begins with monitoring cues in the social environment that pose opportunities or threats to the goal of power. Such cues acquire perceptual salience over the course of development. Beginning in preschool, children appraise situations for opportunities to garner material and social resources ( Hawley, 2002 ). Very young children also have an awareness of their own and others' ability to control these resources ( Hawley, 1999 ), an ability which has been referred to as “resource holding potential” ( Zuroff et al., 2010 ). Over the course of development, experiences of progress or failure toward the goal of power coalesce to form an internal working model ( Hawley, 1999 ; Zuroff et al., 2010 ), which becomes an integral part of the self-concept and serves as a template to guide thoughts, emotions, and the selection of behavioral strategies related to the goal of power. Individuals use these working models to actively compare the actual state of the DBS (with respect to power) against the desired goal, to make judgments about the possibility of achieving the desired state, and to develop and enact strategies aimed at achieving power on the basis of past successes and failures. In the present paper, we will use three distinct terms to refer to the components of the DBS: dominance motivation, dominance behavior , and power , including self-perceptions thereof.

Dominance Motivation

Dominance motivation describes an individual's drive and energy to pursue power, a concept that shares much in common with Winter's (1994) definition of the power motive. Winter described individuals who wanted to feel as though they were most powerful. He noted that individuals with a high power motive tend to construe the world in terms of power and to use power in categorizing human intention. Persons motivated for dominance are likely to be more sensitive to cues signaling opportunities for, or threats to, power ( McClelland, 1985 ; Winter, 1994 ). Dominance motivation appears to be bipolar in that some people strive for power whereas others try to avoid it ( McClelland, 1975 ). Inflexibly submissive individuals, for example, do not feel comfortable with having power ( Josephs, Sellers, Newman, & Mehta, 2006 ).

Dominance motivation predicts an array of outcomes. According to evolutionary theory, a major motive for power is to procure reproductive resources ( Buss, 1981 ). Consistent with this theory, dominance motivation has been found to be more predictive of sexual activity than affiliation motivation, even in women ( Schultheiss, Dargel, & Rohde, 2003 ). Dominance motivation also shapes how people define their life goals. People with high dominance motivation are more invested in obtaining the admiration and social attention of others; accordingly, dominance motivation is associated with setting life goals that are related to extrinsic admiration, such as goals of fame and wealth ( Duriez, Vansteenkiste, Soenens, & De Witte, 2007 ).

Dominance Behavior

Individuals with high dominance motivation are more likely to engage in dominance behaviors. These are the strategies, or DBS outputs, enacted in the service of attaining power. Definitions of dominance behavior have varied across fields. For ethologists, dominance behaviors are typically defined by examining outcomes of aggressive interchanges with conspecifics. In research with non-human primates, for example, dominance behavior is typically described in the context of a dyadic interaction in which one member of the dyad expresses aggressive behavior or gestures that signal aggression, and the other responds with submissive behavior ( Bernstein, 1980 ; Dunbar, 1988 ). In coding dominance hierarchies, animal researchers also take into account submissive behaviors, or those that might avoid conflict, such as abandoning food when another animal approaches ( Sapolsky, 1990 ).

Definitions of dominance behavior in human research tend to be broader than those in ethology in two ways. First, rather than focusing on the outcome of encounters, research psychologists often focus on behaviors that are enacted in an effort to enhance power ( Anderson & Kilduff, 2009 ), irrespective of their success in actually achieving this goal. Second, dominance behaviors in humans are not confined to competitive behaviors; they also include behaviors aimed at ingratiating oneself to authorities, coalition building, and assertiveness ( Mazur & Booth, 1998 ). Shaver, Segev, and Mikulincer (2011) incorporate behaviors such as asserting one's dominance, authority, rights, or competence; expressing confidence in one's strengths, values, and opinions; deterring others from competing for or exerting control over one's resources; and verbally or physically attacking (or threatening to attack) others until power is restored. Gilbert (1997) describes behaviors designed to promote social status and inclusion, including efforts to enhance how much one is liked, valued, respected, and wanted.

This emphasis on both prosocial and aggressive forms of dominance behavior is captured by the interpersonal circumplex model in which social behavior is represented by two orthogonal axes: dominance/submissiveness and warmth/hostility ( Gurtman, 1992 ; Horowitz, 2004 ; Kemper, 1990 ; Leary, 1957 ). The interpersonal circumplex has been used both to describe behaviors in a specific situation and to consider trait-like behavioral tendencies across situations. Within this model, different manifestations of dominance behavior are differentiated along the warmth/hostility dimension ( Wiggins, 1979 ). Dominance coupled with hostility can involve antisocial strategies for taking resources and threatening subordinates, such as manipulative behavior, intimidation, and social or physical aggression. Dominance coupled with warmth can take prosocial forms, such as alliance formation and cooperation, reciprocoal resource exchange, engagement in high status (socially valued) behaviors, leadership, and persuasion ( Hawley, 2002 ). Dominance and aggressive behavior frequently co-occur ( Graham-Kevan & Archer, 2009 ; Winstok, 2009 ), but even in non-human primates, prosocial dominance strategies may be more effective in procuring power than aggressive strategies ( de Waal, Aureli, & Judge, 2000 ). One important developmental goal in humans is to learn socially competent ways to achieve dominance flexibly, using prosocial strategies ( Hawley, 2002 ). Indeed, rates of physical aggression are highest in preschool and diminish with adequate socialization ( Tremblay, 2002 ). Thwarted dominance strivings are more likely to provoke withdrawal or aggression earlier in development, but as children acquire self-regulatory skills, dominance motivation manifests in more adaptive strategies and thus becomes associated with social success ( Schaal, Tremblay, Soussignan, & Susman, 1996 ).

Power has been defined as “the ability to provide or withhold valued resources or administer punishments” to others ( Anderson & Berdahl, 2002 , p. 1362). Resources may be physical or social, such as higher esteem from others, praise, and positive attention ( Hawley, 1999 ). Power can be distinguished from, but nonetheless subsumes, rank or status, which tend to have positive connotations. Rank is typically used to describe the individual's relative position in a hierarchical cultural, political, or economic domain (e.g., prime minister, military general, or member of the upper class), whereas status describes the ability to gain the respect and social attention of other individuals ( Gilbert, 1997 ). Kemper (1990) , for example, has defined status as the ability to achieve one's goals with voluntary compliance from others. Status is likely to be based in part on respected abilities, such as intellect or interpersonal skill, which enable an individual to more easily procure resources ( Barkow, 1989 ). In keeping with this idea that power can be achieved through the respect and admiration of others, one index of power is the extent to which others confer attention upon a target individual ( Hawley, 2007 ). In one experiment, rhesus macaques traded rewards for the opportunity to view images of high status macaques but required rewards to view images of low status macaques ( Deaner, Khera, & Platt, 2005 ). In humans, Gilbert (1997) referred to this ability to garner others' respect and attention as “social attention holding potential.” Herein, we will use the term power to refer broadly to the ability to control resources, regardless of whether this is achieved using aggressive, coercive, or prosocial strategies.

Although individuals tend to show some consistency in their self-perceptions of power across relationships ( Anderson, John, & Keltner, 2010 ), an individual's level of power is likely to vary across social contexts. For example, a man who perceives himself as subordinate in his position as a mailroom worker of a large corporation may feel respected and admired in his role as church deacon or captain of his weekend softball team ( Sapolsky, 2004 ). Although most individuals flexibly calibrate their dominance motivation and behaviors so that they are commensurate with these shifts in power experienced across contexts, some individuals demonstrate rigid or context-insensitive patterns of submissive or dominant behavior such that these behaviors become maladaptive. It is this latter phenomenon that has tended to be the focus of research linking the DBS to psychopathology.

Power and powerlessness have profound psychological and physiological sequelae. In a comprehensive review of the literature, Keltner and colleagues (2003) theorized that because power enhances access to rewards, it activates the approach system, a neurobiological system that facilitates motivation and behavior in the pursuit of rewards ( Depue & Collins, 1999 ). As a consequence of this approach system activation, many different motivational, cognitive, and behavioral outcomes of power are expected. Power has been associated with greater positive emotion, more confidence, more automatic (rapid) cognitive processing, and more expressivity ( Anderson & Galinsky, 2006 ; Berdhal & Martorana, 2006 ). Power also relates to a bias to detect sexual opportunities in ambiguous situations and to more sexually flirtatious behavior ( Gonzaga, Keltner, & Ward, 2008 ). In addition to activating the approach system, power is also thought to deactivate the behavioral inhibition system, rendering individuals less sensitive to potential threats and thus more impulsive ( Keltner et al., 2003 ). Accordingly, power is related to some frankly negative outcomes, including more social norm violations ( Magee & Langner, 2008 ), diminished social sensitivity and attention to others ( Keltner & Robinson, 1997 ; Operario & Fiske, 2001 ), and a diminished compassion for others when they are experiencing distress ( van Kleef et al., 2008 ).

Powerlessness (and self-perceptions thereof) has been the focus of substantial research. People who are powerless are more vulnerable to social and material threats ( Hall, Halberstadt, & O'Brien, 1997 ) and to losing the favor of powerful others. Powerless individuals are more likely to encounter interference from others when approaching potential rewards ( Anderson & Berdahl, 2002 ; Keltner et al., 2003 ), and they tend to be aware of these social threats and constraints on their behavior. Powerlessness is proposed to activate the behavioral inhibition system, which increases reactivity to cues of threat. Powerless persons may over-estimate social threats, such as being disliked or rejected ( Langner & Keltner, 2008 ).

The DBS and Emotion

The emotional concomitants of the DBS have been well studied. When power is threatened, anger is a likely emotional outcome and even likelier when dominance motivation is high ( Archer & Webb, 2006 ). Other work has focused on the self-conscious emotions of pride and shame, which are seen as representing opposite ends of a dimension of internalized schemas of dominance/subordination status ( Weisfeld & Wendorf, 2000 ). Both emotions are based on self-evaluations of one's ability to achieve valued social outcomes ( Mascolo & Fischer, 1995 ). Pride has been conceptualized as an emotion triggered by the perception that one is doing well in meeting social standards that would garner the respect and attention, or social attention holding potential, of others ( Tracy & Robbins, 2007b ). Tracy and Robbins (2007a) have further differentiated between two types of pride: authentic and hubristic. Whereas the former is based on a specific action or accomplishment, the latter stems from global attributions of one's value that may not be founded in specific actions or accomplishments. Shame is triggered when an individual perceives the self as unattractive to others, or when social attention holding potential is low ( Gilbert, 2007 ). Shame can be triggered by hostile interactions with dominant others ( Gilbert & Irons, 2005 ) and is associated with submissive behavior ( Gilbert, 2000a ). Nonverbal expressions of shame involve hiding the self, such as averting one's gaze and covering one's face with the hands ( Mascolo & Fischer, 1995 ). Internal sensations include feelings of inferiority, decreased confidence, and lower self-perceived status ( Wicker, Payne, & Morgan, 1993 ).

The affective and cognitive repercussions of attaining – or failing to attain – power are likely to differ based on a person's level of dominance motivation. Theory ( McClelland, Koestner, & Weinberger, 1989 ) and research ( Chen, Lee-Chai, & Bargh, 2001 ; Fodor & Wick, 2009 ) suggest that high dominance motivation leads to greater reactivity to changes in power. People with high dominance motivation have been found to demonstrate more emotional reactivity when faced with dominance challenges ( Fodor, Wick, & Hartsen, 2006 ). By contrast, some individuals are motivated to pursue submissive roles and when placed in positions of power, and these individuals exhibit cognitive performance decrements during competition ( Josephs et al., 2006 ). Thus it appears crucial to consider dominance motivation and power conjointly in predicting outcomes.

Assessing the Human Dominance Behavioral System

Many different assessment approaches have been used to measure the components of the DBS (see Table 1 ). Key approaches include self-report, observational, and biological indices. We briefly review the advantages and disadvantages of each approach.

Self-Report Measures

Self-report measures are popular, in part because of their ease of administration, but also because scales have been developed to index the separable components of the DBS – namely, dominance motivation, dominance behavior, self-perceived power and shame. The most commonly used self-report measure of dominance motivation is the dominance subscale of the Personality Research Form (PRF), but as shown in Table 1 , many other broad personality scales include subscales to assess dominance behavior or motivation. Validation studies indicate that self-reported dominance motivation, dominance behavior, self-perceived power, and the related emotion of shame can be reliably distinguished from other social and psychological traits, such as need for achievement ( Mudrack, 1993 ). Two caveats are important, though. First, many self-report instruments contain items that combine both motivational and behavioral components of the DBS. Second, self-report ratings of dominance motivation and behavior may be susceptible to systematic biases. For example, dominance ratings have been found to correlate with overly positive self-ratings of task performance ( Jackson, Stillman, Burke, & Englert, 2007 ) and with measures of social desirability ( Mehrabian, 1996 ).

Implicit Measures

To address the influence of self-awareness and presentational biases, several implicit measures of dominance motivation have been developed in order to capture more automatic processes ( Sheldon, King, Houser-Marko, Osbaldiston, & Gunz, 2007 ), such as the Picture Story Exercise Need for Power Index (PSE N Pow; Winter, 1992 , 1994 ) and the Implicit Association Test (IAT; Greenwald, McGhee, & Schwarz, 1998 ). Implicit measures of dominance motivation tend to have low but significant correlations with each other and with explicit measures of dominance motivation ( Schultheiss, Yankova, Dirilikvo, & Schad, 2009 ; Sheldon et al., 2007 ). As shown in Table 1 , implicit measures of dominance motivation have also demonstrated strong validity in predicting emotions, behavior, and biological indices in laboratory studies of social dominance.

Observational Measures

Observational studies have assessed dominance motivation and behavior in children and adults within institutional and laboratory settings. Researchers have used judges', caretakers', and peers' ratings of live and videotaped interactions. Empirical work has shown that individual differences in dominance can be reliably rated as early as toddlerhood ( Hawley & Little, 1999 ; Russon & Waite, 1991 ) and the preschool years ( Roseth, Pellegrini, Bohn, Van Ryzin, & Vance, 2007 ). For example, by preschool, some children demonstrate higher rates of directive behavior than others, and these children are more likely to succeed in a conflict over possession of an object, more likely to initiate interactions, and less likely to be submissive in a conflict ( Boyce, 2004 ). Toddlers and preschoolers who are rated as more dominant are looked at more by peers in observations of group play situations and are rated as more likeable by their peers ( Hawley, 2002 ). In studies of children, caretakers can effectively rate which children tend to win disputes and control resources, and these ratings appear to have validity in predicting other social and personality scales ( Hawley, 2002 ).

Biological Measures

Although the DBS is likely to involve a host of biochemical substrates, salivary and serum (free) testosterone (i.e., not bound to a carrier substance in the blood) have been the most frequently studied biological indices of this system ( Schultheiss & Wirth, 2008 ). Free testosterone is correlated with self-report, observational, and implicit measures of dominance motivation in healthy adult men and women ( Archer, 2006a , 2006b ; Grant & France, 2001 ; Mazur & Booth, 1998 ; Schultheiss et al., 2005 ; Sellers, Mehl, & Josephs, 2007 ). Testosterone also seems to correlate with several other facets of the DBS.

For example, testosterone has been consistently shown to correlate with dominance behaviors ( Archer, 2006a ). Single measurements of basal testosterone have been found to predict ratings of dominance behavior in laboratory paradigms ( Grant & France, 2001 ; van Honk et al., 1999 ) and among adolescents ( Udry, 1988 ) and college roommates ( Cashdan, 1995 ) in naturalistic settings. Basal testosterone has also been found to predict more extreme dominance behaviors: in a large prison study, male inmates with a history of violent interpersonal crimes had higher basal testosterone levels than did those with a history of property crimes. Moreover, basal testosterone levels predicted more rule-breaking within the prison setting, especially rules involving overt confrontation ( Dabbs, Carr, Frady, & Riad, 1995 ). Just as high testosterone individuals display more dominance behaviors (i.e., behaviors aimed at achieving or maintaining power), low testosterone individuals appear motivated to maintain low status ( Mehta, Wuehrmann, & Josephs, 2009 ). For example, when experimentally placed into a high status position, individuals with low testosterone showed evidence of discomfort, including increases in emotional and autonomic arousal, poorer performance on complex cognitive tasks, and greater implicit attention to status.

