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India and its neighbourhood relations

Last updated on April 6, 2024 by Alex Andrews George

India’s geographical positioning in South Asia, surrounded by a diverse array of countries, sets the stage for a complex and multifaceted set of relationships with its neighbors.

These relationships are pivotal not only for regional stability and security but also for India’s aspirations on the global stage.

Each neighboring country—Pakistan, China, Nepal, Bhutan, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, Afghanistan, and the Maldives—shares a unique history with India, characterized by cultural ties, shared heritage, and, at times, contested borders and political tensions.

This blog post delves into India’s relationships with its neighbors, exploring various aspects such as history, culture, polity, defense, issues, and strategic partnerships.

Table of Contents

India-Bangladesh Relations

The relationship between India and Bangladesh stands as a testament to the enduring power of shared history, cultural affinity, and mutual strategic interests.

Since Bangladesh’s emergence as an independent nation in 1971, with significant support from India during its Liberation War , the bilateral ties between these two South Asian neighbors have evolved into a comprehensive and multifaceted partnership.

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This relationship is underscored by high-level political exchanges, extensive trade and economic cooperation, cultural and people-to-people links, and collaboration in areas of security and defense.

Historical and Cultural Ties

• The foundation of India-Bangladesh relations is deeply rooted in their shared history and cultural heritage.
• The liberation of Bangladesh in 1971, aided by India, remains a cornerstone of this relationship.
• The cultural connections between the two countries predate their modern political boundaries, with shared traditions in music, literature, and festivals that underscore their profound kinship.

Political and Strategic Partnerships

• In the realm of politics and strategy, India and Bangladesh have consistently worked to enhance their diplomatic ties and address mutual concerns through dialogue and cooperation.
• The Land Boundary Agreement (LBA) of 2015, which facilitated the exchange of enclaves and resolved longstanding border disputes, exemplifies the maturity and depth of their political engagement.
• Both nations regularly conduct joint consultative commission meetings to discuss a wide range of bilateral and regional issues.

Economic Cooperation and Connectivity

• Economic ties between India and Bangladesh have witnessed significant growth, with India being Bangladesh’s largest trading partner in South Asia.
• The two countries have made strides in enhancing connectivity through road, rail, water, and air links, facilitating not just trade but also people-to-people contact.
• Initiatives like the India-Bangladesh Protocol on Inland Water Transit and Trade (PIWTT) have been instrumental in this regard.
• Moreover, India has extended lines of credit to Bangladesh for various infrastructure and development projects, reinforcing economic linkages.

Defense and Security Collaboration

• Security and defense cooperation are pivotal aspects of the India-Bangladesh partnership.
• Both countries engage in joint military exercises, high-level defense dialogues, and training exchanges.
• This collaboration extends to maritime security, counterterrorism, and intelligence sharing, reflecting their commitment to regional stability and security.

Cultural Exchanges and People-to-People Contacts

• The vibrant cultural exchanges between India and Bangladesh are facilitated through festivals, literary meets, and artistic collaborations.
• The shared linguistic heritage of Bengali, celebrated on both sides of the border, further cements cultural ties.
• People-to-people contact is enhanced by liberal visa regimes and cooperation in areas such as education, with numerous Bangladeshi students pursuing higher studies in India.

Challenges and the Way Forward

• Despite the strength of their relationship, India and Bangladesh face challenges, including issues related to water sharing, border management, and trade imbalances.
• Addressing these concerns through sustained dialogue and mutual accommodation remains critical for the advancement of bilateral ties.

Learn more:  India Bangladesh Relations

India-Pakistan Relations

The relationship between India and Pakistan is one of the most complex and challenging in international diplomacy, marked by a series of highs and lows since their independence in 1947.

This bilateral relationship is influenced by historical, religious, and political factors, leading to a multifaceted and often tense dynamic.

At the heart of their dispute are issues of territorial sovereignty, particularly over the Kashmir region, alongside concerns related to security, terrorism, and regional influence.

Historical Context

• The partition of British India in 1947, which led to the creation of India and Pakistan, sowed the seeds of conflict, particularly over the princely state of Jammu and Kashmir.
• This contentious division has led to three major wars (1947, 1965, and 1971) and numerous smaller-scale conflicts and stand-offs.
• The legacy of partition, characterized by mass migrations and communal violence, has left a lasting impact on the psyche and politics of both nations.

Kashmir Dispute

• The dispute over Kashmir remains the central issue between India and Pakistan.
• Both countries claim the region in full but control only parts of it.
• The United Nations’ attempts to mediate through resolutions and plebiscites have not led to a sustainable solution, making Kashmir a flashpoint for military and diplomatic confrontations.

Nuclear Dimension

• The nuclearization of both countries in the late 20th century added a new dimension to the conflict, with the international community expressing concern over the possibility of a nuclear conflict in South Asia.
• The nuclear tests conducted by both nations in 1998 escalated tensions but also led to a mutual understanding of the need for restraint, exemplified by the Lahore Declaration in 1999, which aimed to improve bilateral relations and avoid nuclear confrontation.

Terrorism and Security Issues

• India has consistently accused Pakistan of supporting insurgent groups in Kashmir and engaging in cross-border terrorism, a claim that Pakistan denies, attributing the unrest in Kashmir to indigenous movements.
• The 2008 Mumbai attacks, which India attributed to Pakistani militants, led to a significant downturn in relations, impacting dialogue and cooperation efforts.

Diplomatic and Economic Ties

• Despite these challenges, there have been periods of constructive engagement and attempts at peace talks.
• Initiatives like the Composite Dialogue Process have sought to address a range of bilateral issues, including trade, people-to-people contacts, and cultural exchanges.
• Trade between the two countries remains far below potential due to political tensions and mutual trade barriers.
• However, there are occasional efforts to increase economic ties and connectivity, seen as avenues to improve bilateral relations.

Recent Developments

• Relations between India and Pakistan have remained strained in recent years, particularly after the 2019 Pulwama attack in Indian-administered Kashmir and the subsequent Balakot airstrike by India inside Pakistan.
• These incidents led to a further militarization of the Line of Control (LoC) and a downturn in diplomatic relations.
• However, there are sporadic calls for dialogue and peace, recognizing that sustained conflict is neither desirable nor beneficial for either country.

Learn more:  India-Pakistan Relations; Terrorism, Kashmir, and Recent Issues

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India-China Relations

India and China, as two of the world’s oldest civilizations, share a long history of cultural, economic, and diplomatic interactions.

However, their relationship in the contemporary era is characterized by a complex mix of competition and cooperation, influenced by border disputes, economic rivalry, and geopolitical maneuvering.

This relationship is pivotal not just for the Asian continent but for global geopolitics, given the stature of both nations as emerging superpowers.

Historical Background

• The historical interactions between India and China have been predominantly peaceful, enriched by the Silk Road trade and the spread of Buddhism from India to China.
• The 20th century, however, saw the relationship strained by territorial disputes, most notably the border war in 1962 over the Aksai Chin and Arunachal Pradesh regions.
• This conflict left a legacy of mistrust and unresolved border issues that continue to impact bilateral relations.

Border Disputes and Military Standoffs

• The Line of Actual Control (LAC) serves as the de facto border between India and China, spanning across the Himalayas.
• Despite numerous rounds of negotiations and the establishment of confidence-building measures, the border remains undefined in several areas, leading to periodic standoffs and clashes, the most recent and significant one occurring in the Galwan Valley in 2020.
• These incidents underscore the volatility of India-China border relations and the potential for escalation.

Economic Ties and Rivalry

• Economically, India and China are both significant players on the global stage, with trade between the two countries reaching impressive volumes.
• China is one of India’s largest trading partners, involved in various sectors, including technology, pharmaceuticals, and manufacturing.
• However, this economic relationship is also marked by a significant trade imbalance in China’s favor, which India seeks to address.
• The economic rivalry extends to competition for markets and influence in Asia and beyond, with both nations investing in infrastructure projects across the region.

Diplomatic and Geopolitical Dynamics

• On the diplomatic front, India and China are engaged in a complex dance of competition and cooperation.
• They work together in multilateral forums like BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa) and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, focusing on shared interests such as trade, climate change, and energy security.
• However, geopolitical rivalry is evident in their efforts to expand influence in Asia, with India concerned about China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and its implications for Indian sovereignty and regional dominance.

Strategic Partnerships and Regional Security

• The broader Asia-Pacific region is a theater for the strategic competition between India and China, with both nations seeking to bolster their security and economic ties with other countries in the region.
• India’s “Act East” policy and participation in the Quad (Quadrilateral Security Dialogue) with the United States, Japan, and Australia are seen as counterbalances to China’s growing assertiveness in the Indo-Pacific region.
• Conversely, China’s close partnership with Pakistan and its forays into the Indian Ocean are viewed with suspicion in New Delhi.

The Path Forward

• Despite these challenges, both India and China recognize the importance of managing their rivalry to prevent conflicts and ensure regional stability.
• High-level diplomatic engagements and dialogues have continued, aimed at resolving contentious issues and exploring areas of mutual interest.
• The relationship between India and China is a delicate balance of competition and cooperation, with both countries navigating their ascent on the global stage while attempting to address bilateral grievances and build a framework for peaceful coexistence.

Learn more:  India-Bhutan-China Relations

India-Nepal Relations

The relationship between India and Nepal is underpinned by a tapestry of cultural, historical, and geographical ties.

Rooted in centuries of shared history, religion, and traditions, the India-Nepal relationship transcends the formal boundaries of diplomacy, embodying the essence of deep-rooted people-to-people connections.

Despite the close ties, the relationship has also been marked by periods of tension and misunderstandings, highlighting the complexities inherent in close bilateral relationships.

Cultural and Historical Bonds

• India and Nepal share profound cultural and religious ties, with Hinduism being the majority religion in both countries.
• The historical exchange of ideas, traditions, and people across the open border has fostered a unique relationship.
• Sacred sites like Pashupatinath in Nepal and Varanasi in India are emblematic of the religious and cultural interweavings.
• The celebration of festivals, shared folklore, and linguistic similarities further cement these bonds.

Geopolitical and Strategic Interests

• Geographically, Nepal’s location between India and China gives it significant strategic importance in the regional power dynamics of South Asia.
• India has historically been Nepal’s largest trade partner and the most significant source of foreign investment, highlighting the economic dimension of their relationship.
• The open border policy, allowing for the free movement of people and goods between the two countries, is a unique feature of their ties, although it has also been a source of security concerns and political friction.

Economic Cooperation and Development Partnerships

• India plays a crucial role in Nepal’s development narrative, contributing to its infrastructure, education, health, and hydropower sectors.
• Several bilateral projects and initiatives, supported by India in Nepal, aim to bolster economic development and connectivity.
• However, economic cooperation has not been without its challenges, including issues related to trade deficits and the implementation of projects.