Some studies suggest that high testosterone is also related to aggressive behavior, defined by intent to inflict harm of a psychological, social, material, or physical nature ( Mazur & Booth, 1998 ; Parrott & Giancola, 2007 ). Researchers have found that testosterone predicts a range of aggressive behaviors ( Windle & Windle, 1995 ), including bullying in the work place ( Parkins, Fishbein, & Ritchey, 2006 ), violence of men towards their wives ( Booth, Mazur, & Dabbs, 1993 ), fighting and confrontations in prisons ( Dabbs et al., 1995 ), and willingness to administer larger shocks to competitors in laboratory studies ( Berman, Gladue, & Taylor, 1993 ). Nonetheless, findings of meta-analyses suggest that testosterone administration does not consistently increase aggressive behavior compared to placebo, and that naturalistically occurring testosterone levels are more robustly correlated with dominance traits than with aggressive personality traits ( Archer, 2006a ). Taken together, these findings suggest that the effects of testosterone on aggressive behavior may be mediated by dominance motivation ( Archer, 2006a ). Testosterone may predict the use of a range of dominance behaviors, both aggressive and non-aggressive, particularly when individuals with high dominance motivation experience challenges to power.

Testosterone also appears to be related to self-perceived power and its behavioral concomitants. We noted earlier that power is related to greater reward sensitivity, more approach behavior, and higher levels of confidence. Consistent with this, higher testosterone levels have been found to predict greater confidence ( Carré & McCormick, 2008 ; Cashdan, 1995 ), and a range of social approach behaviors in laboratory and naturalistic settings, including more forwardness in approaching an older person, greater speed in approaching a younger woman, a more relaxed and confident style during dyadic interactions, and greater sexual activity, including higher rates of heterosexual partners and sexual infidelity ( Dabbs, Bernieri, Strong, Campo, & Milun, 2001 ; Dabbs & Morris, 1990 ; Daitzman & Zuckerman, 1980 ; Egan & Angus, 2004 ). Other studies suggest that high testosterone, like power, relates to diminished sensitivity to threat. For example, low testosterone is associated with potentiation of the startle response ( Hermans, Putman, Baas, Koppeschaar, & van Honk, 2006 ), exaggerated skin conductance responses to negatively valenced stimuli ( van Honk et al., 2004 ), and sensitivity to loss ( van Honk et al., 2004 ). Also congruent with findings regarding power, high testosterone relates to lower interpersonal sensitivity, indexed by diminished tendencies to mimic others' facial expressions ( Hermans, Putman, & van Honk, 2006 ) or attend to fearful faces ( van Honk, Peper, & Schutter, 2005 ). Given these effects on interpersonal interactions, it is perhaps not surprising that high testosterone has also been related to less chance of becoming or staying married ( Dabbs & Morris, 1990 ), and to poorer quality of marital and parental relationships ( Booth et al., 1993 ; Gray, Kahlenberg, Barrett, Lipson, & Ellison, 2002 ; Julian & McKenry, 1989 ).

Research on testosterone also provides insight into the reinforcing properties of dominance behavior. An increase in power often leads to an increase in testosterone ( Archer, 2006a ). Animal research suggests that increases in testosterone are highly reinforcing. For example, rodents will self-administer testosterone via oral, intravenous and intracerebroventricular routes, sometimes to the point of death ( Wood, 2004 ). Testosterone has been shown to amplify activity of the nucleus accumbens, a key region in the approach system ( Hermans et al., 2010 ). In humans, testosterone is a schedule III controlled substance because of the potential for abuse ( US DEA, 2009 ).

Importantly, testosterone does not operate in isolation. Testosterone function is guided by other hormones and interacts with other neurotransmitter systems that are centrally involved in various psychological disorders. The function of the testosterone system is intricately woven together with stress reactivity and cortisol. Heightened cortisol levels appear to diminish sensitivity to testosterone ( Shirtcliff, Granger, Booth, & Johnson, 2005 ) and testosterone also suppresses cortisol reactivity to stress ( Kirby, Geraghty, Ubuka, Bentley, & Kaufer, 2009 ; Williamson, Bingham, & Viau, 2005 ). Dopamine is involved in approach motivation ( Depue & Collins, 1999 ), which, as previously mentioned, is a major correlate of power ( Keltner et al., 2003 ). Dopaminergic neurons in the nucleus accumbens encode the expected value of rewards ( Salamone, Correa, Farrar, Nunes, & Pardo, 2009 ; Schultz, 2009 ), and increases in power and testosterone both have been found to amplify activity of the nucleus accumbens ( Hermans et al., 2010 ; Zink et al., 2008 ). Animal research has shown that social defeat reduces serotonin function ( McGuire & Troisi, 1998 ) and that testosterone administration improves serotonin function ( Clark & Henderson, 2003 ). Improved serotonin function also can increase dominance behavior ( Tse & Bond, 2002 ). Given that dopamine and serotonin regulate a broad range of basic reward- and emotion-relevant processes ( Carver, Johnson, & Joormann, 2008 ), and that cortisol levels shift with a wide range of stressors ( Dickerson & Kemeny, 2004 ), we do not review dopamine, serotonin, or cortisol here.

There are substantial gender and age differences in testosterone levels, and these will be important for interpreting some of the mixed findings regarding psychopathology. Boys demonstrate much more of an increase in testosterone with age and puberty than do girls ( Matchock, Dorn, & Susman, 2007 ). After puberty, testosterone levels are more varied and show stronger diurnal rhythms in boys than in girls ( Granger et al., 2003 ). By late life, men's testosterone levels diminish to half of the levels observed during their thirties ( Gavrilova & Lindau, 2009 ). A significant percentage of men over the age of 40 show clinically low testosterone levels ( Bassil, Alkaade, & Morley, 2009 ). In adolescence and early adulthood, women's testosterone levels are about one-third as high as those observed among men ( Shirtcliff, Dahl, & Pollak, 2009 ). Testosterone declines more gradually in women than in men, such that by late life, older women tend to have testosterone levels that are about half of those observed among men ( Gavrilova & Lindau, 2009 ). The higher prevalence of depression and lower prevalence of externalizing disorders in women compared to men ( Kessler, 2003 ; Kessler et al., 2003a ), as well as the higher risk of externalizing disorders in younger populations, provides an important rationale for studying the effects of sex hormones on psychopathology ( Brown et al., 2008 ).

Summary of Approaches for Assessing the DBS

Multiple paradigms are available for assessing the DBS, and each of these has its weaknesses and strengths. In terms of weaknesses, self-report measures are subject to reporting biases, observational data tend to illuminate constructs in only one context and are expensive to gather ( Rothbart & Bates, 2006 ), and biological studies fall short of identifying the specific facets of the DBS that might be involved in the observed responses and behaviors. These limitations, inherent in any single paradigm, are best addressed by considering convergent findings across multiple paradigms. Self-report measures are designed to pinpoint specific DBS components (i.e., dominance motivation, behavior, power) and allow the researcher to gather data about a person's predispositions over long periods of time and across contexts. Implicit measures may avoid some of the biases of self-report measures. Naturalistic observations provide greater objectivity and help elucidate how a person responds in a specific context. Biological measures circumvent deliberate or unconscious biases in responding. We consider evidence from each of these measurement approaches as we review the relations of the DBS to psychopathology.

Dominance Behavioral System: Links to Psychopathology

Thus far, we have reviewed evidence from self-report, observational, and biological studies that linked the DBS to physiological, social, and psychological characteristics. Specifically, this research suggests that the DBS guides a broad range of affective, cognitive, and social parameters. In the forthcoming section, we describe how inflexible or extreme manifestations of these DBS-relevant motivations and behaviors relate in important ways to several psychopathologies. We begin by describing findings regarding externalizing syndromes, we then turn our attention to narcissistic personality traits and mania, and finally, we cover depression and anxiety disorders. Although DBS models have been developed for other disorders (cf. paranoia; Gilbert, Boxall, Cheung, & Irons, 2005 ), we have chosen to focus on those that have yielded substantial empirical research related to the DBS.

Externalizing Syndromes

In this section, we will consider conduct disorder and disruptive behavior disorders in children, and antisocial personality disorder, psychopathy, and alcohol/substance abuse in adults. These conditions have been found to be highly correlated ( Krueger, McGue, & Iacono, 2001 ) and to involve shared genetic vulnerability ( Kendler, Prescott, Myers, & Neale, 2003 ). As we shall discuss, models and evidence concerning the DBS also suggest strong parallels.

Disruptive behavior disorders in children include conduct disorder and oppositional defiant disorder. Conduct disorder is defined by aggression, property destruction, deceitfulness, theft, or rule violation. Oppositional defiant disorder is defined by a pattern of aggressive, noncompliant, defiant, and argumentative behavior that lasts for at least 6 months and causes significant impairment in either social or academic functioning ( APA, 2000a ). Antisocial personality disorder, which is diagnosed in adulthood but often manifests in childhood as conduct disorder, is defined by persistent and pervasive disregard for, or violation of, the rights of others (APA, 2000). Although there is significant overlap between antisocial personality disorder and psychopathy, diagnosis of the latter is distinguished by an emphasis on internal and psychological traits. That is, scales designed to measure psychopathy typically include emotional traits (e.g., a lack of shame, guilt, or remorse), interpersonal traits (an absence of empathy, an egocentric perspective), and behaviors reflecting poor self-control (e.g., impulsive behavior, difficulty maintaining employment, and financial debt; Hare, 1991 , 2003).

In evolutionary models of the DBS and externalizing disorders, authors have emphasized how biological variability in dominance motivation might be adaptive at a group level, and how contextual factors might also influence the adaptiveness of dominance behaviors. Most theory in this area has focused on antisocial behavior and psychopathy. Price (1967) has theorized that from an evolutionary perspective, groups with stably established dominance hierarchies would have an advantage in procuring food, safety, and other resources. Given that individual differences in dominance motivation and behavior are likely to facilitate the establishment of such hierarchies, it is plausible that evolutionary pressures would select for the biological substrates undergirding individual differences in dominance motivation and behavior. One consequence of this variability is that some persons will demonstrate extremely high levels of dominance motivation and behavior, and such extremes are hypothesized to produce pathological syndromes, such as antisocial and psychopathic traits. Many authors have suggested that psychopathic/antisocial traits might have evolutionarily adaptive benefits in terms of enhancing mating success and procuring resources in the short-term ( Glenn, Kurzban, & Raine, 2011 ), albeit at the expense of longer-term attachments. This idea is supported by at least one study that found psychopathy to be associated with greater frequency of poaching the mates of others ( Jonason, Koenig, & Tost, 2010 ).

Theory also emphasizes that both the likelihood and benefits of extreme dominance in the form of psychopathic/antisocial behavior will be context-dependent ( Glenn, Kurzban, et al., 2011 ). For example, scarcity and uneven distribution of resources will amplify tendencies toward dominance behavior. Other authors have suggested that individual or social characteristics that place a person at a competitive disadvantage for garnering resources and mating opportunities will increase the likelihood of psychopathy and antisocial personality disorder. In support of this idea, these disorders are correlated with poverty, lower intelligence, large number of siblings, and poorer social skills ( Mealy, 1995 ). In sum, theory has related externalizing syndromes, and particularly antisocial and psychopathic traits, to extreme levels of dominance motivation and behavior. The excessive pursuit of power at the expense of forming longer-term social attachments is theorized to be driven by a confluence of factors, including biology, social-context, and individual differences related to the ability to garner resources by various means.

The symptoms of many different externalizing disorders as defined by the DSM-IV-TR are consistent with excessively dominant behavior (APA, 2000). For example, the diagnostic criteria for oppositional defiant disorder include lack of acceptance of authority. Similarly, many of the features of antisocial personality and psychopathy overlap substantially with traits shown to be highly correlated with self-perceived power ( Keltner et al., 2003 ), such as impulsivity, grandiosity, increased sexual activity, decreased behavioral inhibition, and decreased empathy. The proposed DSM-5 diagnosis for antisocial personality disorder features symptoms of entitlement and power-seeking ( APA, 2011 ).

Self-Report and Observational Findings

As shown in Table 2 , several researchers have noted that the Multidimensional Personality Questionnaire Social Potency subscale ( Tellegen & Waller, 2008 ) – a measure of dominance motivation – is correlated positively with externalizing symptoms, including psychopathy scores ( Hall, Benning, & Patrick, 2004 ; Hicks, Markon, Patrick, Krueger, & Newman, 2004 ), non-comorbid conduct disorder diagnoses ( Krueger, Caspi, Moffitt, Silva, & McGee, 1996 ), and substance abuse diagnoses ( Krueger et al., 1996 ). Moreover, dominance motivation predicts externalizing behavior in studies involving both men and women ( Carey, Henson, Carey, & Maisto, 2007 ; Krueger et al., 1996 ). A broad measure of self-reported dominance motivation and behavior has also been found to correlate with externalizing in the form of criminal behavior ( Costello & Dunaway, 2003 ). As mentioned previously, people who are motivated to achieve dominance are expected to be more concerned about cues of power or status ( Winter, 1994 ), and indeed, concern about dominance, as measured with the Iowa-Netherlands Comparison Orientation Measure, has been found to correlate with heavy drinking in a large college student sample ( Carey et al., 2007 ).

Note . ACL =Adjective Check List ( Gough & Heilbrun, 1965 ); CAPA =Child and Adolescent Psychiatric Assessment ( Angold & Costello, 2000 ); CBCL =Child Behavior Checklist ( Achenbach, 1991a ); CIDI =Composite International Diagnostic Interview ( Robins et al., 1988 ); CPTQ =Conners Parent-Teacher Rating Scale ( Goyette, Conners, & Ulrich, 1978 ); CRPBI =Children's Report of Parental Behavior Inventory ( Schaefer, 1965 ); DISC =Diagnostic Interview Schedule for Children ( Shaffer, Fisher, Lucas, Dulcan, & Schwab-Stone, 1996 , 2000 ); DIS =Diagnostic Interview Schedule ( Helzer, 1992 ; Robins, Helzer, Croughan, & Ratcliff, 1981 ; Robins, Helzer, Ratcliff, & Seyfried, 1982 ); DPQ SPS =Differential Personality Questionnaire Social Potency Scale ( Tellegen, 1982 ); DUSI-R = Drug Use Screening Inventory Revised ( Tarter, 1990 ); EPPS =Edwards Personal Preference Schedule ( Edwards, 1959 ); IAS-R =Revised Interpersonal Adjective Scales ( Wiggins, Trapnell, & Phillips, 1988 ); IM-P =Interpersonal Measure of Psychopathy ( Kosson et al., 1997 ); INCOM =Iowa-Netherlands Comparison Orientation Measure; K-SADS =Schedule of Affective Disorders and Schizophrenia for School-Aged Children ( Kaufman, Birmaher, Brent, Rao, & Ryan, 1996 ); M =mean; MPQ SPS =Multidimensional Personality Questionnaire Social Potency Scale ( Tellegen & Waller, 2008 ); MPQ-BF =Brief Form of the Multidimensional Personality Questionnaire ( Patrick et al., 2002 ); OMAI =Olweus Multi-faceted Agression Inventory for Boys ( Olweus, 1975 ); NPI =Narcissistic Personality Inventory ( Raskin & Hall, 1981 ; Raskin & Hall, 1979 ); PAI =Personality Assessment Inventory ( Morey, 1991 ); PAI Dom =PAI Dominance Scale; PCL-R =Psychopathy Checklist-Revised ( Hare, 1991 , 2003 ; Harpur, Hare, & Hakstian, 1989 ); PCL-R FD =Psychopathy Checklist-Revised Fearless Dominance Subscale; PCL-SV =Psychopathy Checklist: Screening Version ( Forth, Brown, Hart, & Hare, 1996 ); PDS =Peer Delinquency Scale ( Loeber, 1989 ); PETQ =Perceived Ego Threat Questionnaire ( Bushman & Baumeister, 1998 ); PPI =Psychopathic Personality Inventory ( Lilienfeld & Andrews, 1996 ); PPI FD =PPI Fearless Dominance Factor Score; RAPI =Rutgers Alcohol Problems Index ( White & Labouvie, 1989 ); RBS =Risky Behavior Scale ( Eccles & B., 1990 ); SCID =Structured Clinical Interview for DSM Disorders ( First, Spitzer, Gibbon, & Williams, 1995 ); SRP-II =Self-Report Psychopathy Scale-II ( Hare, 1991 ); T =testosterone; TRF =Teacher Report Form ( Achenbach, 1991b ).

Dominance motivation may be particularly relevant to the interpersonal symptoms of psychopathy. Symptom specificity has been examined in studies using a factor score of the Psychopathy Checklist-Revised (PCL-R) that has been labeled Fearless Dominance, or Arrogant and Deceitful Interpersonal Style ( Patrick, Hicks, Krueger, & Lang, 2005 ). Fearless Dominance is stable across adolescence and into early adulthood ( Blonigen, Hicks, Krueger, Patrick, & Iacono, 2006 ) and over a 10-year period of adulthood ( Witt et al., 2010 ). More importantly, Fearless Dominance has been shown to correlate positively with measures of dominance motivation such as the MPQ Social Potency scale ( Benning, Patrick, Blonigen, Hicks, & Iacono, 2005 ; Verona, Patrick, & Joiner, 2001 ).

Psychopathy has also been related to tendencies towards more dominance behavior, as measured by both self-report ( Edens, 2009 ) and observer ratings ( Kosson, Steuerwald, Forth, & Kirkhart, 1997 ). In one longitudinal study, a conjoint index of dominance behavior and rule-breaking was found to predict the onset of substance use disorders in early adulthood ( Tarter et al., 2007 ). The Fearless Dominance scale of the PCL-R has also been found to correlate with dominance behavior ( Patrick, Edens, Poythress, Lilienfeld, & Benning, 2006 ; Vitacco & Kosson, 2010 ). Other researchers have considered more specific aspects of dominance behavior. For example, Cale and Lilienfeld (2006) found that psychopathy scores were highly correlated with the Perceived Ego Threat Questionnaire (PETQ; Bushman & Baumeister, 1998 ), which assesses the degree of anger experienced in response to threats to power, including insults, disrespect, and commands. These authors also found psychopathy to be correlated with receiving discipline for aggressive responses to threats to power among prison inmates. Thus in psychopathy, threats to power appear to be especially salient triggers of dominant behavior, particularly dominance in the form of aggression.

Biological Evidence

As summarized in Table 2 , many studies have examined testosterone in externalizing syndromes. Several studies of adolescents have documented elevated testosterone in externalizing syndromes, including conduct disorder ( Udry, 1990 ), antisocial behavior ( Olweus, Mattsson, Schalling, & Löw, 1988 ), substance abuse ( Tarter et al., 2007 ), and among adolescents with delinquent peers ( Fang et al., 2009 ; Kirillova, Vanyukov, Kirisci, & Reynolds, 2008 ). In studies of adults, testosterone was found to be elevated among persons with antisocial symptoms compared with controls ( Booth, Johnson, & Granger, 1999 ; Sjoberg et al., 2008 ) and among persons diagnosed with Type 2 alcoholism, a form of alcoholism that co-occurs with externalizing symptoms ( Dabbs & Morris, 1990 ; Stalenheim, Eriksson, von Knorring, & Wide, 1998 ). In a longitudinal study, testosterone levels at age 12-14 predicted the onset of substance use disorders at age 22, and the effects were mediated by dominance and norm-violating behaviors ( Tarter et al., 2007 ).

Other studies of testosterone have focused on more specific aspects of interpersonal behavior. In an item analysis to examine specific antisocial and aggressive behaviors, testosterone related most strongly to the tendency to protest or disobey commands ( Olweus et al., 1988 ). These findings are consistent with other studies that found testosterone to be specifically related to externalizing symptoms involving aggression ( Aromaki, Lindman, & Eriksson, 1999 ; Pajer et al., 2006 ). Although it may be particularly fruitful to examine testosterone in conjunction with aggressive responses to dominance challenges, the links of testosterone with symptoms such as alcohol abuse suggest the importance of an ongoing focus on a range of behaviors beyond aggression.

Despite the wealth of positive findings, inconsistencies remain in the literature on testosterone and externalizing syndromes, with some studies documenting nonsignificant correlations between testosterone and conduct disorder symptoms ( Constantino, Roose, & Woodring, 1993 ; Nottelmann et al., 1987 ) or disruptive behavior disorders ( Granger et al., 2003 ). One study found that testosterone was unrelated to conduct disorder symptoms cross-sectionally, but predicted the emergence of antisocial behaviors longitudinally ( van Bokhoven, Matthys, van Goozen, & van Engeland, 2006 ). In light of these mixed findings, several issues are worth considering when evaluating the links of testosterone with externalizing disorders, including gender, developmental stage, and social environment. We turn to these issues next.

Gender, Age, and Social Environment

In regard to gender, findings indicate that testosterone is directly correlated with externalizing behavior in adolescent boys but not in girls ( Booth, Johnson, Granger, Crouter, & McHale, 2003 ; Fang, et al., 2009 ; Maras et al., 2003 ). Studies that have examined the effects of testosterone across genders also have not yielded significant relationships with externalizing behaviors, at least not cross-sectionally ( Dorn et al., 2009 ; Glenn, Kurzban, et al., 2011 ; Nottelmann et al., 1987 ). It remains possible that more specific models will attain support among girls. For example, Pajer and colleagues (2006) found that testosterone was elevated only among those adolescent girls whose conduct disorder symptoms included aggression, suggesting that testosterone may relate to aggression more than to general externalizing syndromes in girls. Granger and colleagues (2003) did not find externalizing symptoms in girls to be related to mean testosterone levels across the day, but did find that disruptions of daily testosterone rhythms related to externalizing symptoms after controlling for pubertal development. Overall, the evidence for testosterone as a risk factor for externalizing symptoms appears to be far more robust in males than in females. In addition, a more precise characterization of externalizing symptoms and hormonal profiles may need to be considered in research with females.

In considering developmental influences on hormone levels, it is notable that many of the null testosterone findings for males have been obtained in studies of adolescents. As highlighted previously, testosterone increases steeply during puberty in males, and this surge may increase error variance and interfere with the predictive validity of baseline levels over time. Several authors have argued that early pubertal maturation might be more important to externalizing syndromes than absolute testosterone levels ( Dorn et al., 2009 ; Drigotas & Udry, 1993 ). In line with this argument, early puberty in boys has been associated with externalizing behavior ( Kaltiala-Heino, Marttunen, Rantanen, & Rimpelä, 2003 ; Williams & Dunlop, 1999 ), peer deviance ( Kirillova et al., 2008 ), and substance use ( Dawes et al., 1999 ; Kirillova et al., 2008 ; Tarter et al., 2009 ; Wiesner & Ittel, 2002 ). In one longitudinal study, testosterone levels between ages 9 to 11 and 11 to 15 were correlated with risk for externalizing disorders, whereas tesosterone levels after that developmental period were not directly related to externalizing disorders ( Kirillova et al., 2008 ). Similarly, testosterone levels at age 11 and 12 were found to relate to problem behavior ( Drigotas & Udry, 1993 ) and substance abuse ( Tarter et al., 2007 ) concurrently and prospectively, but testosterone levels at later ages were not. Notably, some of the authors who obtained weak relationships between testosterone and antisocial behavior collapsed across pubertal status in their analyses (cf. Nottelmann et al., 1987 ; Olweus, Mattsson, Schalling, & Löw, 1980 ) or examined younger age groups (cf. Constantino 1993 ; Dorn et al., 2009 ). Thus it appears that researchers need to take age of pubertal onset into account when evaluating the role of testosterone in externalizing symptoms.

In addition to gender and development, the social environment may also be a key factor in the relation between testosterone and externalizing syndromes, consistent with evolutionary theory. Social factors, such as poverty, parental conflict, and deviant peer groups can all increase risk for externalizing disorders ( Burt, Krueger, McGue, & Iacono, 2003 ; Ge, Brody, Conger, Simons, & Murry, 2002 ; Lahey, Loeber, Burke, & Applegate, 2005 ; Wadsworth & Achenbach, 2005 ). High testosterone levels have been found to relate more strongly to externalizing symptoms in boys who have poor relationships with their parents than in boys who have strong relationships with their parents ( Booth et al., 2003 ), and this may be particularly true during adolescence ( Fang et al., 2009 ). In other work, testosterone levels were related to conduct disorder symptoms, but only among boys with deviant peers ( Rowe, Maughan, Worthman, Costello, & Angold, 2004 ). Among boys who did not have deviant peers, testosterone levels were instead related to leadership. Kirillova and colleagues (2008) reported that the effects of early puberty on substance abuse appear to be mediated by peer deviance. The social environment has also been found to moderate the influence of testosterone on externalizing syndromes in studies of adults. For example, testosterone was only found to relate to adult criminal behavior in men with low scores on a measure of social integration that incorporated educational achievement, participation in organized groups, job stability, and marital status ( Booth & Osgood, 1993 ). In another large-scale study, testosterone interacted with low SES to predict antisocial personality disorder, alcoholism, and drug abuse ( Dabbs & Morris, 1990 ). Consistent with evolutionary theory, then, testosterone may relate more strongly to externalizing symptoms in the context of high-risk social environments.

Summary of the DBS Findings Regarding Externalizing Syndromes

Self-report and observational research suggests that elevations in dominance motivation, behavior, and self-perceived power are related to conduct disorder, externalizing disorders, substance abuse, and psychopathy. Although most research has been conducted with all-male samples, parallel findings have emerged in samples that included both males and females. Moreover, findings relating the DBS to these disorders have emerged in large-scale studies using varied samples and assessment techniques. The biological findings with males generally converge with the self-report and observational research. Specifically, research suggests that elevated testosterone is related to conduct disorder, antisocial behavior, and substance abuse in males. Moreover, testosterone and dominance motivation appear to be particularly relevant to the interpersonal symptoms of externalizing syndromes, especially aggressive responses to threats to power. Among adolescent males, higher testosterone levels during a critical developmental window that marks earlier pubertal onset are most strongly related to externalizing behavior. Testosterone also appears to be related to externalizing behavior in adult men. Finally, the biological research suggests a number of ways in which DBS models of externalizing syndromes could be refined by considering social environments that are known to increase risk for externalizing symptoms.

The DSM-IV-TR defines narcissistic personality disorder by the presence of a set of stable traits that interfere with functioning, including an exaggerated sense of self-importance, fantasies of unlimited success and power, beliefs that one is special, excessive need for admiration, proneness to envy, contemptuous attitudes and behavior toward others, entitlement, exploitive behavior, lack of empathy, beliefs that others are envious of oneself, and arrogance (APA, 2000). These symptoms overlap with behaviors that one might expect to find in conjunction with extremely high dominance motivation and self-perceived power. In this section, we focus exclusively on self-report and observational studies because we were unable to identify studies involving biological measures of narcissism.

Psychodynamic and social psychology models of narcissistic personality disorder have both emphasized that the pursuit of dominance functions to protect self-esteem: the narcissist hopes to support grandiose views of the self by achieving power ( Kohut, 1977 ; Morf & Rhodewalt, 2001 ; Raskin, Novacek, & Hogan, 1991 ). In one psychodynamic theory, Kohut (1977) has suggested that the excessively high dominance motivation observed in narcissism might stem from parental styles that failed to provide the warmth, empathy, or respect that are needed to endow the child with a sense of self-worth, coupled with tendencies to rely on the child's accomplishments as a way of bolstering the parents' self-esteem. Social psychology models place more of an emphasis on the function of dominance behavior within the current interpersonal system. Baumeister and colleagues (2000) have argued that individuals with narcissistic traits employ dominance behaviors to assert and defend their highly grandiose self-views. Their model focuses on the aggressive behaviors of narcissists and posits that aggression is most likely when individuals with narcissistically inflated views of their own personal superiority encounter others who explicitly dispute these self-perceptions. Kirkpatrick and colleagues (2002) expanded this theory to argue that from an evolutionary perspective, the most important goal would be to protect “one's relative standing on functionally important dimensions such as desirability as a mate and social status” (p.758). To do so, winning competitions between members of one's in-group would be particularly important.

Self-Report and Observational Evidence

Dominance motivation is one of the personality traits used to screen for narcissistic tendencies. More specifically, the most widely used scale for assessing narcissistic traits, the Narcissistic Personality Inventory (NPI), includes two factor-analytically supported subscales pertaining to dominance motivation: Exploitiveness and Leadership. The Exploitiveness subscale includes items that capture the desire for power, tendencies to show off, and a sense of being entitled to respect, all of which could be considered as aspects of dominance motivation. The Leadership subscale captures a range of ways in which a person prefers to be in positions of social power, such as “I would prefer to be a leader” and “I like having authority over other people,” but is also consistent with dominance motivation. Across factor analytic studies, items capturing a desire for power and leadership, or dominance motivation, have been shown to be core facets of the NPI ( Raskin & Terry, 1988 ).

As shown in Table 3 , empirical research suggests that the overlap between dominance motivation and narcissistic traits generalizes across measures. Self-reports of high trait dominance motivation as measured with multiple scales have been found to be robustly correlated with measures of narcissistic traits ( r 's =.57 to.71; ( Bradlee & Emmons, 1992 ; Patrick, Curtin, & Tellegen, 2002 ; Raskin et al., 1991 ; Rodebaugh, Gianoli, Turkheimer, & Oltmanns, 2010 ). In a study of how the NPI related to a large number of personality variables, no personality variable was more closely related to the NPI than was dominance motivation ( Emmons, 1984 ). Gurtman (1992) used the circumplex model as a way of understanding the subscales of the NPI and noted the strong overlap between NPI subscales and dominance motivation and behavior. Broader findings also fit with the idea that narcissistic traits are related to high dominance motivation. We noted above that dominance motivation shapes a tendency to pursue life ambitions related to extrinsic admiration, such as goals of achieving fame and wealth. In one study, narcissistic traits, as measured by the NPI, were found to correlate with ambitious life goals for achieving fame and wealth ( Fulford, Johnson, & Carver, 2008 ).

Note . 16 PF =Sixteen Personality Factor Questionnaire ( Cattell, Eber, & Tatsouka, 1970 ); AHPS =Authentic and Hubristic Pride Scales; ASGS =Adapted Shame and Guilt Scale; CAQ =California Adult Q-Set ( Block, 1978 ); CPI Do =California Psychological Inventory Dominance Scale; EPPS =Edwards Personal Preference Schedule; ESS =Experience of Shame Scale ( Andrews, Qian, & Valentine, 2002 ); ICL =Interpersonal Checklist ( Leary, 1957 ); IIP =Inventory of Interpersonal Problems; MAPP =Multisource Assessment of Personality Pathology ( Thomas, 2003 ); NPI =Narcissistic Personality Inventory; PETQ =Perceived Ego Threat Questionnaire; PFQ-2 =Personal Feelings Questionnaire-Revised; PNI =Pathological Narcissism Inventory ( Pincus et al., 2009 ); Pow =Sense of Power Scale; PRF Do =Personality Research Form Dominance Scale; WASSUP =Willingly Approached Set of Statistically Unlikely Pursuits ( Johnson & Carver, 2006 ).

Narcissistic traits also appear to be related to more dominant behavior ( Emmons, 1984 ; Gurtman, 1994 ; Pincus et al., 2009 ; Raskin & Terry, 1988 ). Narcissistic traits, indexed by NPI scores, have been found to correlate with observer ratings of dominant behaviors, such as bragging, aggression, and confidence ( Paulhus, 1998 ). Much of the aforementioned research has relied on self-reports of narcissism, which raises concerns that individuals might minimize their own narcissistic traits ( Klonsky, Oltmanns, & Turkheimer, 2002 ). Studies correlating observer ratings of narcissistic traits with observer ratings of dominant behavior, however, have obtained results that are at least as strong, if not stronger, than studies relying on self-reports of dominance motivation and narcissistic traits ( Raskin et al., 1991 ; Rodebaugh et al., 2010 ). Thus, the association between narcissistic traits and dominance behavior appears to hold across different measurement approaches.

Observational laboratory studies provide a more detailed look at the ways in which the desire for dominance may shape the behavior of individuals with narcissistic traits. In response to negative feedback from a confederate, persons with high NPI scores report higher perceptions of threat and demonstrate more aggressive responses directed at the confederate who provided the negative feedback ( Bushman & Baumeister, 1998 ). Narcissism has been found to be more related to aggression toward competitors when there is explicit competition for a specific resource – specifically, time with an attractive member of the opposite sex ( Kirkpatrick, Waugh, Valencia, & Webster, 2002 ). In another study, participants were given rigged negative feedback about how their social sensitivity compared to that of another person, and were then given a chance to evaluate that other person. High NPI scores predicted more negative evaluations of the person to whom they had been unfavorably compared. Thus being perceived negatively by others appears to be highly threatening for individuals with narcissistic traits, and this threat triggers competitive and even aggressive behavior toward potential competitors. Congruently, the NPI has also been found to correlate with tendencies to endorse being angered by others' attempts to assert dominance through insults or commands ( Cale & Lilienfeld, 2006 ). As summarized by Bushman and Baumeister (1998) , “narcissists care passionately about being superior to others” (p. 220), which can be considered one indicator of excessive dominance motivation.