Political Dynamics and Challenges

• The political landscape in Nepal, particularly its evolving democracy and the drafting of a new constitution, has introduced complexities in the bilateral relationship.
• Issues such as border disputes and Nepal’s increasing engagement with China have led to periods of tension.
• The blockade of 2015, which Nepal attributed to India and significantly affected the supply of goods to the landlocked country, marked a low point in relations, leading to a reevaluation of ties from both sides.

Security and Defense Cooperation

• Security cooperation, aimed at curbing terrorism, trafficking, and unauthorized movement across the border, remains a critical area of collaboration.
• Both countries conduct joint military exercises and share intelligence, reflecting their commitment to regional security and stability.
• The defense ties are complemented by India’s assistance in the training of Nepalese military personnel.

The Way Forward

• Recognizing the multifaceted nature of their relationship, both India and Nepal have shown a willingness to address issues through dialogue and diplomacy.
• High-level visits and exchanges in recent years signify a mutual desire to strengthen cooperation and resolve contentious matters.
• The emphasis on economic partnerships, cultural exchanges, and resolving political differences through dialogue underscores the resilient nature of India-Nepal relations.

Learn more:  India-Nepal Relations

India-Bhutan Relations

India and Bhutan share a unique and exemplary relationship characterized by mutual respect, understanding, and support.

This bilateral relationship stands as a model of friendly ties between two neighboring countries, underpinned by shared interests, cultural affinities, and strategic cooperation.

The India-Bhutan partnership has evolved over the decades into a multifaceted collaboration spanning economic development, security, and environmental conservation.

Historical and Cultural Foundations

• The historical roots of India-Bhutan relations can be traced back to the early 20th century when formal diplomatic ties were established.
• The Treaty of Friendship and Cooperation signed in 1949 laid the groundwork for the special relationship between the two countries, which was further strengthened by the revised treaty in 2007.
• The cultural ties between India and Bhutan are deep, with Buddhism playing a central role in this connection.
• The exchange of visits by religious leaders and the common traditions celebrated in both countries highlight their shared cultural heritage.

Economic Cooperation and Development Assistance

• India is Bhutan’s largest trading partner and the primary source of foreign aid.
• The economic cooperation between the two countries is a cornerstone of their relationship, with India contributing significantly to Bhutan’s development.
• This assistance spans a range of sectors, including hydropower, infrastructure, health, and education.
• The hydropower projects, in particular, are a symbol of the win-win partnership, providing Bhutan with critical revenue through the export of electricity to India and helping India meet its energy needs.

Strategic and Security Collaboration

• Strategic and security cooperation forms an integral part of the India-Bhutan relationship.
• The two countries share a long border, and their security interests are closely aligned, especially in the context of regional stability and countering external threats.
• India has played a key role in Bhutan’s defense capabilities, including training military personnel and providing strategic support.
• The mutual trust and understanding between India and Bhutan have ensured peace and stability along their borders.

Environmental Conservation and Climate Change

• India and Bhutan have collaborated on environmental conservation efforts and climate change initiatives, recognizing their shared Himalayan ecosystem’s vulnerability.
• Bhutan’s commitment to maintaining its carbon neutrality and India’s leadership in global climate change discussions have opened avenues for cooperation in sustainable development, water management, and conservation projects.

Challenges and the Path Forward

• While the India-Bhutan relationship is largely positive, it is not without challenges.
• The dynamics of regional politics and the evolving geopolitical landscape necessitate continuous dialogue and engagement to address any concerns and sustain the strength of the partnership.
• The growth of Bhutan’s interactions with other countries, including China, calls for a nuanced approach from India to ensure that its ties with Bhutan remain robust and mutually beneficial.

India-Sri Lanka Relations

India and Sri Lanka, two neighboring nations in the Indian Ocean, share a deep and multifaceted relationship that spans centuries, from ancient to modern times.

Rooted in historical, cultural, and economic ties, the bilateral relationship has evolved through various phases, characterized by close friendship, periods of tension, and cooperation.

As South Asia continues to grow in strategic importance on the global stage, the relationship between India and Sri Lanka plays a crucial role in regional stability and prosperity.

• The relationship between India and Sri Lanka is steeped in history, with cultural and religious exchanges dating back thousands of years.
• Buddhism, which originated in India, is the major religion in Sri Lanka and forms a significant cultural bridge between the two countries.
• The Ramayana, an ancient Indian epic, also reflects historical links, with Sri Lanka featuring prominently in the narrative.

Economic Relations and Trade

• India is one of Sri Lanka’s largest trading partners, with trade encompassing a wide range of goods and services.
• The India-Sri Lanka Free Trade Agreement (ISFTA), which came into effect in 2000, has significantly enhanced bilateral trade.
• However, negotiations for an expanded Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement (CEPA) have faced hurdles, reflecting the complexities of economic integration.
• Additionally, India contributes to investment and development projects in Sri Lanka, spanning infrastructure, energy, and community development programs, especially in the post-civil war reconstruction phase.

Political and Strategic Dimensions

• The political relationship between India and Sri Lanka has seen its share of ups and downs, influenced by internal dynamics within Sri Lanka, including its civil war, and the geopolitical contest in the Indian Ocean region.
• India’s involvement in Sri Lanka’s ethnic conflict in the 1980s and the subsequent Indian Peace Keeping Force (IPKF) operation have left a lasting impact on bilateral perceptions.
• In recent years, both nations have sought to rebuild trust and strengthen diplomatic and security ties, recognizing their shared interest in maintaining regional stability and security.
• India and Sri Lanka have increasingly focused on enhancing security and defense cooperation to address shared challenges such as maritime security, counter-terrorism, and humanitarian assistance and disaster relief operations.
• Joint military exercises, high-level defense dialogues, and training exchanges are components of this growing security partnership.

Issues and Challenges

• Despite the strong ties, the relationship has faced challenges, including issues related to the fishing rights of Tamil Nadu fishermen in the Palk Strait, concerns in India over China’s growing influence in Sri Lanka through infrastructure projects, and the political sensitivities surrounding the ethnic Tamil population in Sri Lanka.
• Both countries continue to navigate these issues through dialogue and diplomatic engagement.

Recent Developments and Future Prospects

• Recent years have seen efforts to deepen economic cooperation, with initiatives to enhance connectivity through ports, energy links, and people-to-people contacts.
• The shared challenges posed by the COVID-19 pandemic have also brought the two countries closer, with India providing vaccine assistance to Sri Lanka under its “Vaccine Maitri” initiative.

Learn more:  India-Sri Lanka Relations: Everything You Need to Know

India-Maldives Relations

India and the Maldives share a robust and dynamic relationship characterized by mutual respect, friendship, and a shared vision for regional stability and prosperity.

This relationship is anchored in historical, cultural, and geographical ties, with both nations situated in the strategic expanse of the Indian Ocean.

Over the years, India-Maldives relations have evolved, encompassing diverse areas such as economic development, security cooperation, and cultural exchange, reflecting the complexities and opportunities of contemporary international relations.

Historical and Cultural Connections

• The historical and cultural ties between India and the Maldives date back centuries, with both nations sharing maritime trade routes and cultural exchanges.
• The Maldives’ strategic location along key maritime routes has always made it a significant partner for India in the Indian Ocean region.
• These ancient connections have laid the foundation for a strong bilateral relationship, characterized by warmth and mutual understanding.

Economic Engagement and Development Cooperation

• India has been a key partner in the economic development of the Maldives, contributing to infrastructure, healthcare, and education projects.
• Bilateral trade between the two countries is buoyant, with India being one of the Maldives’ main trade partners.
• India’s assistance has been crucial in several development projects in the Maldives, including housing, water supply, and sanitation projects.
• Moreover, India has extended financial assistance to the Maldives during economic crises, exemplifying the depth of their partnership.

Strategic and Security Cooperation

• The strategic dimensions of the India-Maldives relationship are significant, with both countries keen on ensuring maritime security in the Indian Ocean.
• India has played a pivotal role in the Maldives’ security, assisting in surveillance, maritime patrol, and capacity building of the Maldives National Defence Force.
• The security dialogue encompasses a wide array of issues, including counter-terrorism, counter-piracy, and non-traditional security threats, underscoring the comprehensive nature of their strategic partnership.

Environmental and Climate Change Collaboration

• Given their shared vulnerability to climate change, India and the Maldives have cooperated on environmental conservation and climate action.
• Both nations have engaged in dialogue and projects aimed at sustainable development, renewable energy, and disaster preparedness, recognizing the existential threat posed by rising sea levels and global warming.

Challenges and Perspectives

• While the relationship between India and the Maldives is largely positive, it has navigated through periods of tension, primarily influenced by the Maldives’ internal political dynamics and external geopolitical interests.
• The presence and influence of external powers in the Indian Ocean have occasionally tested the resilience of India-Maldives ties.
• However, the overarching trend has been towards strengthening bilateral relations, with both nations prioritizing their strategic partnership.

Recent Developments and Future Trajectory

• In recent years, high-level visits and exchanges between India and the Maldives have underscored the mutual desire to enhance cooperation.
• India’s “Neighbourhood First” policy aligns with the Maldives’ “India-First” policy, creating a conducive framework for advancing their bilateral agenda.
• The COVID-19 pandemic saw India extending timely assistance to the Maldives, further solidifying their friendship and cooperation.

Learn more:  India-Maldives Relations

India-Afganistan Relations

India and Afghanistan share a relationship that stretches back over millennia, marked by rich historical ties, cultural exchanges, and mutual respect.

This enduring relationship has evolved to encompass a wide range of areas including political, economic, and humanitarian aspects, reflecting the complexities and depth of their bilateral ties.

In recent times, despite the challenges posed by regional instability and geopolitical shifts, India has remained a steadfast partner in Afghanistan’s quest for peace and development.

• The historical and cultural ties between India and Afghanistan are profound, with interactions dating back to the Indus Valley Civilization.
• Throughout history, the regions that are now known as India and Afghanistan have witnessed considerable exchange of ideas, goods, and people.
• The spread of Buddhism from India to Afghanistan and the influence of Afghan rulers on Indian culture and architecture during different periods are testament to these deep-rooted connections.

Economic and Developmental Cooperation

• India has been one of the leading contributors to Afghanistan’s development efforts in the post-Taliban era, focusing on infrastructure, education, health, and capacity building.
• Significant projects funded by India in Afghanistan include the construction of the Afghan Parliament building, the India-Afghanistan Friendship Dam (Salma Dam), and numerous other infrastructure projects.
• India’s assistance also extends to scholarship programs for Afghan students and training for Afghan civil servants, reinforcing the human capital of Afghanistan.

Political Relations and Support for Peace

• India has consistently supported a democratic and sovereign Afghanistan, advocating for an Afghan-led, Afghan-owned, and Afghan-controlled peace process.
• India’s participation in international forums discussing the future of Afghanistan highlights its commitment to peace and stability in the region.
• The strategic partnership agreement signed in 2011 further cements the commitment of both nations to deepen their engagement across various sectors.

Security and Strategic Concerns

• While India does not have a military presence in Afghanistan, it has contributed to the country’s security apparatus through non-lethal military aid and training of Afghan security forces.
• The security dynamics in Afghanistan, particularly the threats posed by terrorism and extremism, are of mutual concern.
• India’s interest in ensuring that Afghanistan does not become a safe haven for anti-India militant groups is a significant aspect of its strategic calculations.

Challenges in the Bilateral Relationship

• The relationship has faced challenges, particularly in the wake of the changing political and security landscape in Afghanistan.
• The rise of the Taliban and subsequent shifts in power dynamics have introduced uncertainties in India-Afghanistan relations.
• India’s approach towards engaging with the new political realities in Afghanistan has been cautious, with a focus on ensuring that the gains of the past two decades, especially in terms of human rights and democratic institutions, are not eroded.

Humanitarian Assistance and Cultural Exchange

• India’s humanitarian assistance to Afghanistan, especially in times of crisis, underscores the compassion and solidarity between the two peoples.
• From sending relief materials to offering medical visas, India has endeavored to stand by Afghanistan.
• Cultural exchanges, through art, cinema, and music, continue to play a role in bringing the people of both countries closer, celebrating the shared heritage and fostering mutual understanding.

The Road Ahead

• The future trajectory of India-Afghanistan relations will significantly depend on the evolving political and security situation in Afghanistan.
• India remains committed to supporting Afghanistan’s development and peace process, emphasizing the importance of regional stability and cooperation.
• As both countries navigate through these challenging times, the foundation of historical ties and mutual respect will continue to define their relationship, underscoring the potential for enduring partnership and collaboration.

Learn more:  India-Afghanistan Relations; Everything you need to know

India and its Neighbourhood Relations: Conclusion

The relationships India shares with its neighbors are not just reflections of geographical proximity but are vital to its strategic interests, regional stability, and economic growth.

Through a nuanced blend of diplomacy, cultural exchange, and economic cooperation, India seeks to foster an environment of mutual respect and understanding, recognizing the interconnected fate it shares with its neighbors.

While disputes and tensions have occasionally marred relations, the enduring cultural ties, shared historical experiences, and economic interdependencies provide a strong foundation for constructive engagement.

India’s “Neighbourhood First” policy underscores a commitment to prioritize regional partnerships, aiming to unlock the potential of South Asia through collaborative efforts in security, trade, environmental sustainability, and infrastructure development.

The significance of India’s neighborhood relations transcends bilateral dimensions, influencing the broader South Asian region’s stability and prosperity.

As India positions itself as a global player, its ability to manage and nurture these relationships will be a testament to its leadership and vision for a collaborative regional architecture.

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Essay on India and her Neighbouring Countries for Class 10, 12 and Mains Exam

Essay on india and her neighbouring countries for class 10, 12, mains exam (upsc, psc, ssc).

India is located in the Asian continent and it is the seventh-largest country in the world. It is the home to people of diverse cultures, traditions, languages and religion. It has gained paramount importance for the contributions it has made to the world. India promotes living in unity and so it has maintained peaceful relations with its neighbouring countries. India is the second most populous country in the world and has a democratic form of government. It has a developing mixed economy and is considered the world’s sixth largest economy due the purchasing power parity and nominal GDP. India shares borders with the supreme countries Bhutan, Pakistan, Nepal, Bangladesh, Afghanistan, China, Srilanka and Myanmar.

India’s relation with her neighbour’s:

India is one of the founding members of South Asian Association of Regional Cooperation (SAARC) with an aim to promote cooperation, progress and development of the neighbouring countries. It’s relation with her neighbouring countries are briefly stated below:

India’s relation with Pakistan:

Pakistan never tried to maintain convivial relations with India. Whereas India made severe efforts to maintain jovial relations with it. Pakistan has been always been raising the issue to capture Kashmir for which it is engaging in bitter fights with India. Boththe countries maintain trade relations on food and pharmaceutical grounds.They are engaged with each other on grounds,such as, world cup cricket match, movie promotions, clothing, music, food and religion.

India’s relation with Bhutan:

India and Bhutan share a bilateral relationship, marked by understanding, cooperation, trust and goodwill.  Indian government supports the socio- economic development of Bhutan. The hydro-power cooperation benefits both the countries economically. Bhutan is India’s largest trading partner. India exports cement, dolomite, ferro-silicon, calcium carbide, silicon carbide, timber and cardamom. India fulfils the educational aspirations of many Bhutanese students by accommodating them in universities and providing scholarships.

India’s relation with Myanmar:

Myanmar shares a border with north-eastern India. India established the Sittwe port in Myanmar to obstruct China’s geostrategic impressionsin Rakhine. Indian companies such as Essar, ONGC Videsh Ltd., GAIL have invested in the energy sectors of Myanmar. Indian Myanmar Bilateral Army Exercise aims at promoting relations with the armies. Both the countries maintain cultural relations in terms of ancient histories of colonialism and Buddhist heritage. India is taking initiatives to restore the Ananda temple in Bagan and few of the Pagodas.

India’s relation with Nepal:

India and Nepal enjoygreat bilateral relations. They are politically united due to frequent visits of the leaders of the two countries. India assists the Nepal Army by providing sufficient training and sending equipment. Personnel from Nepal Army attend training courses in various Indian army institutions. Small and large rivers flow from Nepal to India and form a quintessential part of the river Ganges basin. India and Nepal signed the Power Exchange Agreement for meeting the energy requirements on the borders of the two countries. Nepal imports motor vehicles, petroleum products, electrical equipment, agricultural equipment, cement, coal from India. India provides scholarships to Nepalese students for pursuing higher education.

India’s relation with Bangladesh:

India’s largest trading partner is Bangladesh in the South Asian region. India has granted duty free access to Bangladeshi products. In order to encourage trade New Delhi has also reduced the non-tariff barriers. Kolkata is connected to Bangladesh by a bus service route that was launched in 1999. Maitri Express was launched by the two countries to initiate transportation. India provided assistance to Bangladesh for setting up orphanages, educational institutions and cultural centres. The visa process of the Bangladeshi tourists was also simplified by the Indian government.

India’s relation with Sri Lanka:

Sri Lanka and India maintains cordial relationships since the independence. Both of them enjoy a robust commercial relationship. India invested for Sri Lanka in areas of telecommunication,metal industries, real estate, banking, food processing, hospitality and tourism. Dabur, Ashok Leyland, Bharti airtel, LIC, Taj Hotels, Tata companies are Indian businesses organisations present in Sri Lanka.The Indian cultural organization in Colombo promotes Indian culture by offering classes in Indian dance, music and yoga.

India’s relation with Afghanistan:

Indi and Afghanistan share a strong bond based on historical and cultural links. The Strategic Partnership Agreement between the two countries provides help to reform and rebuild Afghanistan’s infrastructure. In order to encourage Afghanistan’s exports, India provides access them to duty free trade. Phoenix, APTECH, KEC, Spice Jet, Air India GSA are some of the renowned Indian companies doing business in Afghanistan. Indian film music and songs arealso influenced by Afghani music.

India’s relationship with China:

India and China do not share a cordial relation although India wanted to solve the boundary issues.China is India’s largest trading partner so it has tried to improve the relation to some extent. But China’s economic interests have always collided with that of India.

Conclusion:

India is a vast country with a mosaic of cultures. It has earned the position of respect in South East Asia. India has maintained good relations with all its neighbours due to its progressive mindset. India’s foreign policy involves maintaining cooperation, freedom and peace with all the neighbouring countries. Ignoring the conflicts of the pasts, Indian political leaders always try to cooperate with the neighbouring countries.

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An analysis on India’s relations with its neighbours

August 20, 2019 by Sandeep

India is the seventh largest country of the world with the area (3,287,590 KM) and its second most populated country with a population of 1.2 billion. This figure shows how huge and big country India is. India shares its boundaries with eight countries namely Pakistan, Afghanistan, China, Nepal, Bhutan, Bangladesh, and Sri Lanka.

India is a peace loving country and it has aimed to develop good relations with its neighbours. Since the inception of India’s Foreign Policy, it aims at a peaceful and friendly relationship with its neighbours. The prime minister and the cabinet of India keep changing after every 5 years but the foreign policy of “Peaceful relation with neighbours” is constant.

India is a regional power with the capability of becoming a superpower. It has the world’s eighth largest military expenditure, third largest armed force, and seventh largest economy by nominal rates. Its good and bad relationship with any of its neighbor can affect the global equations.

India’s relation with its neighbouring countries

Post independence , Pakistan used to be a part of India. In 1906 the Muslim League was founded as a forum for Indian Muslim separatism. It was the Muslim League who endorsed the idea of a separate nation for India’s Muslims.

If we talk about the relationship between both of the countries then we must admit that India and Pakistan share a strained relationship. Kashmir is one of the main reasons for a dispute between India and Pakistan. Kashmir conflict didn’t let both nations share a friendly relationship despite the efforts of many Indian Prime Ministers.

The trade relations between India and Pakistan were at a good condition till February 2019. India has given Pakistan the status of ‘Most Favoured Nation’. But if February after the Pulwama attack , India has taken back the MFN status from Pakistan and increased the customs duty on the trade from Pakistan. Although still, the trade is going on between India and Pakistan.

As we mentioned above that Pakistan used to be a part of India before Independence so, both of the countries have commonality in culture. Urdu is the language of Pakistan but many Indians also speak in this language. Indian movies are loved by Pakistanis and Indian also like Pakistanis actors. Although at present the cultural trade is stopped in between both of the countries.

India and Nepal have been a good neighbour. Between both of the countries with a majority of Hindus, an ethnic demographic relationship exists. The citizens of India and Nepal have cross border marriages. India and Nepal share an age-old relation which has been described in Hindu mythology. And at present time frequent high-level meetings make this bind stronger.

Nepal is now a democratic country. India has played an important role in the development of Nepal especially after the massive earthquake in Nepal in 2015, India helped Nepal a lot in the redevelopment work. The flagship projects of Nepal like B.P. Koirala Institute of Health Sciences completed under the Indian assistance. Overall India’s relation with Nepal is friendly and coordinative.

India and China both countries are a part of BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India China, and South Africa). BRICS nations represent 40 percent of the world population and they have a share of approximately sixteen trillion dollars as Nominal Gross Domestic Product (GDP). China is the manufacturing hub in the world and its a trading relationship with India has effects on the economy of both of the countries.