In addition to the studies relating narcissism to dominance motivation and behavior, there is some evidence to suggest that narcissistic personality traits are associated with higher self-perceptions of power. Factor analyses of the Narcissistic Personality Inventory identify two subscales that are parallel with the behaviors observed among persons who have attained high power: Superiority and Self-Absorption ( Raskin & Terry, 1988 ). Consistent with this, NPI scores have been found to correlate with self-rated power ( Anderson et al., 2010 ). Narcissistic traits have also been found to correlate with self-evaluations that are higher than peer evaluations ( John & Robins, 1994 ; Paulhus, 1998 ). Inflated self-perceptions of power might help to explain some of the social problems observed in narcissistic personality disorder insofar as people who over-estimate their power tend to be less liked by their peers over time ( Anderson, Srivastava, Beer, Spataro, & Chatman, 2006 ; Paulhus, 1998 ).

Consistent with the idea of heightened self-perceptions of power, narcissistic traits also appear to be related to pride. As mentioned previously, research has distinguished between two forms of pride: authentic pride, which is based on specific accomplishments, and hubristic pride, which is based on global self-evaluations. NPI scores have been found to correlate negatively with tendencies toward authentic pride, but positively with tendencies toward hubristic pride ( Tracy, Cheng, Robins, & Trzesniewski, 2009 ), suggesting that narcissism may be particularly related to overly positive global evaluations of self.

To the extent that narcissistic traits relate to inflated self-perceptions of power, one might expect narcissistic individuals to experience less shame ( Kernberg, 1998 ). On the other hand, some authors have suggested that the emphasis placed on achieving power might leave the narcissistic individual vulnerable to periods of intense shame when these defensive strategies fail ( Pincus et al., 2009 ). According to this latter view, achieving superiority may matter greatly, but evaluations of whether or not this goal has been achieved tend to vary ( Morf & Rhodewalt, 1993 ). Empirical findings regarding links between narcissistic traits and shame are mixed, and these inconsistencies appear to stem from the measure of narcissism used. The NPI is negatively correlated with shame ( Harder & Lewis, 1987 ; Wright, O'Leary, & Balkin, 1989 ), particularly with shame measures that focus on public humiliation, such as the ASGS, as compared with shame measures that focus on personal disappointment, such as the PFQ2 ( Harder & Zalma, 1990 ). By contrast, the Pathological Narcissism Inventory (PNI), which is designed to capture more severe forms of narcissism, is related to higher shame proneness scores and less consistently to self-perceived power ( Pincus et al., 2009 ). Discrepancies across measures underscore the need to develop more nuanced theory about the specific conditions under which narcissism protects positive views of the self and conditions under which it fails to do so ( Pincus et al., 2009 ).

Summary of the DBS Findings Regarding Narcissism

Clinical features of narcissistic personality disorder overlap with some of the problems that one might expect to observe in conjunction with a dysregulated DBS. Specifically, empirical research using self-report and observational measures suggests that individuals with narcissistic traits exhibit elevated levels of dominance motivation and dominance behavior along with inflated self-perceptions of power. Much of the research on narcissistic personality traits has focused on subsyndromal symptoms measured using the NPI. One self-report scale was recently designed to capture more pathological narcissistic traits, and responses on this scale are less clearly related to shame and self-perceptions of power. Therefore, there remains a need understand both how the DBS relates to pathological narcissism and to characterize the links between the DBS and narcissism biologically and longitudinally.

Bipolar I disorder is defined by at least one lifetime episode of mania. Manic episodes are characterized by a period of distinctly euphoric or irritable mood, accompanied by other symptoms, such as being overly confident, requiring less sleep, increased talking, racing thoughts, and engagement in rewarding activities without regard for the negative consequences (e.g., risky sexual activity, excessive spending, and other disinhibited behaviors). To qualify as a full manic episode, symptoms must last at least one week or necessitate hospitalization. Many people with a history of manic episodes will experience depressive episodes as well. Although some studies of clinically diagnosed samples are available, research on the DBS in mania has often relied on analog samples. Many of these studies have defined risk for mania using the Hypomanic Personality Scale (HPS; Eckblad & Chapman, 1986 ), which covers subsyndromal symptoms of mania and related personality traits. The HPS has been found to have excellent validity in predicting the onset of manic and hypomanic episodes ( Kwapil et al., 2000 ).

Price (1967) , noting the strong parallels between the behavior of “alpha” animals and the symptoms of mania, suggested that mania was an excessive reaction to achieving power. Gardner (1982) expanded this theory to suggest that this propensity to be overly sensitive to signals of power might be biologically driven. Cardinal symptoms of mania – including grandiosity, heightened sexuality, and excessive talking – overlap with the behavioral correlates of power, and so it has been theorized that self-perceptions of power may be particularly elevated during manic episodes ( Gilbert, McEwan, Bellew, Mills, & Gale, 2009 ). By contrast, during the depressive phase of the illness, individuals with bipolar disorder often focus on feelings of failure and tend to view themselves as subordinate and submissive ( Gilbert, McEwan, Bellew, et al., 2009 ). In this section, we will focus on research specific to mania and we will turn to depression in the following section.

As shown in Table 4 , dominance motivation has been found to correlate with the HPS ( Johnson, Carver, & Siegel, 2011 ) and with diagnosed bipolar disorder. Individuals diagnosed with bipolar disorder who were asked about their life ambitions while in remission endorsed pursuing extremely ambitious extrinsically-oriented goals (wealth and fame), which could be related to dominance motivation ( Johnson, Eisner, & Carver, 2009 ). The investment in extrinsically-oriented goals does not appear to be an artifact of symptoms, in that the profile remained present after controlling for subsyndromal manic symptoms and has been found to predict the onset of mania ( Alloy et al., in press ). Heightened investment in highly ambitious extrinsic goals also has been documented across seven samples of persons at risk for bipolar disorder ( Carver & Johnson, 2009 ; Gruber & Johnson, 2009 ; Johnson & Carver, 2006 ; Johnson et al., 2011 ). Observational studies suggest that risk for mania is also related to dominance behavior, as assessed by self and peer ratings ( Taylor & Mansell, 2008 ). Self-ratings of negative and positive forms of dominance behavior were correlated with the HPS, but peers tended to rate individuals with high HPS scores as showing only positive forms of dominance behavior.

Note . BDI =Beck Depression Inventory ( Beck & Steer, 1993 ); CESD =Center for Epidemiological Studies Depression Scale ( Radloff, 1977 ); DIS =Diagnostic Interview Schedule; DPES =Dispositional Positive Emotion Scale ( Shiota, Keltner, & John, 2006 ); HPS =Hypomanic Personality Scale ( Eckblad & Chapman, 1986 ); ISS =Internal State Scale ( Bauer et al., 1991 ); PRF Do =Personality Research Form Dominance Scale; SBS =Submissive Behavior Scale; SCID =Structured Clinical Interview for DSM Disorders; SCS =Social Comparison Scale; SRMI =Self-Rating Mania Inventory ( Altman, Hedeker, Peterson, & Davis, 1997 ); SSSS =Self-Perceived Social Status Scale ( Buttermore, James, & Kirkpatrick, 2005 ); T =testosterone; TEMPS-A =The Temperament Evaluation of Memphis, Pisa, Paris and San Diego-Auto Questionnaire Version ( Akiskal et al., 2005 ); WASSUP =Willingly Approached Set of Statistically Unlikely Pursuits; YMRS =Young Mania Rating Scale ( Young, Briggs, & Meyer, 1978 ).

As shown in Table 4 , people diagnosed with bipolar disorder and those at risk for the disorder also appear to endorse high self-perceptions of power on self-report measures ( Gilbert, McEwan, Mitra, et al., 2009 ; Johnson et al., 2011 ). Whereas these studies suggest that elevated self-perceptions of power can be documented even outside of episode, theorists have suggested that self-perceptions of power may be particularly inflated during manic episodes. Gardner (1982) reported that people experiencing manic episodes rated themselves as having elevated power, but his study did not include a control group of people with remitted bipolar disorder. Ratings of social comparisons appear to correlate positively with good moods and negatively with depressive symptoms among individuals with bipolar disorder ( Gilbert, McEwan, Hay, Irons, & Cheung, 2007 ). When experiencing depressive symptoms, individuals diagnosed with bipolar disorder also endorse engaging in high rates of submissive behavior ( Gilbert, McEwan, et al., 2007 ). No study has followed people with bipolar disorder over time to understand how self-perceptions of power might fluctuate with symptoms.

A few naturalistic and treatment studies have examined the relations between testosterone and mania in adult men (see Table 4 ). The findings of one naturalistic study suggest that testosterone is modestly correlated with mania in men from a low SES background, but not in high SES men ( Dabbs, Hopper, & Jurkovic, 1990 ). These findings echo those in externalizing disorders, in that testosterone may have more bearing on symptoms in high risk contexts. When healthy men are given high doses of exogenous testosterone, 10 to 30% exhibit manic symptoms ( Daly et al., 2003 ; Pope & Katz, 1988 ). Only one randomized trial has been conducted to compare testosterone administration to no treatment. In that study, 16% of men reported hypomanic or manic episodes while taking testosterone compared with none in the control condition ( Pope, Kouri, & Hudson, 2000 ). Research is needed examining whether testosterone is correlated with mania in other age groups or among women.

Consistent with the links between the DBS and mania, an animal model of mania has been developed using a competition paradigm that places two food-deprived rats at a feeder. The rat that monopolizes the feeder tends to display a set of behaviors that are analogous to manic symptoms, including increased energy and locomotion, heightened pursuit of reward, and aggression ( Malatynska & Knapp, 2005 ). Interestingly, multiple anti-manic agents have been found to quell these dominance behaviors ( Malatynska & Knapp, 2005 ).

Summary of the DBS Findings Regarding Mania

Even during well periods, people diagnosed with bipolar disorder and those at risk for the disorder endorse high levels of dominance motivation and self-perceived power. Dominance behavior has been found to correlate with measures of risk for mania, but such behavior tends to be perceived positively by peers. More research is needed to examine the DBS among persons diagnosed with bipolar disorder given that much of the extant research is based on analog samples. Individuals diagnosed with bipolar disorder have been shown to exhibit increased motivation for extrinsic recognition, which can be conceptualized as one aspect of dominance motivation. Bipolar disorder appears to involve a chronically elevated desire for power, coupled with extreme variability in self-perceptions of power as mood states shift. It is possible that in the context of a heightened need for power, fluctuations in perceived power trigger manic and depressive symptoms, but longitudinal research is needed to determine whether shifts in self-perceived power drive symptoms or are driven by them. Congruent with findings obtained from self-report and observational studies, a small number of biological findings indicate that testosterone increases can induce manic symptoms.

Most depression rating scales encompass a range of symptoms, including those relevant to mood (e.g., sad mood or anhedonia), physical symptoms (weight loss, disrupted sleep, loss of appetite, psychomotor agitation or retardation), and cognitive symptoms (feelings of worthlessness, diminished ability to concentrate, and suicidal ideation). To qualify as a major depressive episode in the DSM-IV-TR, mood changes must be accompanied by five symptoms that persist for at least two weeks, and the symptoms must be severe enough to disrupt functioning or cause significant distress (APA, 2000). Some of the studies of the DBS consider dysthymic disorder, a chronic form of depression in which a person experiences at least two symptoms of depression that persist for at least two years.

Extensive theory has been developed on the DBS in depression. Much of that theory focuses on involuntary subordination as a final common pathway into depression. Due to space limitations, we highlight only the major tenets of theory here, but the reader is referred to other sources for more in-depth coverage (see Gilbert, 1992 , 2000b ; Gilbert & Allan, 1998 ; Sloman, 2000 ). In a battle for dominance, submissive behaviors, which have been called involuntary subordination behaviors, signal that the organism accepts defeat. These behaviors are functionally adaptive, in that they end the competition and fighting, thereby limiting physical injury or risk of death. In humans, competition for power is often not physical ( Sloman, Gilbert, & Hasey, 2003 ). Rather, loss of power may result either from direct challenges or from loss of important social resource holding potential. Even when power has been lost due to a change in social resource holding potential, submissive behavior has a number of important functions. Communicating acceptance of the subordinate status should reduce the probability of ongoing punishment or conflict, and it may elicit help from others. Experiences of involuntary subordination that create a subjective sense of defeat are therefore expected to trigger submissive behaviors, a response initially labeled the Involuntary Subordinate Strategy ( Price, Sloman, Gardner, & Gilbert, 1994 ), and more recently labeled the Involuntary Defeat Strategy ( Sloman, 2000 ). The Involuntary Defeat Strategy may involve escape, or at times when escape is not feasible, submissive behavior.

Research validates that even nondepressed individuals with self-perceived powerlessness will engage in more submissive behaviors during interactions with a superior ( Fournier et al., 2002 ). If the organism is able to escape, gain help from others, or if a new, more stable, social rank system is achieved, Involuntary Defeat has achieved its function, and the strategy should terminate. Depression is theorized to reflect a failure to terminate the Involuntary Defeat Strategy ( Sloman, 2000 ; Sloman & Price, 1987 ; Sloman, Price, Gilbert, & Gardner, 1994 ). That is, depression is hypothesized to result from an inability to recover from subordination experiences, typically because escape is blocked ( Gilbert, 1992 ). Other authors have suggested that depression might be caused by excessive social comparison and the tendency to view oneself as inferior ( Swallow & Kuiper, 1988 ).

The central tenet of the Involuntary Defeat Strategy theory is supported by several studies suggesting that individuals with depression experience a subjective sense of subordination (see Table 5 ). For example, self-reported feelings of inferiority and subordination were correlated with depressive symptoms in both clinical and nonclinical samples ( Allan & Gilbert, 1997 ; Gilbert & Allan, 1998 ; Gilbert, Allan, & Trent, 1995 ; Gilbert, McEwan, Bellew, et al., 2009 ; Troop & Baker, 2008 ; Wyatt & Gilbert, 1998 ) and with severity of depression history in a diagnosed sample ( Sturman & Mongrain, 2008 ). Several studies have also found correlations between depressive symptoms and tendencies to experience shame ( Harder, Cutler, & Rockart, 1992 ; Harder & Lewis, 1987 ; Hoblitzelle, 1987 ; Tangney, Wagner, & Gramzow, 1992 ; Wright et al., 1989 ), particularly shame from others ( Gilbert, Cheung, Grandfield, Campey, & Irons, 2003 ; Gilbert, McEwan, Bellew, et al., 2009 ; Harder & Zalma, 1990 ). Studies using a variety of measures thus suggest that depressive symptoms are highly correlated with feelings of subordination. Consistent with the human findings, repeated social defeat has been shown to induce depressive symptoms, including weight loss, poor sleep, social withdrawal, and diminished motivation for and interest in reward in animals ( Becker et al., 2008 ; Fuchs & Flügge, 2002 ; Keeney et al., 2006 ; Rygula et al., 2005 ).

Note . ASGS =Adapted Shame and Guilt Scale; BDI =Beck Depression Inventory; CBCL =Child Behavior Checklist; CDI =Children's Depression Inventory ( Kovacs, 1981 ); CESD =Center for Epidemiological Studies Depression Scale; CRS =Carroll Rating Scale for Depression ( Carroll, 1981 ); DASS21 =Depression, Anxiety and Stress Scale ( Lovibond & Lovibond, 1995 ); DIS =Diagnostic Interview Schedule; DISC =Diagnostic Interview Schedule for Children; DSM-IV =Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, Fourth Edition (APA, 1994); ELES =Early Life Experiences Scale ( Gilbert et al., 2003 ); GDS =Geriatric Depression Scale( Yesavage, 1991 ); GHQ-28 =General Health Questionnaire-28 item version ( Goldberg & Hillier, 1979 ); GOI =Goal Orientation Inventory ( Dykman, 1998 ); HCA =Hypercompetitive Attitudes Scale ( Ryckman et al., 1990 ); HDRS=Hamilton Rating Scale for Depression ( Hamilton, 1967 ); ICD-9-CM =International Classification of Diseases, 9th Revision, Clinical Modification (US US DHHS, 1991 ); IIP =Inventory of Interpersonal Problems; K-SADS =Schedule of Affective Disorders and Schizophrenia for School-Aged Children; OAS =Other as Shamer Scale ( Allan, Gilbert, & Goss, 1994 ; Goss, Gilbert, & Allan, 1994 ); PAD Do =Pleasure-Arousal-Dominance Scales Dominance Subscale; PFQ-2 =Personal Feelings Questionnaire-Revised; PSE =Present State Examination ( Cooper, 1977 ); SADS-L =Schedule of Affective Disorders and Schizophrenia-Lifetime Version ( Spitzer & Endicott, 1979 ); SAIS =Striving to Avoid Inferiority Scale ( Gilbert, Broomhead, et al., 2007 ); SBS =Submissive Behavior Scale; SCAAI =Self-Conscious Affect and Attribution Inventory ( Tangney et al., 1988 ); SCID =Structured Clinical Interview for DSM Diagnoses; SCL-90 =Symptom Checklist-90 ( Derogatis, Lipman, Rickels, & al, 1974 ); SCL-90-R =SCL-90-Revised ( Derogatis & Lazarus, 1994 ); SCS =Social Comparison Scale; SDS =Self-Rating Depression Scale ( Zung, 1965 ); SES =socioeconomic status; STAI =State-Trait Anxiety Inventory ( Spielberger, Gorsuch, & Lushene, 1970 ); T =testosterone; tmt = treatment; TOSCA =Test of Self-Conscious Affect; YSR =Youth Self Report ( Achenbach, 1991c ).

According to the Involuntary Defeat Strategy theory, perceptions of subordination should trigger submissive behavior in depressed individuals. Consistent with this idea, tendencies toward submissive behavior correlate with depressive symptoms ( Gilbert, Broomhead, et al., 2007 ; Gilbert, McEwan, Bellew, et al., 2009 ; Mehrabian & Bernath, 1991 ; Troop & Baker, 2008 ; Wyatt & Gilbert, 1998 ), and to persist even after symptoms remit ( Vittengl, Clark, & Jarrett, 2003 ). One caveat though, is that difficulties with assertiveness, although related to depression, were not any more pronounced than other interpersonal concerns for people experiencing depressive symptoms in one study ( Horowitz, Rosenberg, Baer, Ureño, & Villaseñor, 1988 ).

Experiences of involuntary subordination might have their origins in childhood or the more recent past ( Gilbert, 2000b ; Sloman et al., 2003 ). Individuals with high depression scores have been shown to endorse experiences of shame and put-downs from their parents, which are correlated with adulthood experiences of subordination, submissiveness, and shame ( Gilbert et al., 2003 ). In one study of college students, self-reported experiences of submissiveness and subordination during childhood were more related to depressive symptoms than were measures of early threat or experiences of being devalued ( Gilbert et al., 2003 ). In one eight-year longitudinal study, Andrews (1995) found that body shame mediated the link between early childhood abuse and recurrent episodes of major depression during adulthood. Shame was more correlated with depression than was a more general measure of self-esteem. Beyond these early experiences, extensive research on the triggers of depression fit with the idea of diminished social resource holding potential ( Allen & Badcock, 2003 ). For example, one of the best validated triggers for major depression is the experience of major life events involving loss or failure – events that could be conceptualized as symbolizing defeat ( Brown & Harris, 1989 ). Beyond specific life changes, depression is robustly predicted by broad social contexts involving subordination, such as poverty. For example, people living at or below the poverty level have been shown to have a 3.8-fold increase in depression risk compared with those whose income is at least three times the poverty level ( Kessler et al., 2003b ). Interestingly, the SES ladder, a self-report measure of self-perceived power relative to others in the same country, is a more robust predictor of psychological distress than are objective income and education levels ( Singh-Manoux, Marmot, & Adler, 2005 ). Although these findings regarding social predictors are consistent with many different models of depression, they are easily understood as markers of low power, and as such, fit well with the subordination model of depression.

In addition to self-perceived power, a person's desired power (or dominance motivation) may help shape whether depression unfolds as a consequence of reductions in social resource holding potential. Individuals who strive for high status goals, such as wealth, have been shown to be at higher risk for depressive symptoms ( Kasser & Ryan, 1993 ). Gilbert, Broomhead and colleagues (2007) have argued that rather than striving for unusually high status, most people who are depressed strive to avoid submissive roles. Self-ratings on a scale designed to measure striving to avoid inferiority have been found to correlate with depressive symptoms ( Gilbert, Broomhead, et al., 2007 ; Gilbert, McEwan, Bellew, et al., 2009 ). Moreover, the Striving to Avoid Inferiority scale was more powerfully related to depression than was the Hypercompetitive Attitudes Scale ( Ryckman, Hammer, Kaczor, & Gold, 1990 ), a scale designed to capture the desire to win at all costs ( Gilbert, Broomhead, et al., 2007 ).

One would expect that wanting a higher rank would intensify the negative outcomes of low perceived rank. Across studies, striving to avoid inferiority and submissiveness jointly predict risk for depression ( Gilbert, Broomhead, et al., 2007 ; Gilbert, McEwan, Bellew, et al., 2009 ). The mismatch, then, between wanting not to be submissive and actual life experiences of defeat may set the stage for the development of depressive symptoms.

There is a large literature on testosterone and depression. We consider findings regarding testosterone separately by age group and gender, and we do not include studies that have failed to differentiate gender and age groups in analyses. Given the age-related declines in testosterone in males, one would expect late life to be an important window for studying such effects. We therefore begin by describing studies of older men, and then turn to the literature in other age and gender groups.

As shown in Table 5 , low testosterone has been found to relate to higher depressive symptom scores in two large samples of older men ( Barrett-Connor, Von Mühlen, & Kritz-Silverstein, 1999 ; Morsink et al., 2007 ), but one nonreplication also exists (T'Sjoen et al., 2005). Some studies clarify that depression risk may be confined to men with hypogonadism (abnormally low testosterone levels), with no difference in depression rates observed in men with average or high testosterone levels ( Booth et al., 1999 ; Zitzmann, Faber, & Nieschlag, 2006 ). Indeed, questionnaires used to assess behavioral symptoms of testosterone deficiency include symptoms of depression, such as negative mood, low energy, and decreased enjoyment of pleasurable activities ( Okun, McDonald, & DeLong, 2002 ), and researchers have identified high levels of depressive symptoms ( Booth et al., 1999 ; Morsink et al., 2007 ; Zitzmann et al., 2006 ) and diagnosable depression ( Shores, Moceri, Sloan, Matsumoto, & Kivlahan, 2005 ; Shores et al., 2004 ) in men who have clinically significant deficits in testosterone. Nevertheless, testosterone deficiencies may relate more to milder depressive symptoms than to severe symptoms ( Delhez, Hansenne, & Legros, 2003 ) and to dysthymic disorder more than to major depressive disorder ( Seidman et al., 2002 ). Overall, there is reason to believe that hypogonadism is a risk factor for mild and chronic depressive symptoms in elderly men.

Genetic findings also support the idea that abnormally low testosterone function may be related to depression. A polymorphism involving a shorter repeat length in the androgen receptor CAG diminishes androgen receptor sensitivity, and testosterone levels were unrelated to depression in the absence of this polymorphism. Among persons with a shorter CAG repeat length, low testosterone was related to a five-fold increase in depression risk ( Seidman, Araujo, Roose, & McKinlay, 2001 ). This effect was replicated in one study of younger African-American men but has not been verified in other ethnic groups ( Colangelo et al., 2007 ). Thus, some evidence suggests that genes that reduce testosterone function can increase depression risk among men.

Beyond naturalistic studies, experimental evidence also suggests that testosterone deficiencies relate to depression. Androgen deprivation agents, which deplete testosterone, are used as one form of treatment for severe sexual offenders. In a double-blind controlled trial, about 10% of men taking androgen deprivation agents developed depressive symptoms compared with none of the men in the placebo control group, and these depressive symptoms were relieved by testosterone replacement therapy but not by placebo ( Schmidt et al., 2004 ).

Historically, testosterone was used as an antidepressant ( Danziger, Schroeder, & Unger, 1944 ), and researchers have begun to reconsider this approach. In open trials, six out of eight studies of testosterone supplements for the treatment of depression in older men yielded positive results ( Shamlian & Cole, 2006 ). Findings have been more mixed in randomized controlled trials, with only five out of 12 trials yielding positive results, and one yielding equivocal results ( Shamlian & Cole, 2006 ). Several treatment studies converge with the naturalistic findings, in that testosterone supplementation reduced depressive symptoms among those individuals with clinically significant testosterone deficits ( Loizides, Swierzewski, O'Neill, Griesser, & Smith, 2004 ; McNicholas, Dean, Mulder, Carnegie, & Jones, 2003 ; Wang et al., 2004 ) and was more effective in treating dysthymic disorder than major depressive disorder ( Seidman et al., 2009 ).

Clinically significant deficits in testosterone are rare in younger males and in women, so it may be harder to obtain effects when considering healthy variations in testosterone within these populations. Indeed, studies have not shown links between testosterone levels and depressive symptoms in younger adult men ( Colangelo et al., 2007 ; Dabbs et al., 1990 ) and boys aged 9 through 14 ( Nottelmann et al., 1987 ). Similarly, most studies have not found evidence for the direct effects of low testosterone on risk for depression among adolescent girls ( Booth et al., 2003 ; Granger et al., 2003 ; Susman, Dorn, & Chrousos, 1991 ), middle-aged women ( Haren et al., 2007 ), or elderly women ( Barrett-Connor, von Mühlen, Laughlin, & Kripke, 1999 ; Erdincler, Bugay, Ertan, & Eker, 2004 ; Pope & Katz, 1988 ). In the only exception to this pattern of null results, Morsink and colleagues (2007) found evidence that testosterone deficits were related to depression in women aged 70 and older, which may be explained by declines in testosterone that occur later in life.

Given that hypogonadism is rare in women and younger males, it may be important to consider more refined testosterone indices and potential moderators. For example, in one study of younger males, diurnal rhythms in testosterone (diminished amplitude of change across the day) were found to be more strongly related to depressive symptoms than were mean levels across the day ( Granger et al., 2003 ). In another study of adolescent girls and boys, the effects of testosterone were found to be most pronounced against a backdrop of social risk factors for depression, such as disrupted parent-child relationships ( Booth et al., 2003 ).

In sum, hypogonadism in elderly men is related to risk for depression, particularly risk for milder chronic symptoms, and testosterone supplements appear to relieve these forms of depressive symptoms. In younger individuals and in women, who rarely exhibit testosterone deficiencies, the influence of low testosterone on depressive symptoms may only be apparent with more sophisticated analyses, such as those incorporating diurnal rhythms or the social environment. A single randomized control trial has examined the effects of antidepressant medication on DBS components. Results of that study indicated that nondepressed individuals who were prescribed Citalopram appeared less submissive to members of their household and exhibited more dominant interactions with strangers ( Tse & Bond, 2002 ). Given these findings, it may be fruitful for more studies to examine the influence of antidepressant medication on submissive behavior in depressed individuals, and how this variable relates to the overall treatment response.

Summary of the DBS Findings Regarding Depression

Self-report and observational data suggest that depression is related to perceived subordination, and many of the social triggers for depression can be conceptualized as indicators of a loss of social resource holding potential. Rather than focusing on elevated dominance motivation, theory in this area centers on the motive to avoid inferiority, and scales designed to capture this motivation are consistently related to depression, providing support for the involuntary subordination model. Biological data suggest that extreme deficits in testosterone can trigger depression, and testosterone supplements can relieve symptoms that are attributable to these deficits. In examining testosterone, it is important to consider that clinically significant deficits of testosterone are rare in younger males and women, and accordingly, naturalistic research has been most productive in exploring the effects of testosterone in older men and women over the age of 70.

The conceptual models and the empirical findings regarding DBS in depression and anxiety are highly parallel, and this overlap may help explain the frequent co-occurrence of anxiety and depression. Most studies of anxiety have focused on symptom severity scales, which tend to cover the frequency and intensity of anxious mood, as well as somatic cues of anxiety. Studies of diagnosed anxiety have tended to focus on social anxiety disorder, which is defined in the DSM-IV-TR by an intense and persistent fear of social or performance situations in which an individual fears that he or she will be scrutinized and, ultimately, humiliated (APA, 2000).

As with depression, anxiety has been theorized to involve concerns about social power, involuntary subordination, and involuntary defeat strategies, or submissiveness. We will note subtle distinctions between anxiety and depression, however, as we cover studies that attempt to differentiate between the DBS profiles of these two disorders. Trower and Gilbert (1989) suggest that persons with social anxiety are overly focused on dominance hierarchies and competition at the cost of a focus on connectedness. We will focus on aspects of this theory that are relevant to the DBS (see Trower & Gilbert, 1989 for more discussion). Within this model, early life experiences of insecure attachment set the stage for a hypersensitivity to how one compares to others, resulting in an overemphasis on social comparison (one form of dominance motivation). Social anxiety disorder is also characterized by self-perceptions of subordinate status ( Aderka, Weisman, Shahar, & Gilboa-Schechtman, 2009 ). Accordingly, the individual sets a goal of avoiding rejection, harm, or ostracism by the social group member who has the highest power. Within this framework, social attention is interpreted as an indicator of inclusion ( Gilbert, 1997 ), and angry responses, while posing a threat to power, may nonetheless be seen as conferring attention, which is preferable to ostracism. Thus to avoid rejection or ostracism, the socially anxious individual is theorized to engage in submissive behaviors. Within this framework, then, social anxiety is expected to relate to vigilance to cues of social rank, low self-perceptions of power, and engagement in submissive behavior.

Other authors have theorized that social anxiety is caused by a hypersensitivity to dominance cues ( Mineka & Õhman, 2002 ; Trower & Gilbert, 1989 ). Different models of how this might be expressed have been developed. Öhman (1986) hypothesized that angry faces, conceptualized as a cue of threat to power, would be particularly salient and threatening to persons with social anxiety disorder. This theory, then, predicts an opposite pattern of results compared to Gilbert's model, in that persons with social anxiety disorder are expected to be particularly sensitive to cues such as angry faces.

An extensive literature has considered the role of the DBS in anxiety, and particularly social anxiety (see Table 6 ). We begin with a discussion of findings for anxiety generally and then turn to findings regarding social anxiety. Consistent with theory, high scores on anxiety measures appear to relate to low self-perceptions of power. Individuals with high anxiety scores describe feeling that they are overlooked, rejected, and have subordinate status ( Gilbert, McEwan, Bellew, et al., 2009 ). Consistent with these low self-perceptions of power, anxiety is correlated with higher shame-proneness ( Harder et al., 1992 ; Tangney et al., 1992 ) and self-reported submissive behavior ( Allan & Gilbert, 1997 ; Gilbert, Broomhead, et al., 2007 ; Gilbert, McEwan, Bellew, et al., 2009 ; Mehrabian & Bernath, 1991 ; Mehrabian & O'Reilly, 1980 ).

Note . ABS =Affect Balance Scale ( Downey & Feldman, 1996 ); A-CBCL =Abbreviated Version of the Child Behavior Checklist ( Achenbach, 1991a ); ADIS-R =Anxiety Disorders Interview Schedule-Revised ( DiNardo & Barlow, 1988 ); ASGS =Adapted Shame and Guilt Scale; CAS =Concern for Appropriateness Protective Social Comparison Scale; CBCL =Child Behavior Checklist; DASS21 =Depression, Anxiety and Stress Scale; DISC =Diagnostic Interview Schedule for Children; DIS =Diagnostic Interview Schedule; FNE =Fear of Negative Evaluation Scale ( Watson & Friend, 1969 ); HCA =Hypercompetitive Attitudes Scale; IAS =Interaction Anxiousness Scale ( Leary & Kowalski, 1993 ); IIP =Inventory of Interpersonal Problems; M =mean; MCA =Multi-Component Anxiety Inventory ( Schalling, Cronholm, & Asberg, 1975 ); MPQ SPS =Multidimensional Personality Questionnaire Social Potency Scale; OAS =Other as Shamer Scale; PAD Do =Pleasure-Arousal-Dominance Scales – Dominance Scale; PFQ-2 =Personal Feelings Questionnaire-Revised; PSE N Pow =Picture Story Exercise Need for Power; RSCD =Rochester Social Comparison Diary ( Wheeler & Miyake, 1992 ); SAIS =Striving to Avoid Inferiority Scale; SAS =Social Anxiety Scale ( Fenigstein, Scheier, & Buss, 1975 ); SBS =Submissive Behavior Scale; SCAAI =Self-Conscious Affect and Attribution Inventory; SCAT =Sport Competition Anxiety Test ( Martens, 1977 ); SCS =Social Comparison Scale; SCID =Structured Clinical Interview for DSM Diagnoses; SCL-90 =The Symptom Checklist 90; SCL-90-R =Symptom Checklist-90-Revised; SPS =Social Phobia Scale ( Mattick & Clarke, 1998 ); STAI =The State-Trait Anxiety Inventory; T =testosterone; TOSCA =Test of Self-Conscious Affect.