After independence, India was in a hurry to recognise China as its supportive nation thus it supported China for its entry into the United Nations. In 1962 India had a border conflict between China over Tibet. The war of 1962 with China was a political shock for India. But later on the thing will start improving between both of the countries. Still, there are some border conflicts are present between the countries and many dialog happen to remove these conflicts.

China is becoming close to Pakistan and it affects India’s campaign against Pakistan supported terrorism. But still, India could not decide to look at China as a threat or a friend. India imports many things from China and it boosts china’s economy as well. So trade wise both of the countries share a good relationship.

In 1971, the fragmentation of Pakistan happened and East Pakistan got disintegrated with West Pakistan and Bangladesh was formatted. India supported the boiled struggle of East Pakistan of that time. India has some strong geographical, cultural, historical and economic ties with Bangladesh. India and Bangladesh share a relationship of ‘friends of all seasons’. The strategical position of Bangladesh is important for India’s defense at northeasters end.

4 years after the formation of Bangladesh, the country has started to shift towards Islam and it has become a point of concern for India. India is a democratic country and it always supports the democratic values soothe internal stability of Bangladesh is important for India as well.

India and Bangladesh share some conflicts as well. One of them is the border issue between both of the countries. The border between India and Bangladesh got finalised in 1947 and after the formation of Bangladesh, India shares 4351 km long boundaries.

The Indo-Bangladesh border crosses through 5 states and this borderline often used for smuggling. Water dispute of 54 trans-border rivers is another reason for conflict between India and Bangladesh. The illegal immigration issue is another problematic issue for India. Despite the presence of all the above mentioned issues, India and Bangladesh share hood economical relationships.

India and Sri Lanka had a historical and warm relationship during the time of Pt. Nehru as PM. But the racial disturbance affected the relationship between both of the countries. Under the Rajiv-Jayawardana accord, Indian Peace Keeping forces landed in Sri Lanka for performing a peace-keeping operation in Sri Lanka.

This operation had to abort and force was recalled due to criticism at both national and international level. This operation was the reason behind the murder of Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi. After that India stop intervention in the ethnic conflicts of Sri Lanka. After the end of LTTE and the death of  LTTE leader Prabhakaran the trade between India and Sri Lanka start growing. At present India is keeping an eye on China’s overtures in Sri Lanka.

India’s former Prime Minister Bharat Ratna Atal Bihari Vajpayee once said that you can change your friends but not neighbours. So it becomes must have a cordial relationship with all the neighbours. India knows as a peace-loving country, has some difficult neighbours along with a few friendly ones. Having a good relationship with Pakistan has been a challenge for the country so far.

The present circumstances forced India to take some harsh steps against terrorist training camps situated in Pakistan. The step taken by the Indian government was supported by the other powerful nations of the world. To maintain peace in South Asia, India has to tackle its two neighbours very carefully. These two neighbours are Pakistan and China.

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• Home ›   Public Diplomacy ›   Distinguished Lectures ›   India's relationship with its neighbours: Conflict and Cooperation

India's relationship with its neighbours: Conflict and Cooperation

By: Amb (Retd) Achal Malhotra Venue: Maharshi Dayanand University, Rohtak Date: March 06, 2014

At the outset I would like to express my gratitude to the Management of the Maharshi Dayanand University of Rohtak and Public Diplomacy Division of the Ministry of External Affairs for giving me the opportunity to address the students of this University. This is my second visit to your University and I vividly recall my interaction with well-informed audience last year. I have been assigned the task to speak to you on India’s foreign policy approaches towards its neighbourhood. Let me begin with a quickly sketched profile of South Asia which accounts for the bulk of our neighbourhood. I will later touch upon our next door neighbours in East Asia namely China and if time permits also Myanmar. India’s neighbourhood which the member-countries of the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) namely Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Bhutan, Nepal, Maldives, Pakistan and Sri Lanka comprise, is a fairly complex geographical entity. This is to say the least. In fact India can be said to be living in a dangerous neighbourhood. The constituent countries-individually as well as collectively-represent a world of historical links, shared legacies, commonalities as well as diversities which are so elaborately reflected in their ethnic, linguistic, religious and political fabric. China and Myanmar, the other two neighbours, are no less complex. The South Asian region is also full of contradictions, disparities and paradoxes. In the post-colonial period, the South Asia has been a theatre of bloody inter-state as well as civil wars; it has witnessed liberation movements, nuclear rivalry, military dictatorships and continues to suffer from insurgencies, religious fundamentalism and terrorism, besides serious problems associated with drugs and human trafficking. The region also has the dubious distinction of having over 540mn people who earn less than $ 1.25 a day and account for 44% of developing world’s poor. The region has produced several powerful female leaders and yet in the overall much remains to be done for the empowerment of women. On the barometer of religious tolerance, the constituent countries range anywhere between flexible secular minded and rigidly fundamentalist. The South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) has remained in existence for over 27 years; yet South Asia is considered as the least integrated of the global regions; this is despite the stipulation in its Charter that "bilateral and contentious issues shall be excluded” from its deliberations, thus making it possible to put the contentious issues on the back burner and focus on areas of possible cooperation. On the positive side, the region has been registering a healthy growth (average 6% per annum) during the past several years. Also democratic forms of governance (howsoever flawed and feeble) are beginning to gain some ground in most parts of the region. Where does India stand in this rather volatile region? India’s position is unique in more than one sense. As a matter of an interesting geographic factor, India shares borders with all other South Asian nations whereas no other South Asian nation (except Afghanistan and Pakistan) shares borders with any other South Asian nation. Notwithstanding some shortcomings, democracy and rule of law as instruments of political governance are well entrenched in India. Transfer of power has been more or less peaceful and transparent. In relative terms India can be arguably considered as the most stable country in the region, moving ahead on the fast tracks of development, even though the growth has of late slowed down. Further in terms of its population, territory, GDP, its image as an emerging world economy and a responsible de-facto nuclear State, and as a country which is destined to play a larger role on international arena, and also for several other reasons, India stands apart amongst the bunch of other South Asian countries. In fact India can be said to dwarf others in the South Asian region which in turn has created misperceptions about India and its intention. India thus has reasons to be proud of its achievements. However, in the regional context, "India’s pride”, unfortunately is also "neighbours’ envy”. There are unjustified and erroneous perceptions about India floating around in the region: "Big Brother bullying the smaller neighbour”; "India treats its neighbours as a neglected backyard” etc. etc. There is no justified explanation for the "trust deficit”. On top of it there are vested interests and lobbies for whom being anti-Indian is synonymous with being patriot and nationalist. And then there are strong institutions within the framework of a more or less failed and rogue State in the neighbourhood (Pakistan) which would like to see relations with India in a state of perpetual suspension. India’s motives are suspected even in cases of innocent proposals for economic cooperation which would lead to win-win situations. At times the domestic compulsions in India arising out of regional and coalition politics complicate matters further. It is against the above backdrop of various challenges one has to look at the options which India’s foreign policy makers have at their disposal for this region. In a scenario where we have incorrigible Pakistan at one end and genuinely friendly Bhutan at the other end of the spectrum, and everyone else somewhere in between, it is perhaps difficult to write one single foreign policy prescription for the entire region. Nevertheless, there are some basic approaches which India has consistently endeavoured to adopt and apply; these include for instance:

• India advocates the policy of constructive engagement, despite such serious provocations as have been in the past (attack on Parliament, Mumbai terrorist attacks etc). It believes that violent retaliation and confrontation can only complicate the matters. This applies in particular to Pakistan- the origin of State-sponsored terrorism targeted at India. The policy of engagement is not be allowed, however, to be misunderstood as weakness. Strong and loud messages must emanate from India each and every time our patience is tested.
• India adheres to its benign and noble policy of non-interference into internal affairs of other countries in the region. However, if an act - innocent or deliberate - by any country has the potential of impinging upon India’s national interests, India does not hesitate in quick and timely intervention. Mind it: intervention is qualitatively different from interference, particularly when the intervention is made at the request of the country concerned.
• Foreign policy in India by and large enjoys national consensus. At times, however, there are instances when it appears that the foreign policy is being held hostage to domestic regional politics. Bangladesh and Sri Lanka are the most glaring examples. Domestic sentiments and genuine concerns of the segments of the society must be taken into consideration but not allowed to determine country’s foreign policy which must be guided solely by the overriding national interests and must be made in New Delhi.
• India has endeavoured to deal with the government-of-the-day, be it a democracy, monarchy or military dictatorship, insisting that the choice of the form of government is best left to the people of the country concerned. India does not believe in exporting democracy but does not hesitate in promoting democracy wherever potential exists; this is done by proactively providing assistance in capacity building and strengthening the institutions of democracy;
• In contemporary globalised world, the foreign policy and the foreign economic policy objectives stand integrated and cannot be addressed divorced from each other. Creation of an external environment which is conducive to all inclusive growth in the country is one of the integral component of India’s foreign policy. All diplomatic skills and political leverages are being put to use to impress upon the partners in the region that joint exploration of natural resources can lead to win-win situations. India’s cooperation with Bhutan in hydropower generation is an example to be cited and followed. In contrast, as a result of its reluctance to collaborate with India in this field, Nepal remains a net importer of electricity despite its enormous hydro resources.
• India has skilfully used its policy of non-prescriptive development assistance as its soft power since early 1950s. In return India has sought "good will” and "friends of India”. In a slight departure India is gradually switching over from pure charity to a judicious mix of outright grants and soft loans linked to project/commodity exports. Also India is judiciously working to ensure that the "goodwill’’ thus earned must get translated into concrete political and economic dividends.
• Finally, India is ready to go an extra mile in seeking the integration of the region. As often cautioned by the International Financial Institutes, only through regional cooperation can the South Asia be a part of Asian century.

Resurgent India : Are there any Implications For the Neighbours

In the course of over six decades of its independent existence, India’s global image has undergone substantial change: from the distorted western perception of a land of Sadhus, Beggars and Snakes to one of a leading economy and emerging global player destined to play an important role in international affairs. The past fifteen years have been of utmost importance. India’s economy has moved out of insulated and protected shell and stands integrated into world market. The resilience it demonstrated during the global financial crisis had earned the Indian economy the due appreciation it deserved. The marginal slowdown in the recent past is in sync with the global trends, particularly in the emerging economies, and therefore has had no adverse impact on India’s global image. India’s credentials as a responsible de facto nuclear power are now well established. Most of those who matter in contemporary global affairs have placed on record their support for India’s candidature for Permanent Seat in UN Security Council as and when it is expanded. There is much more to celebrate India’s success story. It is often said against this backdrop that on international arena India does not punch according to its weight even though it aspires to sit on the high seat of UN Security Council. It is a matter of debate as to what should be the levels of aggression with which India should conduct itself at international fora. It is arguably clear however that India can ill afford to adopt aggressive postures in its neighbourhood, and will have to tread with caution while dealing with its oversensitive tiny neighbours.

Now from generics to some specifics:

Pakistan is and for foreseeable future will remain a permanent fixture on the agenda of India’s policy makers. The State Relations between India and Pakistan have remained less than normal ever since the partition of India and creation of Pakistan in 1947. Sporadic efforts made by the civilian authorities on the two sides of the divide to provide semblance of normalcy to bilateral relations have often been thwarted by the ISI and Army in Pakistan. History almost repeated itself in the recent past. Pakistani President Nawaz Sharrif made several conciliatory statements during and after his election in May 2013. He was reportedly advised by his Army Chief to go slow and exercise utmost caution while striving to improve relations with India; this was even before Nawaz Sharif was officially sworn in. As the prospects of a possible bilateral meeting between Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif in New York on the side-lines of the UNGA 2013 Session were looking bright and back-channel contacts had began, the ceasefire violations along the LOC accelerated, culminating in to the killing of five Indian soldiers(6th August 2013). India’s response was firm and strong. In a Statement, the Defence Minister of India A.K. Antony said that "It is now clear that the specialist troops of Pakistan Army were involved in this attack when a group from the Pakistan Occupied Kashmir (PoK) side crossed the LC and killed our brave jawans (soldiers) . We all know that nothing happens from Pakistan side of the Line of Control without support, assistance, facilitation and often, direct involvement of the Pakistan Army.”A chain of allegations and counter-allegations followed. In a resolution it adopted on 13th August, the National Assembly of Pakistan accused India of ‘unprovoked aggression by Indian military forces across the LoC”, promptly rejected and deplored by the Indian Parliament through identical resolutions in the two Houses of Parliament (Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha) reflecting the unity of approach to this issue by the ruling coalition as well as Opposition. Besides refuting the allegation and asserting that "it was the Pakistan Army that was involved in the unprovoked attack on an Indian Army patrol”, it also added "our restraint should not be taken for granted nor should the capacity of our armed forces to ensure the territorial integrity of our nation.” To top it up the Prime Minister Manmohan Singh in his address to the nation on the 67th Independence Day singled out Pakistan by name and said "for relations with Pakistan to improve, it is essential that they prevent the use of their territory and territory under their control for any anti-India activity”. Against the backdrop of this vitiated atmosphere and divided civil society opinion, the Prime Minister of India decided in favour of meeting his Pakistani counterpart in New York on the sidelines of the UNGA. The focus of discussions during the meeting held on 29th September 2013 was on terrorism, reduction of tension on the borders and restoration of ceasefire. Addressing the media, NSA Sh Menon said "Both sides want to see a better India-Pakistan relationship than we have right now. Both want peace and tranquility along the Line of Control. The stage of broader dialogue has not come yet.” In my assessment the future of India-Pak dialogue would depend on i) whether or not Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif is able to minimise Army’s influence and control over foreign and security policies ; ii) tangible deliveries from Pakistan on issues of India’s serious concerns particularly arising out of Pak-inspired/sponsored cross-border terrorism against India.

Afghanistan

As Afghanistan moves closer to multi transitions (NATO drawdown, Presidential elections, economic transition) and enters the phase of transformation decade, India’s focus on Afghanistan is becoming sharper in view of the stakes India has in Afghanistan from the perspectives of Its own security and strategic interests. India can ill-afford the return of Taliban. The emergence of a regime in Afghanistan which is a proxy of Pakistan and dominated by Islamic fundamentalists would not be in the interests of India. A stable and peaceful and prosperous Afghanistan is of no use to India if its territories are allowed to be used for the purposes which are inimical to the national interests of India. Indian policy makers will have to pick up the right option as the security situation evolves; in the event there is no deterioration in the current security situation, India could continue with its policy of commitment to contribute substantially towards reconstruction of Afghanistan and capacity building including training of Afghan Security Forces. [India has invested over $2bn in Afghanistan as development assistance; under its strategic partnership agreement, India is providing training to Afghan Security forces]. It could also adhere to its commitments as Lead Country in Istanbul CBMs. In case Afghanistan returns to chaotic and bloody civil war posing physical threat to Indian personnel’s presence in Afghanistan, India may find it difficult to continue to operate in Afghanistan. At the same time, India’s military intervention in Afghanistan is more or less ruled out.

India’s policy approach towards Sri Lanka is reflected In its response to a Question tabled in the Parliament (Lok Sabha Q. N. 1542 dated 14th August, 2013 ); the Government stated "India has long advocated the creation of an environment in Sri Lanka in which all communities, particularly the Sri Lankan Tamils, are masters of their own destiny within the framework of a united Sri Lanka. Our objective continues to remain the achievement of a future for the Tamil community in Sri Lanka that is marked by equality, dignity, justice and self-respect. In this context, India has been engaged with the Government of Sri Lanka at the highest levels on its stated commitment to implement the 13th amendment to the Sri Lankan Constitution and to go beyond, so as to achieve meaningful devolution of powers.” India has adopted a multi- pronged approach since the liquidation of the LTTE; this policy has several components: i) India misses no opportunity to impress upon the Sri Lankan Government to abide by its commitments towards Sri Lankan Tamils particularly meaningful devolution of powers and the implementation of the 13th Amendment and beyond in a time bound manner; ii) India reassure as often as possible the Sri Lankan Tamils that it will make every effort to ensure the 13th amendment is not diluted and the future for the community is marked by equality, justice and self-respect; (In June last year "Prime Minister Manmohan Singh was explicit in conveying to the visiting Tamil National Alliance (TNA) delegation from Sri Lanka that he was "dismayed by reports suggesting that the Government of Sri Lanka planned to dilute certain key provisions of the 13th Amendment to the Sri Lankan Constitution ahead of elections to the Northern Provincial Council” [Ministry of External Affairs official statement, New Delhi, June 18, 2013] ; iii) India continues to invest into the reconstruction of Northern Sri Lanka; iv) As far the Tamil leadership in India, the Central Government in New Delhi listen to their demands, accommodates them to the extent feasible but ultimately exercises the prerogative of the Centre in the formulation of foreign policy taking broader national interests into account rather than being pushed by narrow regional priorities; v) India is monitoring carefully the Chinese overtures in Sri Lanka and check the latter’s drift towards China.

In terms of geographic and demographic dimensions, skilled manpower, civilizational depth, China is the only country in the region which qualifies for comparison with India. The two countries have a long history of civilisational links. Soon after its own independence and the Maoist revolution in China, India went an extra mile to reach out to the communist regime. India was quick in recognising China, and supported its entry into the United Nations; recognized Tibet as an autonomous region of China The 1962 border conflict therefore came as a political shock to India. While Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi’s landmark visit in 1988 began a phase of improvement in bilateral relations, it is the cumulative outcomes of seven key High Level visits in last 10years which have been transformational for India-China ties. [These were that of Prime Minister Vajpayee [2003], of Premier Wen Jiabao [2005 & 2010], of President Hu Jintao [2006], of Prime Minister Manmohan Singh [2008 and 2013] and of Premier Li Keqiang [2013]. It is noteworthy that more than 60% of the agreements between India and China have been signed during the last decade. As of today, both sides have established 36 dialogue mechanisms covering diverse sectors. Bilateral trade has registered enormous growth reaching $70bn in 2011 (and may touch $100bn by 2015). The year 2014 has been designated as the Year of Friendly Exchanges between India and China. The two sides have established a Strategic and Cooperative Partnership for Peace and Prosperity(2005) The leaders of India and China have also been meeting on the sidelines of regional, plurilateral and multilateral gatherings and conferences. This is not to suggest that there are no irritants in relations between the two countries; there is always the other side of the coin: the border dispute between India and China remains unresolved; China’s plans to build dams on Brahamaputra or seek access to Indian ocean through Pakistan and Myanmar, "string of pearls” etc are matters of concern. In addition, the rapid economic rise of China and its military strength have given it the audacity to occasionally flex political and military muscles. It remains to be answered precisely as to whether the modern China is an opportunity , challenge or threat ? Perhaps, a mix of all three. May I stop now, and leave the floor for the inter-active session, which is usually the more interesting part of events like this?

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India and its Neighbouring Countries Essay

India is a great country having extensive borders. Its total borderline is nearly 15000 kms. Its northern frontier stretches from Kashmiri and goes up to Arunachal Pradesh and Assam touching the border of Burma and Bangladesh.

On the periphery of India, lie many countries. In the north Kashmir is surrounded by Afghanistan, Pakistan, Tibet and China. Ladakh is the tri-junction where the frontiers of these three countries kiss each other. Afghanistan is though now friendly towards India, Pakistan and China are hostile.

Along the entire Himalayan range lies the kingdom of Bhutan. The Himalayan kingdom has a benevolent king Its customs, costumes, religion and manners are quite akin to India.

There is the beautiful Himalayan kingdom of Nepal. Nepal is a country, situated in the heart of the mighty Himalayas. Its capital is Kathmandu. Kathmandu is a lovely valley.

India and Nepal are closely linked culturally and historically. The borders of India also touch the plateau of Tibet. This heavenly kingdom is now under the direct control of Communist China. It does not have good relationships with India. Tibet is Shangrila, a land of tranquillity.

Pakistan is the closest neighbour of India. This country came into existence when India was partitioned in 1947. India has always tried her best to be friendly and cordial with Pakistan, but the latter has always been indulging in such activities as are injurious to India. Moreover, in September 1965, in December 1971 and in April-July, 1999, she launched attacks on India.

The relationships with Pakistan have never been friendly. Another neighbour of India is Bangladesh. She is sandwiched between Assam and West Bengal Bangla Desh was born after much bloodshed in December 1971.

She proclaimed her Independence on March 26, 1971, when General Yahya Khan let loose the military terror over the unarmed and innocent people of Bangladesh But the military might of the Pakistan rulers received a deadly blow in the war in December 1971 against India. A

gain, the military has taken over Pakistan and it is now an unstable state. But Indians want to be friendly towards all of their neighbours. Burma is another neighbour of India whose borders touch Assam Sri Lanka is also a neighbour of India.

It is an island that lies in the Indian Ocean, about 70 miles from Cape Comorin. Therefore, India has many neighbours around her Some of them are friendly while others carry on with a negative attitude towards India.

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India’s foreign policy in its neighbourhood

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GS-II: International Relations & Institutions

Which countries comprise India’s neighbourhood?

How has india’s relations with its neighbours evolved over time, what are the various indian initiatives to harmonise the relations in the neighbourhood, what is india’s ‘neighbourhood first’ policy, what are the challenges in india’s relations with its neighbours, what steps can be taken to strengthen india’s relations with its neighbours.