Most of the research on power and anxiety is cross-sectional and naturalistic, but there is some experimental evidence to support the idea that subordination can provoke anxiety. In a study of college students who took part in a 25-second competition, losing led to increases in anxiety levels, and the strength of this response was moderated by baseline anxiety levels ( Halvari & Gjesme, 1995 ). Although longer-term studies are not available, these findings are consistent with the idea that anxiety might unfold as a consequence of diminished power.

One might expect dominance motivation to intensify reactivity to subordination, and several studies have highlighted the importance of dominance motivation. In one study, implicit measures of dominance motivation were found to predict more anxiety in response to rigged negative social feedback ( Fodor & Wick, 2009 ). Although the study did not include clinical measures of anxiety, the findings fit with the idea that anxious responses are most likely to be observed in individuals with high dominance motivation who are experiencing threats to their social power. Consistent with this idea, aspirations for financial success have been related to higher anxiety scores ( Kasser & Ryan, 1993 ). In the largest study to date ( Krueger et al., 1996 ), however, individuals with anxiety disorders were not found to endorse higher dominance motivation than were non-disordered individuals. As with depression though, Gilbert and colleagues have argued that anxiety stems more from a desire to avoid inferiority than from a desire to achieve superiority ( Gilbert, Broomhead, et al., 2007 ), and there is evidence that self-rated striving to avoid inferiority is correlated with anxiety scores ( Gilbert, Broomhead, et al., 2007 ; Gilbert, McEwan, Bellew, et al., 2009 ). Striving to avoid inferiority thus appears to be more central to anxiety than does striving for dominance.

As with studies of general anxiety, studies of social anxiety have provided support for key aspects of the DBS model, including subordination, shame, and submissive behavior. Lennox and Wolfe (1984) found that social anxiety symptoms were related to high scores on the Attention to Social Comparison Information scale, a measure of sensitivity to, and motivation to avoid, social disapproval. By contrast, Antony, Rowa, Liss, Swallow, and Swinson (2005) did not find heightened attention to social comparison information among persons diagnosed with social anxiety disorder. Despite mixed findings regarding vigilance to cues of social rank, researchers have nonetheless found that people with social anxiety disorder tend to compare themselves unfavourably to others ( Antony et al., 2005 ) and report more shame-proneness ( Harder & Lewis, 1987 ; Tangney et al., 1992 ), particularly on shame measures that capture how one might be perceived socially ( Harder & Zalma, 1990 ). Socially anxious individuals also appear to engage in more submissive behavior than do non-anxious controls, as indexed by self-report ( Allan & Gilbert, 1997 ; Cain, Pincus, & Grosse Holtforth, 2010 ; Gilbert, Broomhead, et al., 2007 ; Gilbert, McEwan, Bellew, et al., 2009 ; Horowitz et al., 1988 ; Mehrabian & O'Reilly, 1980 ; Trower & Gilbert, 1989 ; Trower, Sherling, Beech, Horrop, & Gilbert, 1998 ) and observational measures ( Heerey & Kring, 2007 ; Walters & Hope, 1998 ). On the whole, these findings suggest that social anxiety is related to self-perceptions of powerlessness and engagement in submissive behavior.

More than 70 articles have examined responses to angry faces in individuals with social anxiety disorder compared with healthy controls (see Staugaard, 2010 for review). Although group differences are less apparent when people view faces for longer periods of times, there is evidence that social anxiety disorder is related to more automatic attention to angry faces during the early phase of processing (e.g., < 500 milliseconds), as measured by eye-tracking and visual probe studies. Studies using evoked potentials also indicate that individuals with social anxiety disorders attend more to angry faces than do controls ( Staugaard, 2010 ). Converging evidence thus supports the idea that social anxiety disorder relates to greater automatic reactivity to angry faces.

Biological Findings

A small number of human studies have examined testosterone in relation to anxiety disorders (see Table 6 ). One rationale for this work is that testosterone has been shown to enhance the function of GABA, a target of anxiolytic medications ( Yang, Jones, & Henderson, 2005 ). Another rationale is that animal studies have found that testosterone administration reduces threat-sensitive behaviors ( Bing et al., 1998 ; Bitran, Kellogg, & Hilvers, 1993 ; Boissy & Bouissou, 1994 ; Svensson, Åkesson, Engel, & Söderpalm, 2003 ). Correspondingly, gonadectomy ( Edinger & Frye, 2004 , 2006 ; Fernandez-Guasti & Martinez-Mota, 2005 ; Frye, Edinger, & Sumida, 2008 ; Toufexis, 2007 ; Umathe, Bhutada, Jain, Dixit, & Wanjari, 2008 ), genetic variations leading to diminished testosterone function ( Frye, Koonce, Edinger, Osborne, & Walf, 2008 ; Pope & Katz, 1988 ; Umehara et al., 2006 ), and diminished testosterone levels observed with older age ( Frye, Edinger, Lephart, & Walf, 2010 ) are related to greater threat sensitivity in animals, and testosterone administration appears to reduce this threat sensitivity ( Bitran et al., 1993 ; Edinger & Frye, 2004 ; Fernandez-Guasti & Martinez-Mota, 2005 ; Frye, Edinger, et al., 2008 ; Frye & Edinger, 2004 ; Frye et al., 2010 ; Frye, Koonce, et al., 2008 ; Toufexis, 2007 ). Although most research has focused on male animals, the anxiolytic effects of testosterone have also been observed in female animals ( Frye & Lacey, 2001 ). Although it is hard to differentiate depression and anxiety in animals, most researchers have interpreted the above findings as relevant to anxiety.

Extant findings regarding testosterone and anxiety in humans have been more mixed. Low mean testosterone levels and greater amplitude of change across the day have both been related to anxiety and depressive symptoms in boys but not in girls ( Granger et al., 2003 ). Other studies have failed to find the expected correlation of low testosterone with anxiety ( Olweus et al., 1980 ; Susman et al., 1991 ). In the only available pharmacological manipulation study, a single administration of testosterone did not influence self-rated anxiety among young adult women ( van Honk et al., 2005 ). The small number of human studies, the lack of studies involving longer-term administration of testosterone, and the inconsistent pattern of findings preclude strong conclusions regarding the influence of testosterone and its precursors on anxiety.

Drawing on the idea that testosterone correlates with dominance motivation, some researchers have examined testosterone as an index of responsivity to social challenges in humans. Maner, Miller, Schmidt, & Eckel (2008) used changes in testosterone to index reactivity to threats to power. Specifically, participants completed a competitive task with a confederate, and the results were rigged so that one participant won by a wide margin and the other lost by a wide margin. Findings suggested that losing had a more pronounced effect on socially anxious men, as indexed by steeper drops in testosterone levels after losing compared with men who were not socially anxious. The same effect was not observed in women.

In sum, despite extensive animal research supporting the link between testosterone and anxiety in animals, androgens do not appear to be consistently related to anxiety in humans, and findings are particularly weak among females. One study suggests that social anxiety may be related to a greater reactivity of the testosterone system to stressors among men. Given the small number of human studies, the absence of studies across the lifespan, and the inconsistencies with the animal literature, more research in this area is needed.

Studies of the Unique Relations of Anxiety and Depression to the DBS

Many researchers have documented strong parallels in the DBS-relevant findings for depression and anxiety, with both syndromes related to perceptions of involuntary subordination, coupled with self-rated striving to avoid inferiority (cf. Allan & Gilbert, 1997 ; Gilbert, Allan, Brough, Melley, & Miles, 2002 ; Gilbert, McEwan, Bellew, et al., 2009 ; Tangney et al., 1992 ). The parallels are not surprising given the extremely high rates of comorbidity for anxiety and depressive disorders ( Kessler et al., 2003 ). Some researchers have conducted analyses to examine the statistical overlap between depression and anxiety with dominance constructs (see Table 7 ). In those analyses, social anxiety has been found to correlate with perceived inferiority, submissive behavior, shame, and diminished dominance motivation, even after controlling for depression ( Aderka et al., 2009 ; Alden & Phillips, 1990 ; Gilbert, 2000a ; Gilbert et al., 2005 ; Naragon-Gainey, Watson, & Markon, 2009 ). In contrast, depression was unrelated to these indices after controlling for social anxiety. Indeed, the only study to report that depression was associated with these DBS indices after controlling for anxiety failed to consider either subsyndromal symptoms of anxiety or specific symptoms of social anxiety ( Uhmann, Beesdo-Baum, Becker, & Hoyer, 2010 ). Taken together, these findings suggest that the experience of submissiveness may be more centrally related to social anxiety than to depression. It is possible that comorbid depression may be secondary to social anxiety and its repercussions. It is also possible that other mechanisms influence whether depression develops in the context of submissiveness.

Note . BDI =Beck Depression Inventory; BDI-II =Beck Depression Inventory–Second Edition ( Beck, Steer, & Brown, 1996 ); CESD =Center for Epidemiological Studies Depression Scale; CIDI =Composite International Diagnostic Interview; GAD =generalized anxiety disorder; IDAS =Inventory of Depression and Anxiety Symptoms ( Watson et al., 2007 ); IIP =Inventory of Interpersonal Problems; LSAS-SR =Liebowitz Social Anxiety Scale-Self-Report ( Liebowitz, 1987 ); OAS =Other as Shamer Scale; PFQ-2 =Personal Feelings Questionnaire-Revised; PSRS =Phobic Stimuli Response Scales ( Cutshall & Watson, 2004 ); PTSD=post-traumatic stress disorder; SAD =Social Avoidance and Distress Scale ( Watson & Friend, 1969 ); SBS =Submissive Behavior Scale; SCS =Social Comparison Scale; SIAS =Social Interaction Anxiety Scale; SPD =Social Power Differential Scale ( Birchwood, Meaden, Trower, Gilbert, & Plaistow, 2000 ); SPS =Social Phobia Scale; TOSCA =Test of Self-Conscious Affect.

Theory has suggested that depression will unfold in the context of entrapment. One form of entrapment is the inability to escape from or accept involuntary subordination ( Gilbert, 1992 , 2000b ; Price, 1972 ; Taylor, Gooding, Wood, & Tarrier, 2011 ). A recent review found substantial support for the association between entrapment and depression, but only mixed support for the association between entrapment and anxiety disorders ( Taylor et al., 2011 ). These studies have relied on entrapment measures that assess broad feelings of hopelessness and defeat, which makes them equally relevant to a hopelessness theory of depression as to a DBS model of depression ( Abramson, Metalsky, & Alloy, 1989 ; Gilbert, 2000b ). Further research is thus needed to determine whether DBS-specific variables have the capacity to differentiate depression from anxiety.

Summary of the DBS Findings Regarding Anxiety

Anxiety is correlated with perceptions of subordination, submissive behavior, and motivation to avoid low social rank. There is evidence that people with anxiety disorders, and particularly those with social anxiety, show marked behavioral and biological reactivity to threats to their power. The links between anxiety and the DBS, manifesting as low self-perceptions of power and the desire to avoid inferiority, are observed even after controlling for depression. The DBS appears to be particularly relevant to social anxiety. Despite robust evidence for the negative relation between testosterone and anxiety in animal studies, the findings of human studies are more mixed.

Summary and Discussion

We have reviewed evidence that the DBS is related to a range of psychological and social outcomes, including emotions, sensitivity to threats and rewards, self-esteem, risk-taking behavior, and interpersonal sensitivity and functioning. Beyond this basic research, the role of the DBS has been documented across multiple psychological disorders, suggesting that the DBS may serve as a useful transdiagnostic framework for understanding personality, mood, and externalizing psychopathologies.

Externalizing disorders, mania, and narcissism have each been related to elevations in dominance motivation, and correspondingly, to higher rates of dominance behavior. The findings also appear fairly consistent across a range of measures, including self-report, observational, and biological indices. The role of the DBS in externalizing disorders has been supported in major epidemiological surveys ( Krueger et al., 1996 ) and in longitudinal research. Narcissistic personality traits and mania also appear to be related to inflated self-perceptions of power, as indexed by self-report and observational methods. Complementing the self-report and behavioralresearch, biological measures of the DBS, such as early puberty and related surges of testosterone, predict the onset of externalizing symptoms.

In contrast to the aforementioned disorders, the DBS profile that emerges for the internalizing disorders of depression and anxiety involves motivation to avoid inferiority, engagement in submissive behavior, and low self-perceived power or subordination, as assessed by both self-report and observational ratings. Many of the social triggers of depression fit with a model of subordination. Although much of this work is cross-sectional, at least one team has found that submissiveness remained stably present as depressive symptoms remitted ( Vittengl et al., 2003 ).

Biological studies indicate that clinically significant testosterone deficits precede depression. That is, genetic, pharmacological, and age-related testosterone deficits, when severe enough, appear to increase risk for depression in men and perhaps in women over the age of 70. Testosterone supplementation appears to relieve symptoms of depression that are secondary to testosterone depletion, and antidepressants appear to relieve symptoms of subordination in nondepressed individuals. Although few human studies of testosterone and anxiety are available, multiple experimental animal studies indicate that testosterone deficits can increase threat sensitivity and decrease reward sensitivity. Together, these findings suggest that testosterone, a principal hormonal correlate of the DBS, can predict the onset of depressive symptoms.

Future Directions

Although a large body of research linking the DBS and psychological disorders has accrued, many weaknesses remain in the extant literature. Some of these weaknesses vary by disorder, as most research teams are focused on one or two specific disorders. As a result, conceptual advances and methodological innovations developed in the study of one form of psychopathology have rarely been transferred to studies of other psychopathologies. In the depression field, researchers have been particularly sensitive to understanding the effects of clinically significant deficits in testosterone, have tested the effects of hormones separately by age and gender, and have contrasted effects on subsyndromal and clinically significant symptoms. By contrast, research on narcissism has largely ignored hormones, but has provided excellent examples of laboratory-based observational paradigms for elucidating the nature of dominance behavior. The research on externalizing disorders has provided examples of how social context can amplify the effects of testosterone levels, and has provided insight into the specific symptom profiles that are associated with the DBS. There is considerable need for studies that compare multiple psychopathologies using self-report, observational, and biological measures of the DBS, while attending to age, gender, and social context, as well as symptom profiles and severity. Ideally, such research would involve laboratory-based experimental studies. Some of the limitations of the current research apply across psychopathologies. These limitations include the need for DBS research using more refined biological measures, considering the ability to differentiate psychopathologies, and longitudinally examining dynamical DBS processes as symptoms fluctuate. We turn to these issues next.

Can the Dominance Behavioral System Differentiate Between Psychopathologies?

The study of the DBS fits with a growing attention to transdiagnostic risk factors – those that operate across diagnostic categories. The substantial overlap in the DBS profiles associated with anxiety and depression is congruent with their high rates of co-occurrence ( Kendler, Gardner, Gatz, & Pedersen, 2007 ). The overlap in DBS findings across several externalizing disorders, narcissism, and mania is also consistent with the high comorbidity within externalizing disorders ( Krueger et al., 2001 ) and with evidence that narcissistic traits are correlated with antisocial behavior ( Costello & Dunaway, 2003 ), psychopathy ( Cooke & Michie, 2001 ), conduct disorder ( Barry, Frick, & Killian, 2003 ), and mania ( Schiavone, Dorz, Conforti, Scarso, & Borgherini, 2004 ).

Internalizing and externalizing disorders are clearly characterized by opposing DBS profiles, but a key question is whether DBS profiles might differ within the internalizing or externalizing disorders. Conceptually, it has been suggested that depression rather than anxiety will result when the individual is unable to escape from involuntary subordination ( Gilbert, 2000b ). In other psychopathologies, emergent findings point toward other possible distinctions. For example, whereas the dominance behaviors associated with externalizing disorders and narcissism tend to comprise aggressive responses to dominance challenges, in one study so far, risk for mania was related to dominance behaviors that were evaluated positively by peers. These findings suggest that considering the warmth-hostility dimension of interpersonal style in conjunction with the DBS might differentiate between disorders. In general, future research would benefit from the development of greater theoretical specificity and from more careful cross-diagnostic comparisons.