Prelims : Current events of national and international importance

Mains : India and its Neighborhood- Relations; Bilateral, Regional and Global Groupings and Agreements involving India and/or affecting India’s interests, 

The Indian subcontinent, as a geographical entity, has a unique character. India shares boundaries with nations greatly varying in their size, resources and strength. 

• The South Asian region, which is home to eight countries, and the Indian Ocean region come under the broad geographic expanse of India’s neighbourhood. 
• The nations which make up India’s neighbourhood include Afghanistan , Bhutan, Bangladesh, Maldives, Pakistan, Nepal, Myanmar , Tibetan autonomous region of China and Sri Lanka . 

India has a long history of cultural and commercial exchanges with its neighbours, dating back to ancient times. 

• Anglo-Bhutanese relations: In 1865, Bhutan was forced to surrender the passes leading to Assam to Britishers in return for an annual subsidy. Bhutan then largely remained autonomous while being a buffer state of British India.
• Anglo-Nepal relations: Nepal was an independent kingdom until the war with the Britishers in 1816. It ended with the Treaty of Sagauli that favoured the Britishers. 
• Myanmar gained independence in 1948.
• Sri Lanka: Sri Lanka was under British rule that lasted until 1948, when the country gained independence.
• China and Afghanistan were seen as potential threats to British interests in the region and were maintained as buffer zones at the frontiers of British India.
• Pakistan was created post-independent along communal lines. This resulted in the Kashmir region becoming a point of contention between the two countries. 
• Non-Alignment Movement (NAM): The policy of NAM was followed to maintain cordial relationships with all nations, including its neighbours.
• The Panchsheel (Five Principles): It was a set of principles for guiding relations between India and China.
• It marked a turning point in India's foreign policy as India began to re-evaluate its relationship with China.
• 1965 Indo-Pakistan war: It further entrenched the Kashmir dispute and reinforced the notion of India and Pakistan as hostile adversaries. 
• Bangladesh liberation war: In 1971, India intervened in the Bangladesh liberation war, which led to the creation of Bangladesh. 
• Southeast Association of Regional Cooperation (SAARC) , 1985 : It was created with the goal of promoting regional cooperation and integration among South Asian countries, with a focus on economic, social, and cultural development.
• India Sri-Lanka accord, 1987: It was signed to resolve the Sri Lankan civil war by enabling the thirteenth amendment to the Constitution of Sri Lanka.
• Operation cactus, 1988: India was involved militarily in the Maldives to foil an attempted coup.
• Look east policy: Launched in 1991, it aimed to strengthen economic and political ties with countries in Southeast Asia .
• Non-reciprocity with neighbours.
• Territory should not be used against the interest of another country.
• Non-interference in internal affairs.
• Respect each other’s territorial integrity and sovereignty.
• Settle all disputes through peaceful bilateral negotiations.  
• Member States: Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, Nepal, Sri Lanka, Myanmar and Thailand.
• Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA) , 1997: It is an intergovernmental organization that brings together countries bordering the Indian Ocean to promote regional cooperation and economic integration.
• ‘Neighbourhood First’ policy, 2014 : It aimed to strengthen relations with countries in South Asia and the Indian Ocean region. 

India has undertaken various initiatives to harmonize relations with its neighbours in the region. Some of these initiatives are

• ‘Neighbourhood First’ policy: It is based on the principles of mutual respect, understanding, and sensitivity to each other's concerns and priorities.
• Act east policy: It is aimed at enhancing ties with the countries of Southeast Asia and the Asia-Pacific region.
• Connectivity initiatives: Promoting connectivity initiatives such as the international north-south transport corridor, the Chabahar port in Iran, and the Kaladan multimodal transit transport project in Myanmar.
• Development cooperation : Providing development assistance through various initiatives such as the Indian Technical and Economic Cooperation ( ITEC ) Program, the Indian Council for Cultural Relations ( ICCR ), etc.
• Vaccine diplomacy: India has played a significant role in the region's fight against COVID-19 by providing vaccines to its neighbours under its vaccine diplomacy initiative. 
• Bangladesh–Bhutan– India–Nepal (BBIN) network : India is also part of the sub-regional grouping of the BBIN network.
• Bhutan: India signed the Indo-Bhutan treaty of peace and friendship in 1949 and the Agreement on cooperation in hydropower in 2006. India also provides financial support to Bhutan’s five-year plans.
• Nepal : India signed the Treaty of peace and friendship in 1950. There are various agreements related to hydropower projects like the Arun hydropower project etc.
• Sri Lanka: India is providing assistance to implement the ‘Unitary digital identity framework ’. India has also been providing financial support in the face of the recent balance of payment crisis in Sri Lanka.
• Bangladesh : India has signed agreements relating to sharing of river waters with Bangladesh.
• Maldives: Greater Male connectivity project by an Indian company to provide connectivity in Maldives, restoration of Addu atolls etc.
• Myanmar: India has also been providing assistance in various fields such as education, healthcare, disaster management , capacity building and culture etc.
• Leveraging Science and Technology: India successfully launched the first-ever South Asia Satellite (SAS) to boost communication and improve disaster links among its south Asian neighbours. 

The ‘Neighbourhood First’ policy is a foreign policy initiative introduced by India in 2014. It aims to strengthen India's relations with its immediate neighbours. 

• It emphasizes creating a peaceful, prosperous, and stable neighbourhood through enhanced connectivity, economic cooperation, and people-to-people exchanges.
• Sovereignty and territorial integrity
• Mutual respect and sensitivity
• Shared prosperity
• Connectivity for regional integration 
• People-to-people exchanges

Recent developments related to the ‘Neighbourhood First’ policy

• In 2014, the Prime Minister(PM) invited all heads of state from South Asia to his oath-taking ceremony.
• He visited Afghanistan again in 2016 to inaugurate the Salma Dam in Herat. 
• Ties with Nepal: PM Modi was the first Indian PM to visit Nepal after 17 years in 2014.
• Ties with Bangladesh: PM Modi visited Bangladesh in 2015, where India and Bangladesh exchanged instruments of ratification regarding the agreement on the historic land boundary.
• BBIN: BBIN Motor Vehicle Agreement for the regulation of passenger, personal and cargo vehicular traffic amongst BBIN members was signed in 2015. 
• Vaccine Maitri: India, through its vaccine diplomacy, extended help on priority to its neighbours during the Covid-19 pandemic  

India's relations with its neighbours have been marked by a range of challenges and issues over the years.

• Border disputes: India has long-standing border disputes, particularly with China (Line of Actual Control) and Pakistan (Line of Control), which have led to military conflicts and tensions. 
• Terrorism : India has been a victim of terrorism perpetrated by groups based in neighbouring states, especially Pakistan.
• Most of the countries in India’s neighbourhood are part of China’s belt and road initiative, with the exception of Bhutan.
• Example : Disputes over the Indus water treaty with Pakistan 
• Example : Military coup in Myanmar in 2021
• Economic cooperation : By increasing trade, investment, and cross-border connectivity. ( South Asia’s intra-regional trade is the lowest globally, constituting only 5% of the region’s total trade ).
• People-to-people exchanges : India can promote people-to-people exchanges by facilitating cultural, educational, and tourism exchanges.
• Security cooperation: India can strengthen security cooperation with its neighbours to address common security challenges such as terrorism, cyber threats, and transnational crime. SAARC and BIMSTEC frameworks can play an important role in this.
• Regional integration: India can support regional integration by participating actively in regional forums such as SAARC, BIMSTEC, and IORA.
• Diplomatic outreach: India should engage in sustained diplomatic outreach to its neighbours to promote dialogue, resolve outstanding issues, and build mutual trust.  

Previous Year Questions

Q) What is meant by Gujral doctrine? Does it have any relevance today? Discuss. ( 2013 )

Q) What is the importance of developing Chabahar Port by India ?( 2017 )

(a) India's trade with African countries will enormously increase.

(b) India's relations with oil-producing Arab countries will be strengthened.

(c) India will not depend on Pakistan for access to Afghanistan and Central Asia.

(d) Pakistan will facilitate and protect the installation of a gas pipeline between Iraq and India.

Frequently Asked Questions (FAQs)

Q) what is non-alignment movement.

The Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) is a political movement consisting of countries that are not formally aligned with or against any major power bloc. It was formed during the Cold War, in 1961, with the aim of promoting peace, security, and economic development among member states, while maintaining their independence and sovereignty.

Q) What is the Kaladan multimodal project?

The Kaladan multimodal project is a transportation infrastructure project that aims to connect the eastern Indian seaport of Kolkata with Sittwe Port in Myanmar's Rakhine State via inland waterways, as well as by road. The project is also intended to promote economic development and regional integration in the Bay of Bengal region.

Q) What is Indus Water Treaty?

It is an agreement signed between India and Pakistan in 1960 with the help of the World Bank, which governs the sharing of the waters of the Indus River system. Under the treaty, India was given control over the Beas, Ravi, and Sutlej, while Pakistan was given control of the Indus, Chenab, and Jhelum.

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Evolution of ‘India’s Neighbourhood First Policy’ Since Independence

• Original Article
• Open access
• Published: 06 February 2023
• Volume 60 , pages 224–232, ( 2023 )

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• Saroj Kumar Aryal   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0001-5094-3590 1 &
• Simant Shankar Bharti 1  

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The ‘Neighbourhood First Policy’ is the anchor point of India’s general foreign policy since independence in 1947. Subsequently, the Neighbourhood First Policy has evolved, was debilitated, and has been reformed under the various prime ministers of India. Based on preferences and perceptions about the South Asian neighbourhood, the Neighbourhood First Policy has been implemented differently. This article aims to analyse the Neighbourhood First Policy of India under four different prime ministers (Jawaharlal Nehru, Indira Gandhi, Inder Kumar Gujral, and Narendra Modi). The article investigates the pretexts behind each premier’s way of handling the Neighbourhood First Policy followed by an empirical analysis.

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Introduction

Bhutan, Afghanistan, the Maldives, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, Nepal, and Pakistan all share borders with India, and these states vary in strengths, resources, and sizes. The connection between India and the countries of South Asia is the focus of the Neighbourhood First Policy (NFP), which is also known as the South Asian Foreign Policy (SAFP). India’s strategy towards its near neighbours is based on efforts to promote South Asian peace and cooperation. Its NFP approach prioritises countries on the periphery, with an emphasis on promoting trade, connectivity, and contact among people. It is critical for India to build long-term links between its domestic ambitions and its foreign policy objectives if it is to play a significant role in the growing politics of a multipolar world.

India’s political and socioeconomic progress is highly dependent on the stable, safe, and peaceful environment of its neighbours (Das, 2016 ). ‘No nation can become a genuine power in the world arena’, according to Mohan ( 2007 ), unless it has long-term primacy in its own neighbourhood. According to Muni and Mohan ( 2004 ), ‘India’s ability to manage its own neighbourhood will determine whether it achieves its goal of becoming one of Asia’s major powers.’ India considers its NFP as a main instrument of its foreign policy. At the same time, the policy has been criticised for being inconsistent and misinterpreted. Our aim is to investigate India’s NFP from the point of view of four prime ministers of India.