Although greater specificity in defining and measuring the specific components of the DBS might help to differentiate symptom outcomes, an alternate model is that the DBS increases risk for broad shared factors that underlie many different syndromes, akin to the general increase in vulnerability associated with genetic or personality dispositions ( Hettema, Neale, Myers, Prescott, & Kendler, 2006 ; Kendler et al., 2003 ). In other words, many of the DBS variables share similarities across externalizing psychopathologies and across internalizing psychopathologies. If these commonalities continue to emerge in transdiagnostic research, other psychological and social risk factors would have to be considered in conjunction with DBS components to predict divergent outcomes. For example, psychopathy involves elevations of dominance motivation but also deficits in empathy ( Hare, 2003 ; Patrick et al., 2005 ). In another example, testosterone seems to be especially related to risk of externalizing symptoms in the context of peer deviance or poverty, and to symptoms of depression in the context of interpersonal stress. In these cases, social context appears to be guide the role of the DBS in symptom expression. These and other psychological and social risk factors may interact with DBS components to shape particular symptom profiles within the broad categories of externalizing and internalizing disorders.

The Need for More Refined Biological Research on the Dominance System and Psychopathology

Findings are mixed concerning whether testosterone correlates with psychopathologies among women. Clearly, more attention to the biological correlates of the DBS in women is needed. DHEA and its sulfated form, DHEA-S, act as precursors to testosterone and estradiol ( Williams & Wilson, 1998 ). In several large-scale studies, lower DHEA-S has been observed in depressed older women ( Barrett-Connor, von Mühlen, Laughlin, et al., 1999 ; Haren et al., 2007 ; Morsink et al., 2007 ; Schmidt, Murphy, Haq, Danaceau, & St Clair, 2002 ). In small double-blind studies, DHEA treatment produced significantly more reductions in Hamilton Depression Inventory scores in both genders than did placebo ( Schmidt et al., 2005 ; Wolkowitz et al., 1999 ) and appeared particularly effective for dysthymic symptoms ( Bloch, Scmidt, Danaceau, Adams, & Rubinow, 1999 ). Drawing on this early evidence, Canadian guidelines for depression treatment recommend DHEA as a potential treatment option when other options have failed ( Ravindran et al., 2009 ). DHEA may also be relevant for understanding mania, in that a series of case reports suggest that manic episodes can be triggered by DHEA ( Dean, 2000 ; Kline & Jaggers, 1999 ; Markowitz, Carson, & Jackson, 1999 ; Vacheron-Trystram, Cheref, Gauillard, & Plas, 2002 ). The lack of correlation between DHEA and externalizing disorders in most available studies ( Constantino, Grosz, et al., 1993 ; Dorn et al., 2009 ; Nottelmann et al., 1987 although see Dmitrieva, Oades, Hauffa, & Eggers, 2001 ) suggests that a more specific model of how biological components of the DBS relate to different psychopathologies can be developed. To this end, a more comprehensive and fine-grained understanding of the key biological substrates involved in the DBS is needed.

As described previously, testosterone interacts with a range of other hormones and neurotransmitters that are implicated in various psychological disorders, including cortisol, serotonin, dopamine, and oxytocin. In addition to influencing the chemical milieu of testosterone, each of these substances may also have the capacity to shape its behavioral expression. Several examples suggest the importance of better attention to these other biological variables. One study found higher testosterone was only related to psychopathy when controlling for cortisol levels ( Glenn, Raine, Schug, Gao, & Granger, 2011 ). Serotonin is strongly implicated in impulsivity and aggression ( Carver et al., 2008 ; Higley, Mehlman, Poland, & Taub, 1996 ) and thus may help to shape whether dominance motivation and behaviors are applied in socially acceptable or aggressive ways. Oxytocin may also influence whether prosocial versus antisocial expressions of dominance are engendered ( MacDonald & MacDonald, 2010 ). Dopamine guides motivation to pursue resources ( Depue & Morrone-Strupinsky, 2005 ) and so will likely modulate the responsivity of the DBS to cues of power and to the receipt of power. Animal research suggests that social defeat triggers a range of neurobiological changes that are relevant to understanding psychopathology, including changes in neuropeptide Y, CCK-8, and substance P ( Panksepp, Burgdorf, Beinfeld, Kroes, & Moskal, 2007 ). Most of the dominance research to date has failed to consider the complex interactions among these important biochemical compounds in the development of psychopathology.

The Need for Longitudinal Research on Dynamical Processes

The DBS is an adaptive system that adjusts to changing social contingencies and resources, and accordingly, testosterone, DHEA, and cortisol levels fluctuate in response to dominance-relevant situations. For example, testosterone levels among men increase after winning a chess game or a tennis match ( Archer, 2006a ; Mazur, Booth, & Dabbs, 1992 ). With the exception of one study demonstrating that anxiety may predict steeper drops in testosterone after losing a competition ( Maner et al., 2008 ), very little research has considered how these dynamic processes may relate to psychopathology.

Few clinical researchers have considered the ways in which dominance motivation or elevated self-perceptions of power might develop (see Andrews, 1995 ; Gilbert et al., 2003 for exceptions). It has been theorized that insecure attachment causes individuals to become overly concerned with social comparison, and empirical research supports links between insecure attachment and self-perceptions of powerlessness and submissive behavior ( Gilbert, McEwan, et al., 2007 ; Sloman et al., 2003 ). Research also suggests that individuals with a history of sexual abuse ( Brotman et al., 2007 ) and the offspring of parents with substance use disorders ( Elkins, McGue, Malone, & Iacono, 2004 ) demonstrate elevated dominance motivation. The depression literature has shown that early childhood experiences may be as critical to the development of the disorder as current experiences of subordination ( Gilbert et al., 2003 ). It appears that some people respond to childhood experiences of subordination with context-insensitive subordination behaviors. Thus theory underscores the need to consider how dominance motivation and self-perceived power shift in response to different contexts across various psychopathologies.

The dynamic course of symptoms is another important area of consideration: little attention has been paid to the influence of repeated experiences of disorder symptoms on the DBS over time. For example, people seeking treatment for substance abuse report high levels of shame ( O'Connor, Berry, Weiss, & Gilbert, 2002 ). How do repeated experiences of losing power and other consequences of mental illness stigma influence beliefs about rank and the importance of achieving rank? This is a particularly important question in regard to narcissism and mania given that much of the research on dominance has assessed at-risk populations rather than clinically diagnosed samples. It is conceivable that manic symptoms and their negative consequences may diminish self-perceptions of power over time. Given the dynamic nature of the DBS and its responsiveness to context, more longitudinal and developmental research are needed for a better understanding of how failures of the DBS to flexibly adapt to varying social environments might serve as predictors of psychiatric symptoms.

Clinical Applications

We have highlighted aspects of the DBS that appear to be associated with the etiology and course of several psychological disorders. In addition to its potential utility in understanding a client's presenting problems, there are several ways in which a clinician's awareness of a client's dominance profile could guide therapeutic work. To begin, dominance motivation has the capacity to influence the therapeutic relationship. For persons with high dominance motivation, directive interventions may trigger anger and reactance, Indeed, researchers have shown that domineering behavior in clients predicts poorer psychotherapeutic outcomes, particularly in the context of structured psychotherapies ( Borkovec, Newman, Pincus, & Lytle, 2002 ; Ruiz et al., 2004 ). By contrast, for persons with chronic experiences of subordination, submissiveness may be an overly rehearsed response to directives, and it would seem wise to avoid replicating this pattern in therapy.

Exaggerated or context-inappropriate expressions of various DBS components could also comprise a direct target of psychotherapy. Although unchecked dominance motivation can lead to aggression or feelings of failure if the level of actual power attained falls short of the desired level, when expressed in effective and prosocial ways, dominance motivation can predict strong leadership and other positive social outcomes. Adaptive implementation of the strong desire for action and resources that characterizes dominance motivation depends on strong social skills and self-regulatory abilities, which can be fostered in therapy. Accordingly, heightened dominance motivation could be channeled in a positive way that supports interpersonal connectedness. Another approach would be to consider whether an individual's dominance motivation is balanced with other needs, such as connectedness with others ( Sloman et al., 2003 ).

For individuals who struggle with experiences of subordination, therapeutic rapport might be better established by understanding that this strategy probably evolved to protect against conflict and maintain peace within complex hierarchies. Nonetheless, empirical evidence suggests that even small moments of victory and dominance can relieve anxiety, and so intervention techniques that allow a person to escape from chronic and persistence subordination by promoting experiences of mastery are likely to be valuable ( Williams & Zane, 1989 ). As mentioned previously, antidepressants have also been shown to reduce submissiveness in healthy persons and this could be a target for future research. Finally, compassionate mind training is a form of psychotherapy that aims to relieve experiences of shame and internalized cognitions related to subordination ( Gilbert & Procter, 2006 ). In pilot studies, people who took part in this intervention reported diminished levels of shame and submissiveness, which were related to decreases in anxiety and depressive symptoms.

Our goal was to integrate a broad set of findings relating the DBS to psychopathology, which have emerged from divergent lines of inquiry, including human and animal literatures; naturalistic and experimental studies; and using self-report, observational, and biological techniques. The substantial converging evidence obtained from this wide array of paradigms underscores the important role of the DBS in psychopathology. We believe that the DBS model has the potential to enhance understanding of the etiology and course of many psychopathologies, and to refine clinical interventions. We hope this review will foster greater consideration of the need to understand the DBS more broadly and the potential value of this system in elucidating susceptibility to different psychopathologies.

Acknowledgments

The authors thank Elizabeth Loi, Jessica Jayne Yu, Jonathan Tsang, Pardis Khosrawi, and Zahra Murtaza for their assistance with compiling articles and references.

Publisher's Disclaimer: The following manuscript is the final accepted manuscript. It has not been subjected to the final copyediting, fact-checking, and proofreading required for formal publication. It is not the definitive, publisher-authenticated version. The American Psychological Association and its Council of Editors disclaim any responsibility or liabilities for errors or omissions of this manuscript version, any version derived from this manuscript by NIH, or other third parties. The published version is available at www.apa.org/pubs/journals/bul

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• Published: 29 June 2023

Human and animal dominance hierarchies show a pyramidal structure guiding adult and infant social inferences

• Olivier Mascaro   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0002-1120-5955 1 ,
• Nicolas Goupil   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0002-1279-0199 2 ,
• Hugo Pantecouteau 3 ,
• Adeline Depierreux 1 ,
• Jean-Baptiste Van der Henst   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0002-2489-2328 4 &
• Nicolas Claidière   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0002-4472-6597 5  

Nature Human Behaviour volume  7 ,  pages 1294–1306 ( 2023 ) Cite this article

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• Complex networks
• Human behaviour
• Social evolution

This study investigates the structure of social hierarchies. We hypothesized that if social dominance relations serve to regulate conflicts over resources, then hierarchies should converge towards pyramidal shapes. Structural analyses and simulations confirmed this hypothesis, revealing a triadic-pyramidal motif across human and non-human hierarchies (114 species). Phylogenetic analyses showed that this pyramidal motif is widespread, with little influence of group size or phylogeny. Furthermore, nine experiments conducted in France found that human adults ( N  = 120) and infants ( N  = 120) draw inferences about dominance relations that are consistent with hierarchies’ pyramidal motif. By contrast, human participants do not draw equivalent inferences based on a tree-shaped pattern with a similar complexity to pyramids. In short, social hierarchies exhibit a pyramidal motif across a wide range of species and environments. From infancy, humans exploit this regularity to draw systematic inferences about unobserved dominance relations, using processes akin to formal reasoning.

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Data availability

All data are available at https://doi.org/10.17605/OSF.IO/PK7BG .

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All analysis scripts are available at https://doi.org/10.17605/OSF.IO/PK7BG .

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Acknowledgements

We thank the participants and their parents, M. Brun and A. Couderc for their help with data collection and coding, as well as all the members of the Laboratory on Language, Brain and Cognition (L2C2) and of the Integrative Neuroscience and Cognition Center (INCC) for their invaluable input at all stages of this research. This work was supported by a fellowship from the French National Research Agency (ANR) to O.M. (Foundtrust, ANR-21-CE28-0017). The funders had no role in study design, data collection and analysis, the decision to publish or the preparation of the manuscript.

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Université Paris Cité, CNRS, Integrative Neuroscience and Cognition Center, Paris, France

Olivier Mascaro & Adeline Depierreux

Institut des Sciences Cognitives—Marc Jeannerod, UMR5229, CNRS and Université Claude Bernard Lyon 1, Bron, France

Nicolas Goupil

École normale supérieure de Lyon, Lyon, France

Hugo Pantecouteau

Université Claude Bernard Lyon 1, CNRS, INSERM, Centre de Recherche en Neurosciences de Lyon, U1028, UMR5292, Trajectoires, Bron, France

Jean-Baptiste Van der Henst

Aix Marseille Université, CNRS, LPC, Marseille, France

Nicolas Claidière

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Contributions

O.M. supervised the project. O.M. and N.C. designed the network data analysis. O.M. and A.D. gathered children’s network data from the literature. N.C. implemented the network data analysis. O.M., N.G., H.P. and J.B.V.H. designed the experimental studies. N.G. and H.P. created the experimental materials. N.G., H.P. and A.D. collected and coded the experimental data. O.M. wrote the analysis script for experimental data. O.M. wrote the original draft. O.M., N.G., H.P., A.D., J.-B.V.H. and N.C. reviewed and edited the manuscript.

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Correspondence to Olivier Mascaro .

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Extended data

Extended data fig. 1 normalized z-scores per triadic pattern and category (n = 318 independent groups)..

We computed normalized z-scores for basic patterns that can occur in a dominance structure: triadic pyramids, triadic trees, chains, transitive triads, and circular triads. Data reveal a pyramidal motif, with an overrepresentation of pyramids in all taxonomic groups. The results also confirm that dominance relations tend to be transitive in all taxonomic groups, with an overrepresentation of transitive structures and an under-representation of chains and circular structures. Red dots and error bars indicate means and bootstrapped 95% CIs; vertical bars within boxes indicate medians, and boxes indicate the interquartile range; right whiskers represent data up to 1.5 times the interquartile range above the third quartile, and left whiskers represent data up to 1.5 times the interquartile range below the first quartile; Each grey dot represents data from one social group. P values were assessed with two-tailed one-sample Wilcoxon tests, and were corrected for multiple comparisons across taxonomic categories using the Holm-Bonferroni procedure. * p < .05, **p < 0.01, ***p < 0.001, ns: non-significant.

Extended Data Fig. 2 Average triadic pyramidal metric per species organized by phylogeny for primates species only (36 species, 100 groups).

We used the “10kTrees” phylogeny to estimate relatedness among primates 105 .

Extended Data Fig. 3 Average triadic pyramidal metric per species organized by phylogeny for all species (110 species, 311 groups).

We used a consensus tree from the Open Tree of Life (v.13.14, https://tree.opentreeoflife.org/about/synthesis-release/v13.4 ) to estimate relatedness among species.

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Mascaro, O., Goupil, N., Pantecouteau, H. et al. Human and animal dominance hierarchies show a pyramidal structure guiding adult and infant social inferences. Nat Hum Behav 7 , 1294–1306 (2023). https://doi.org/10.1038/s41562-023-01634-5

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Breeding of Vegetable, Spice and Tuber crops (2+1)

Dominance hypothesis.

• The dominance hypothesis was proposed by Charles Davenport (1908),which is the most widely accepted hypothesis among the other explanations for heterosis.
• As per this hypothesis, heterosis results due to superiority of dominant alleles over the deleterious recessive alleles by masking their effect and heterosis is in direct proportion with number of dominant genes contributed by the parent.
• The overdominance hypothesis was independently developed by Edward M. East (1908) and George Shull (1908).
• As per this hypothesis, heterosis results due to superiority of heterozygote over its both homozygous parents, due to complementation between divergent alleles. Here, heterosis is in proportion with heterozygosis

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8.4: Dominance

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We’ve said a lot about the equivalence relation determined by Cantor’s definition of set equivalence. We’ve also, occasionally, written things like \(|A| < |B|\), without being particularly clear about what that means. It’s now time to come clean. There is actually a (perhaps) more fundamental notion used for comparing set sizes than equivalence — dominance. Dominance is an ordering relation on the class of all sets. One should probably really define dominance first and then define set equivalence in terms of it. We haven’t followed that plan for (at least) two reasons. First, many people may want to skip this section — the results of this section depend on the difficult Cantor-Bernstein-Schröder theorem 1 . Second, we will later take the view that dominance should really be considered to be an ordering relation on the set of all cardinal numbers – i.e. the equivalence classes of the set equivalence relation – not on the collection of all sets. From that perspective, set equivalence really needs to be defined before dominance.