First, we evaluate the approach of Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru towards his neighbours. Nehru took a broad view of India’s neighbours and placed them within a larger Asian context. Iran, Russia, and Central Asia were among India’s strategic neighbours at that time. Due to its interest in Tibet and Xinjiang, China became India’s new neighbour at the same time in 1950–1951. New Delhi had previously dealt and communicated with Tibet and Xinjiang as separate entities (Singh 2019 ). In this section, we explore how the NFP got trapped between Nehru’s attempt to balance idealism and realism.

Second, we evaluate the approach of Prime Minister Indira Gandhi towards the neighbourhood. During the Indira Gandhi era, India’s foreign policy was far more focused on regional issues in South Asia than it had been on the preceding two decades of independence. There are various pretexts on which Gandhi became assertive in regard to the handling of the Indian neighbourhood, which is briefly discussed in this review. It is difficult to separate her unique position and contribution from other elements, such as domestic political events and external relations and conditions, when discussing India and its neighbours.

Third, Prime Minister Inder Kumar Gujral attempted to redefine India’s NFP by adding a ‘big brother responsibility’ flavour to it. The Gujral Doctrine is a set of five principles laid out by Gujral, who had served as India’s foreign minister before becoming prime minister, to guide the conduct of India’s diplomatic relations with its near neighbours. The Gujral Doctrine is credited for significantly altering the way India’s bilateral interactions with its immediate neighbours, particularly the smaller ones, were conducted. The philosophy was also well received by the latter, who were enthusiastic about the concepts it outlined (Murthy, 1999 ).

Fourth, since 2014, Prime Minister Narendra Modi has tried to revive the NFP by first inviting all heads of state from South Asia to his oath-taking ceremony. Modi picked Thimphu as his first port of call 3 weeks after beginning his first term as the prime minister of India with a glittering swearing-in ceremony in New Delhi attended by the leaders of numerous South Asian countries (Bhaumik 2021 ). Kathmandu was his second overseas destination in the area, which he visited on August 3 and 4, 2014. Throughout the first term and in his second term, Modi supposedly anchored his foreign policy through the NFP. However, the scenario of bilateral relations of India with most of its neighbouring states and the current situation on regional integration tell us otherwise.

This is a qualitative study based on the analysis of primary and secondary sources. It applies discourse analysis and comparative analysis to these sources. Discourse analysis means analysing the speeches and decisions made by the prime ministers and the resulting transformations in how the NFP was construed. The study focusses on four prime ministers to delineate the following sequence. First, Nehru laid a foundation by being more region-centric and pragmatic in his last phases as the prime minister. On the basis of that, Indira Gandhi portrayed herself as an assertive realist in terms of her NFP. The Gujral Doctrine laid an optimistic and wise NFP, and based on that foundation, Modi has tried to revive the NFP since 2014.

Nehru’s Approach to Neighbourhood: A Mixture of Ignorance and Optimism

India’s NFP was shaped primarily during the British rule as a form of geopolitics, and it continued in the postcolonial era in the subcontinent. The British conceived the neighbourhood in terms of a ‘diplomacy of dependency’ (Mohan, 2013 , p. 4). Wilson ( 1990 pp. 42) observed that the foundation of India’s post-independent NFP started with a speech by the first prime minister of India, Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru, specifically about Nepal. However, the speech regarding Nepal reveals India’s overall intention regarding its small-state neighbours in South Asia. On 6 January 1950, Nehru said in the Indian Parliament: ‘... As much as we appreciate the independence of Nepal, we cannot allow anything to go wrong in Nepal or permit that barrier to be crossed or weakened, because that would be a risk to our own security’ (Thapliyal 2012 ). After the speech about Nepal, Indian neighbourhood policy extended to the Himalayan group states (Bhutan, Nepal, and Sikkim) and later expanded to the second group of countries which included Pakistan, East Pakistan (Bangladesh), and Sri Lanka.

Singh ( 2020 ) argued that Nehru was successful in dealing with South Asian countries, and his major achievement was bringing Bhutan and Nepal into the domain of Indian security interests. For example, the ‘Treaty of Friendship’ with Bhutan was signed in 1949, and one year later (1950), the ‘Treaty of Peace and Friendship’ with Nepal was signed. A similar kind of treaty was also signed with Sikkim in 1950. While China’s expansion towards Tibet has posed security concerns in South Asia, the agreement with Nepal and Sikkim was specifically targeted to mitigate China’s march towards India’s neighbourhood. Based on the agreement, New Delhi got the right to deploy troops in Sikkim which reflected realism in Nehru’s approach. Here, Nehru showed a strong realist tendency to manage the Himalayan state of South Asia, which was important for India’s security perspective, but it also led to various criticisms (Mohan, 2013 , p. 2). 1-2.; Singh, 2020 , p. 11-12). As it was against Gandhian principles, this move was criticised by fellow party members of the Indian National Congress (INC).

Basically, Nehru considered the subcontinent as ‘an exclusive sphere of influence for New Delhi’. He pragmatically tried to promote democracy in the Himalayan states in order to pursue India’s security interests. Mitra ( 2020 ) defined the Nehruvian approach as ‘a special relationship’ with these Himalayan states, and Nehru’s approach was centred on the ideas of democracy, motivated treaty, manipulation, and overwhelming diplomacy. All this pushed the Himalayan states strategically towards the buffer states. Nehru’s increasing strategic closeness with the Himalayan states made the Chinese anxious about the intentions of India. As a result, the 1962 Sino-Indo war occurred which violated 1954’s Panchsheel Agreement signed between India and China (Mitra, 2020 , pp. 235-236). Although Panchsheel was an agreement signed between India and China, it remained India’s leading foreign policy for the South Asian states. The principles of Panchsheel included (1) mutual respect for territorial integrity and sovereignty, (2) mutual non-aggression, (3) mutual non-interference, (4) equality and cooperation for mutual benefit, and (5) peaceful coexistence. The 1962 war with China exposed India’s poor defence strategy and forced New Delhi to improve its defence. The war worked as an alarm for India’s strategic thinking as the leaders realised that India cannot rely only on an idealistic mindset of a peaceful coexistence.

Dutt ( 1980 ) argued that Nehru’s overall Himalayan and immediate neighbourhood policy was driven by a sentiment which Dutt described as a ‘big brother approach toward little brothers’. Nehru instructed Vallabhbhai Patel (the then former deputy prime minister of India) to activate ‘democratic forces’ in Bhutan, Nepal, and Sikkim. The instruction projected Nehru’s intention to create an environment where states such as these three would show a willingness to join India or choose to remain in India’s sphere of influence zone. This was carried out as a part of Nehru and Patel’s attempts to accommodate many princely states in India after independence. This move cautioned Nepal, and Nepal made it clear that they would accept India as a defence partner bounded by the friendship treaty, but would not compromise their sovereignty. The concerns of Nepal turned out to be well founded later when the friendship treaty between India and Sikkim was terminated and Sikkim chose to be part of India (between 1974 and 1975) with a special status (Article 371F as per the Indian constitution). Nepal and Bhutan both got membership in the United Nations (UN) in 1955 and 1971 respectively. In addition to Bhutan and Nepal, other independent Himalayan states remained dependent in terms of trade and security which secured the fact that India remained a dominant actor in these states. India continues to provide development assistance to these Himalayan states to advance its geopolitical motives (Dutt, 1980 , pp. 71-78).

Overall, Lal ( 2009 ) identified three assumptions in Nehruvian foreign policy: (1) After independence, New Delhi continued the British role and responsibility as a leader of the Indian subcontinent. The subcontinent lies between Iran and Indonesia, the Indian Ocean, and the Hindukush-Himalayas. (2) India was the main leader of the anticolonial struggles and wanted to create a buffer for the third-world countries and influence the balance between the first and second world. After World War II, the world was caught in the dilemma that ensued during the Cold War between two power rivals. Nehru became a torchbearer of the Non-Alignment Movement to balance peace and stability as well as security in the subcontinent along with other newly independent countries. (3) Nehru’s idea was to collaborate with China to maintain the freedom of Asian states with superpower rivalry (Lal, 2009 ; Mitra, 2020 , p. 237). In general, Nehru wanted a safe environment in the Indian subcontinent and a strong security link around the Indian territories to maintain India’s new independence and mitigate internal as well as external challenges. There were external and internal defence challenges, and at the same time, India was engaged in the strong task of internal unification. Nehru’s assumption that the Himalayan states would be easier in terms of maintaining security and close relations also turned out to be a challenging task.

For Nehru, Panchsheel remained the leading policy for dealing with India’s neighbours (Sahoo, 2016 , p. 70-71). But Nehru’s idea of neighbours had a broader Asian framework with a geostrategic spectrum that included Iran, Russia, and Central Asia. Similarly, India projected its interest to maintain autonomous state-level relationships with Tibet and Xinjiang during 1950–1951. Muni ( 2003 pp. 187) argued that Nehru wanted to build an ‘East Federation’ of India along with the major Asian countries. This was an idea that sought a ‘broader vision of unity and solidarity’. On this front, Muni also argued that in the aspiration to build a broader role for India, Nehru had a ‘tendency to take smaller neighbours for granted’. Nehru considered New Delhi’s strategic interests primarily in terms of ‘ensuring peace and stability in its neighbourhood’. On the contrary, Nehru’s adversary Ram Manohar Lohia (leader of the Socialist Party of India) presented an ‘idea of confederation with Pakistan and other neighbourhoods’ (Chattopadhyay, 2011 , p. 95) which was neglected by Nehru. According to Singh ( 2019 ), Nehru propagated the ‘family approach’ as a main anchoring idea of his NFP aiming to treat its neighbour as ‘part of a one whole’. As a result, Nehru chose to micromanage its neighbours, which in many instances turned out to be counterproductive. One among them was the fact that the Nehruvian NFP was mainly concentrated on security aspects rather than economic dimensions. The building of infrastructure and development projects had barely been part of Delhi’s strategy towards its neighbours under his tenure.