One set is said to dominate another if there is a function from the latter into the former. More formally, we have the following

Definition: Dominance

If A and B are sets, we say “\(A\) dominates \(B\)” and write \(|A| > |B|\) iff there is an injective function \(f\) with domain \(B\) and codomain \(A\).

It is easy to see that this relation is reflexive and transitive. The Cantor-Bernstein-Schröder theorem proves that it is also anti-symmetric — which means dominance is an ordering relation. Be advised that there is an abuse of terminology here that one must be careful about — what are the domain and range of the “dominance” relation? The definition would lead us to think that sets are the things that go on either side of the “dominance” relation, but the notation is a bit more honest, “\(|A| > |B|\)” indicates that the things really being compared are the cardinal numbers of sets (not the sets themselves). Thus anti-symmetry for this relation is

\[(|A| > |B|) ∧ (|B| > |A|) \implies (|A| = |B|).\]

In other words, if \(A\) dominates \(B\) and vice versa, then \(A\) and \(B\) are equivalent sets — a strict interpretation of anti-symmetry for this relation might lead to the conclusion that \(A\) and \(B\) are actually the same set, which is clearly an absurdity.

Naturally, we want to prove the Cantor-Bernstein-Schröder theorem (which we’re going to start calling the C-B-S theorem for brevity), but first it’ll be instructive to look at some of its consequences. Once we have the C-B-S theorem we get a very useful shortcut for proving set equivalences. Given sets \(A\) and \(B\), if we can find injective functions going between them in both directions, we’ll know that they’re equivalent. So, for example, we can use C-B-S to prove that the set of all infinite binary strings and the set of reals in \((0, 1)\) really are equinumerous. (In case you had some remaining doubt. . . )

It is easy to dream up an injective function from \((0, 1)\) to \(\mathbb{F}^∞_2\): just send a real number to its binary expansion, and if there are two, make a consistent choice — let’s say we’ll take the non-terminating expansion.

There is a cute thought-experiment called Hilbert’s Hotel that will lead us to a technique for developing an injective function in the other direction. Hilbert’s Hotel has \(ℵ_0\) rooms. If any countable collection of guests show up there will be enough rooms for everyone. Suppose you arrive at Hilbert’s hotel one dark and stormy evening and the “No Vacancy” light is on — there are already a denumerable number of guests there — every room is full. The clerk sees you dejectedly considering your options, trying to think of another hotel that might still have rooms when, clearly, a very large convention is in town. He rushes out and says “My friend, have no fear! Even though we have no vacancies, there is always room for one more at our establishment.” He goes into the office and makes the following announcement on the PA system. “Ladies and Gentlemen, in order to accommodate an incoming guest, please vacate your room and move to the room numbered one higher. Thank you.” There is an infinite amount of grumbling, but shortly you find yourself occupying room number \(1\).

To develop an injection from \(\mathbb{F}^∞_2\) to \((0, 1)\) we’ll use “room number \(1\)” to separate the binary expansions that represent the same real number. Move all the digits of a binary expansion down by one, and make the first digit \(0\) for (say) the terminating expansions and \(1\) for the non-terminating ones. Now consider these expansions as real numbers — all the expansions that previously coincided are now separated into the intervals \(\left(0, \dfrac{1}{2} \right)\) and \(\left(\dfrac{1}{2}, 1\right)\). Notice how funny this map is, there are now many, many, (infinitely-many) real numbers with no preimages. For instance, only a subset of the rational numbers in \(\left(0, \dfrac{1}{2} \right)\) have preimages. Nevertheless, the map is injective, so C-B-S tells us that \(\mathbb{F}^∞_2\) and \((0, 1)\) are equivalent. There are quite a few different proofs of the C-B-S theorem. The one Cantor himself wrote relies on the axiom of choice. The axiom of choice was somewhat controversial when it was introduced, but these days most mathematicians will use it without qualms. What it says (essentially) is that it is possible to make an infinite number of choices. More precisely, it says that if we have an infinite set consisting of non-empty sets, it is possible to select an element out of each set. If there is a definable rule for picking such an element (as is the case, for example, when we selected the nonterminating decimal expansion whenever there was a choice in defining the injection from \((0, 1)\) to \(\mathbb{F}^∞_2\)) the axiom of choice isn’t needed. The usual axioms for set theory were developed by Zermelo and Frankel, so you may hear people speak of the ZF axioms. If, in addition, we want to specifically allow the axiom of choice, we are in the ZFC axiom system. If it’s possible to construct a proof for a given theorem without using the axiom of choice, almost everyone would agree that that is preferable. On the other hand, a proof of the C-B-S theorem, which necessarily must be able to deal with uncountably infinite sets, will have to depend on some sort of notion that will allow us to deal with huge infinities.

The proof we will present here 2 is attributed to Julius König. König was a contemporary of Cantor’s who was (initially) very much respected by him. Cantor came to dislike König after the latter presented a well-publicized (and ultimately wrong) lecture claiming the continuum hypothesis was false. Apparently, the continuum hypothesis was one of Cantor’s favorite ideas, because he seems to have construed König’s lecture as a personal attack. Anyway. . .

König’s proof of C-B-S doesn’t use the axiom of choice, but it does have its own strangeness: a function that is not necessarily computable — that is, a function for which (for certain inputs) it may not be possible to compute an output in a finite amount of time! Except for this oddity, König’s proof is probably the easiest to understand of all the proofs of C-B-S. Before we get too far into the proof it is essential that we understand the basic setup. The Cantor-Bernstein-Schröder theorem states that whenever \(A\) and \(B\) are sets and there are injective functions \(f : A \implies B\) and \(g : B \implies A\), then it follows that \(A\) and \(B\) are equivalent. Saying \(A\) and \(B\) are equivalent means that we can find a bijective function between them. So, to prove C-B-S, we hypothesize the two injections and somehow we must construct the bijection.

Figure \(8.4.1.\) has a presumption in it — that \(A\) and \(B\) are countable — which need not be the case. Nevertheless, it gives us a good picture to work from. The basic hypotheses, that \(A\) and \(B\) are sets and we have two functions, one from \(A\) into \(B\) and another from \(B\) into \(A\), are shown. We will have to build our bijective function in a piecewise manner. If there is a non-empty intersection between \(A\) and \(B\), we can use the identity function for that part of the domain of our bijection. So, without loss of generality, we can presume that \(A\) and \(B\) are disjoint. We can use the functions \(f\) and \(g\) to create infinite sequences, which alternate back and forth between \(A\) and \(B\), containing any particular element. Suppose \(a ∈ A\) is an arbitrary element. Since \(f\) is defined on all of \(A\), we can compute \(f(a)\). Now since \(f(a)\) is an element of \(B\), and \(g\) is defined on all of \(B\), we can compute \(g(f(a))\), and so on. Thus, we get the infinite sequence

\(a, f(a), g(f(a)), f(g(f(a))), . . .\)

If the element \(a\) also happens to be the image of something under \(g\) (this may or may not be so — since \(g\) isn’t necessarily onto) then we can also extend this sequence to the left. Indeed, it may be possible to extend the sequence infinitely far to the left, or, this process may stop when one of \(f^{−1}\) or \(g^{−1}\) fails to be defined.

\(. . . g^{−1} (f^{−1} (g^{−1} (a))), f^{−1} (g^{−1} (a)), g^{−1} (a), a, f(a), g(f(a)), f(g(f(a))), . . .\)

Now, every element of the disjoint union of \(A\) and \(B\) is in one of these sequences. Also, it is easy to see that these sequences are either disjoint or identical. Taking these two facts together it follows that these sequences form a partition of \(A ∪ B\). We’ll define a bijection \(\phi : A \implies B\) by deciding what it must do on these sequences. There are four possibilities for how the sequences we’ve just defined can play out. In extending them to the left, we may run into a place where one of the inverse functions needed isn’t defined — or not. We say a sequence is an \(A\)-stopper, if, in extending to the left, we end up on an element of \(A\) that has no preimage under \(g\) (see Figure \(8.4.2\)). Similarly, we can define a \(B\)-stopper. If the inverse functions are always defined within a given sequence there are also two possibilities; the sequence may be finite (and so it must be cyclic in nature) or the sequence may be truly infinite.

Finally, here is a definition for \(\phi\).

\( \phi(x)=\left\{ \begin{array}{ll} g^{−1}(x) \;\;\;\;\text{ if } x \text{ is in a } B\text{-stopper}\\ f(x) \;\;\;\;\;\;\;\text{ otherwise} \end{array} \right.\)

Notice that if a sequence is either cyclic or infinite it doesn’t matter whether we use \(f\) or \(g^{−1}\) since both will be defined for all elements of such sequences. Also, certainly \(f\) will work if we are in an \(A\)-stopper. The function we’ve just created is perfectly well-defined, but it may take arbitrarily long to determine whether we have an element of a \(B\)-stopper, as opposed to an element of an infinite sequence. We cannot determine whether we’re in an infinite versus a finite sequence in a prescribed finite number of steps.

Exercise \(\PageIndex{1}\)

How could the clerk at the Hilbert Hotel accommodate a countable number of new guests?

Exercise \(\PageIndex{2}\)

Let \(F\) be the collection of all real-valued functions defined on the real line. Find an injection from \(\mathbb{R}\) to \(F\). Do you think it is possible to find an injection going the other way? In other words, do you think that \(F\) and \(\mathbb{R}\) are equivalent? Explain.

Exercise \(\PageIndex{3}\)

Fill in the details of the proof that dominance is an ordering relation. (You may simply cite the C-B-S theorem in proving anti-symmetry.)

Exercise \(\PageIndex{4}\)

We can inject \(\mathbb{Q}\) into \(\mathbb{Z}\) by sending \(± \dfrac{a}{b}\) to \(±2^a 3^b\). Use this and another obvious injection to (in light of the C-B-S theorem) reaffirm the equivalence of these sets.

1. This theorem has been known for many years as the Schröder-Bernstein theorem, but, lately, has had Cantor’s name added as well. Since Cantor proved the result before the other gentlemen this is fitting. It is also known as the Cantor-Bernstein theorem (leaving out Schröder) which doesn’t seem very nice.

2. We first encountered this proof in a Wikipedia article [3] .

Google Changed Its Definition of 'Bloodbath' After Trump Used It in a Speech?

Social media users concocted a conspiracy theory to counter criticism of trump's use of the word., aleksandra wrona, published march 28, 2024.

About this rating

On March 16, 2024, former U.S. President Donald Trump said : "Now, if I don't get elected, it's going to be a bloodbath for the whole — that's gonna be the least of it. It's going to be a bloodbath for the country." His remark at a campaign rally in Dayton, Ohio, sparked controversy on social media. As Snopes reported on March 17, 2024, its context suggested Trump was predicting an "economic bloodbath" for the country, not a literal one, if he loses the 2024 presidential election.

Five days later, on March 21, 2024, a rumor went viral on X (formerly Twitter), alleging that Google intentionally changed "its definition" of "bloodbath" to push an anti-Trump narrative. This claim is not only false, as we'll demonstrate below, but based on a complete ignorance of how the search engine's "dictionary boxes" work. But that didn't keep the rumor from going viral.

"HOLY S***. Google just quietly changed its search results for 'bloodbath definition'," the most viral post on the topic read, reaching over 35 million views as of this writing. The post featured a collage of two screenshots supposedly proving Google tampered with the search results for "bloodbath" between March 17, 2024, and March 21, 2024.

(X user @EndWokeness)

"Definition changed from how it was 4 days ago. Changed to remove the financial example, to ensure Trump's speech can always be taken out of context. Re-writing the meaning of words in real time," one Reddit user commented . Even Elon Musk, the owner of X, went all-in on the conspiracy theory. "Google is deeply infected with the woke mind virus" Musk wrote in an X  repost  of the above-mentioned collage to his 178 million followers. 

How 'Dictionary Boxes' on Google Really Work

According to a Google Search Help article  titled "Dictionary boxes on Google," these so-called "dictionary boxes" display definitions from third-party sources. It emphasized that "Google doesn't create, write, or modify definitions" and "dictionary results don't reflect the opinions of Google" (emphasis ours):

When you search on Google, you might find dictionary boxes if our systems decide it would be useful and relevant. Dictionary boxes show definitions from third-party expert sources and might include related images, pronunciations, translations, and other information. Tip: You're likely to get a Dictionary result when you start your search with "Define" or "What's the meaning of." Where info in Dictionary boxes comes from Important: Dictionary boxes always include definitions but might not include all other features. Definitions Google doesn't create, write, or modify definitions. Dictionary results don't reflect the opinions of Google. We license definitions, which include examples, similar and opposite words, and origins, from third-party experts who compile dictionaries. Tip: At the top of a Dictionary box, you can usually find the provider of the definition.

We reached out to Google directly to ask for its response to the claim that the definitions were purposely changed. "This allegation is categorically false," a spokesperson told us. "These definitions come from dictionaries, not from Google. We don't create, write, or modify definitions, and we don't manually decide which results appear. Both of these definitions have shown up for this search and related searches in recent days. " 

This confirms what various social media users had pointed out: The viral image didn't show an individual dictionary entry that had changed; it showed definitions from two different sources, Dictionary.com website and Oxford Languages (see image below). 

When we took a closer look at the viral image, we noticed the two screenshots were significantly different. The first one showed an "About featured snippets" caption, while the second one showed a "Dictionary, Definitions from Oxford Languages" legend. When we clicked on the "Oxford Languages" button, it redirected us to an Oxford Languages article, informing that "Google's English dictionary is provided by Oxford Languages."

The first screenshot, allegedly captured on March 17, 2024, informed the displayed search result was a "featured snippet." A Google Search Help  article  with the title "How Google's featured snippets work" said that "Google's search results sometimes show listings where the snippet describing a page comes before a link to a page, not after as with our standard format. Results displayed this way are called 'featured snippets.'" It continued (emphasis ours):

You might find featured snippets on their own within overall search results, within the "People also ask" section, or along with Knowledge Graph information. We display featured snippets when our systems determine this format will help people more easily discover what they're seeking, both from the description about the page and when they click on the link to read the page itself. They're especially helpful for those on mobile or searching by voice. Featured snippets commonly contain one listing, but more than one may appear. How featured snippets are chosen Featured snippets come from web search listings. Google's automated systems determine whether a page would make a good featured snippet to highlight for a specific search request. Your feedback helps us improve our search algorithms and the quality of your search results.

Ultimately, Google search results are based on many factors, such as one's location or the phrasing of the query, which might cause differences in the search results over time:

To give you the most useful information, Search algorithms look at many factors and signals, including the words of your query, relevance and usability of pages, expertise of sources, and your location and settings. The weight applied to each factor varies depending on the nature of your query. For example, the freshness of the content plays a bigger role in answering queries about current news topics than it does about dictionary definitions.

We have fact-checked other Google-related rumors before. For instance, in June 2023, we investigated whether Google Maps was adding a feature that would allow drivers to challenge each other to a race. In January 2023, we debunked a false claim that a Google product designed to compete with Apple's AirTag and Samsung's SmartTag was named the "G-Spot."

Emery, David. "Did Trump Say It Will Be a 'Bloodbath for the Country' If He Doesn't Get Elected?" Snopes , 17 Mar. 2024, https://www.snopes.com//fact-check/trump-bloodbath-for-country/.

How Google's Featured Snippets Work - Google Search Help . https://support.google.com/websearch/answer/9351707?hl=en. Accessed 22 Mar. 2024.

Learn about Dictionary Boxes on Google - Google Search Help . https://support.google.com/websearch/answer/10106608. Accessed 22 Mar. 2024.

"Ranking Results – How Google Search Works." Google Search - Discover How Google Search Works , https://www.google.com/search/howsearchworks/how-search-works/ranking-results/. Accessed 22 Mar. 2024.

"---." Google Search - Discover How Google Search Works , https://www.google.com/search/howsearchworks/how-search-works/ranking-results/. Accessed 22 Mar. 2024.

Kasprak, Alex. "Is Google Maps Adding Feature That Lets Drivers Challenge Each Other To a Race?" Snopes , 21 June 2023, https://www.snopes.com//fact-check/google-maps-request-to-race-drivers/.

---. "Is Google's 'G-Spot' a Real Product?" Snopes , 30 Jan. 2023, https://www.snopes.com//fact-check/google-g-spot/.

By Aleksandra Wrona

Aleksandra Wrona is a reporting fellow for Snopes, based in the Warsaw area.

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Finger, S. (2012). Cerebral Dominance. In: Rieber, R.W. (eds) Encyclopedia of the History of Psychological Theories. Springer, New York, NY. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4419-0463-8_160

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