Indira Gandhi and the Neighbourhood: A Phase of Regional Assertion

Indira Gandhi abandoned the ‘family approach’ of the Indian NFP. Gandhi took some decisive actions in India’s neighbourhood. Two major successes were credited in her neighbourhood approach: (1) the inclusion of Sikkim (later merged with India in 1975) under the Indian protectorate and (2) the liberation and independence of Bangladesh from Pakistan (Singh, 2019 ). As forcefulness and decisiveness had never been a part of Nehru’s leadership towards the neighbourhood, Indira showed a more assertive and realist approach in South Asia. Indira Gandhi’s foreign policy was based on the famous ‘Monroe Doctrine’ to position India in its South Asian neighbourhood. Mohan ( 2003 ) explained Gandhi’s belief in the ‘Indian neighbourhood’, where she believed it to be an exclusive zone of supremacy and dominance. She also wanted that ‘no foreign power would be allowed to interfere’ in the region. Mohan regarded India’s Monroe doctrine as ‘buttressed by the principle of bilateralism’. He called it the ‘Indira Doctrine’, and New Delhi believed that the problem of the South Asian region must be resolved bilaterally and there is no place for external players to interfere in those affairs. (Sahoo, 2016 , p. 71).

Wariavwalla ( 1983 pp. 278-281) characterised the ‘national security of Indira’s India’ as an era of ‘high defence spending’. These were reflected in the mobilisation of India’s security strength against any external enemy. Gandhi believed that India is surrounded by multiple security threats. Similarly, Wilson ( 1990 ) argued that Gandhi was more concerned about the ‘greater challenges to New Delhi’s geostrategy in the region’. Naming it ‘India interest’, Indira’s policies to safeguard Indian benefit in the neighbourhood are often described as ‘more than what Nehru did’. She forged the idea of South Asia as a ‘troubled region’ which then gave her an opportunity to intervene in the regional matters. Her intervention in Sikkim and Bangladesh is the best example of protecting India’s interests (Wilson, 1990 , p. 43-51). Chattopadhyay ( 2011 pp. 96) regarded Indira Gandhi’s NFP as ‘a wide range of assertive and realistic Indian-centric orientation[s]’ where she also included the dynamics of ‘technological defence capacity’ in India. It was a warning to neighbours that India will act aggressively in a hegemonic nature if New Delhi got a sense of threat to its unity and territorial integrity. (Dixit, 2001 , p. 30).

Bhattarai and Pulami ( 2020 , p.42) presented Indira Gandhi’s NFP as an intention of ‘keeping foreign powers away from any kind of conventional influence in the regional security framework’. Appadorai ( 1982 ) perceived Indira’s neighbourhood approach as ‘far from idealism, not guided by sentimentalism, and a mixture of very clear thinking and hard-headed decision making of the situation’ (Das, 2016 , p. 21). Biswas ( 2020 , p. 1321) mentioned Indira Gandhi’s policies were motivated by establishing a subcontinental hegemony to protect India from territorial hostilities. Likewise, Richter ( 1987 ) argued that ‘Mrs. Gandhi’s Neighbourhood policy was anchored by her personality and the style of functioning’. He also added that not only did Mrs. Gandhi reduce the size of Pakistan by forming a separate nation, Bangladesh (1971), but also her vision helped to form the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) in 1985. Although it has been argued that the establishment of SAARC was a ‘small states gang-up against India’, it nonetheless shows Indira’s intention to unite the region as one. Richter defined Indira’s NFP in three arguments: (a) regional relations took place within a well-established Indo-centric and India-dominant geopolitical context, (2) her personal style of reacting to internal and external threats with a massive force had a considerable impact on relations with neighbours, and (3) India’s relations with other South Asian nations during this period depended greatly on the mixture of leadership and her personal attributes (Richter, 1987 , p. 250).

During Indira Gandhi’s prime ministership, Indo-Pakistan relations were hostile because of the tri-party struggle for the independence of Bangladesh. The recognition of Bangladesh became the responsibility of Mrs. Gandhi, which led to her visit to the US and European capitals to gain a vote of confidence—and she emerged victorious. In 1972, Gandhi and the Pakistani president settled their differences peacefully in Shimla, known as the ‘Shimla Agreement’. During her tenure, the predominant position of India in the region was widely recognised, especially by the USA. Having dealt with domestic political issues, Gandhi was also criticised for her ‘increasing authoritarian nature’ domestically and in South Asia. During Gandhi’s era, there was considerable political drama in the South Asian region. There was no place for a ‘cultural cooperation’; rather, it was the game of geopolitical supremacy among these states. Richter said that the Indian authors used the term ‘neighbour’ and ‘neighbourhood’ to refer to its smaller neighbouring countries. In fact, Burma (Myanmar) and China shared a long border with India, but both countries were ‘frequently excluded’ from the status of ‘neighbourhood’. The inclusion of Afghanistan in India’s neighbourhood was conditional based on political interest (Richter, 1987 , p.; Behuria, Pattanaik & Gupta, 2012 , p. 236).

We found that her domestic politics was based on a socialist structure, but her approach to the neighbours was assertively realist in nature. Most authors have analysed Mrs. Gandhi as a powerful lady, and it was reflected in India’s neighbourhood policy. But it was Tharoor ( 1982 pp. 55) who manifested the personality of Mrs. Gandhi as one driven by insecurity and a ‘desire to dominate or else she will be dominated’. Thus, she ‘transformed the system to ensure her personal survival and dominance’. She made many controversial decisions to hold her power, for example, the 1975 emergency and military footsteps in the Golden Temple of Amritsar, Punjab. So, domestically, she faced major challenges and lost her power in the 1977 General Assembly election, which was the first occasion when a non-Congress party made the government. That was the phase where she faced criticism both domestically and externally. Unlike her father, her policy towards the neighbourhood was implemented mainly in a geopolitical arena. Her role in India’s foreign policy can be summed up as an era of New Delhi’s footprints dominating the region of South Asia.

The Gujral Doctrine: The Dream of Being a Responsible Big Brother

After Indira Gandhi’s assertive neighbourhood engagement, a notable NFP was initiated under the Union minister of external affairs, Inder Kumar Gujral (who later became the prime minister of India from April 1997 to March 1998). The policy that he had initiated became famously known as the ‘Gujral Doctrine’. The Gujral Doctrine is credited for significantly altering the way India’s bilateral interactions with its immediate neighbours, particularly the smaller ones, were conducted. The doctrine is based on five principles that suggest how India should treat its neighbours. The five principles are (Murthy 1999 ):

India does not demand reciprocity from its neighbours Bangladesh, Bhutan, the Maldives, Nepal, and Sri Lanka, but instead gives and accommodates what it can in good faith and trust.

No country in South Asia should allow its territory to be used against the interests of another in the region.

No country should interfere in another’s domestic affairs.

All countries in South Asia must respect the territorial integrity and sovereignty of each other.

All of their disagreements must be resolved through peaceful bilateral dialogue.

India assumed a natural leadership role in the South Asian area due to its size, geography, and economic potential. On the other hand, the overbearing presence of India as a neighbour with aspirations for global leadership caused concerns among India’s neighbours. Bhasin ( 2008 ) opined that India’s presence in South Asia has become a dilemma better captured in the phrase ‘Perceived Hegemony vs. Reluctant Leadership’.

Before the reorientation of India’s NFP, some of the major developments in the region can be seen to have created a ‘fear psychosis’ among the small neighbouring states which essentially worked against India. For example, India was accused of exploiting the 1987 India-Sri Lanka agreement as a pretext to show its military might in the region. The agreement enables India to play a diplomatic role in ending the conflict in Sri Lanka between the Tamils and the Sinhalese (Mehta, 2009 ). Similarly, in November 1988, the Indian military responded to a request from the Maldives’ de jure government by assisting in the suppression of an attempted coup on the island. The Maldives episode would not have drawn much attention if it had occurred alone, but the fact that it occurred less than a year after India’s military intervention in Sri Lanka exacerbated negative impressions of India (Brewster 2014 ).

Gupta ( 1997 ) argued that for the first time in 50 years, the Gujral Doctrine had lowered tensions and conflicts between India and all its neighbours. In 1996–1997, the contract with Nepal to temper the Mahakali River to generate hydroelectricity practically coincided with the resolution of the water sharing conflict with Bangladesh in barely 3 months. It was followed by agreements with Sri Lanka to deepen developmental cooperation, as well as some unilateral moves by India to overcome the long-standing impasse in Indo-Pakistan relations. The Gujral Doctrine has been known for its action-orientated diplomatic thrusts. Chattopadhyay ( 2011 ) argued that the Gujral Doctrine stands out as a conflict resolution mechanism initiated by the Indian government in the South Asian region.

However, the Gujral Doctrine has been criticised for various reasons, although it managed to achieve results. Jain ( 1999 ) argued that India conveyed the incorrect signals to Pakistan by promoting such a concept, as the then–foreign minister Gujral did. In fact, Islamabad’s leadership circles publicly accused India of isolating Pakistan because the Gujral concept did not need reciprocity from any other South Asian country except Pakistan. Additionally, in the region, the concept smacked of Indian hegemony. Ghosh ( 1997 ) agrees with Jain that although the Gujral Doctrine has been argued as a leading policy of conflict resolution in the region, it completely failed to resolve the issue with Pakistan. Jain also criticised the personification of such a doctrine. He argues that the doctrine gives the appearance that, like Eisenhower, Nixon, Kennedy, and Clinton, India is devoted to maintaining its global or superpower status, which is far from the case. Such ideas are untenable in a parliamentary democracy, as opposed to a presidential democracy. Even if this is true, the philosophy should be known as ‘the Gowda doctrine’ (the prime minister when the Gujral Doctrine was formed) because in the Indian parliamentary form of government, it was the prime minister, not Mr. Gujral, who benefited from such a privilege.

The successor of Gujral, Atal Bihari Bajpayee, centred his campaign by criticising Gujral’s idea of regional politics. The BJP-led federal government abandoned the Gujral ideology. Vajpayee stated that India’s relations with its neighbours would be based on reciprocity. This obviously demonstrates that Prime Minister Vajpayee had reversed the Gujral theory, which was at best a political gimmick or an attempt to build Bajpayee’s own image as a foreign policy pundit in India. Even after the Mumbai terrorist attack in 2008, a piece written in India Today managed to connect it to how it was Gujral’s fault. During his tenure, Gujral had shut down covert operations in Pakistan (Vinayak 2008 ).

Although A.B. Vajpayee’s NFP begins with the rhetoric that ‘We can change our friends but we cannot change our neighbours’, his action remained out of focus due to the nuclear test in 1998. After 1998, India’s foreign policy orientation shifted towards engaging western countries. Since 2014, Prime Minister Modi has tried to revive the NFP, and his attempts have been interpreted as a re-emergence of the ‘Gujral Doctrine’ with a Modi flavour.

Modi’s Hide and Seek with the Neighbourhood

After the landslide victory of the right-wing ‘Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)’, Narendra Modi became India’s prime minister in 2014. India’s NFP under his government has been going through many ups and downs. Modi defied conventions by inviting the heads of state in the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) members, a move largely regarded as a significant shift in India’s foreign policy. The rationale behind India’s neighbourhood strategy is that India cannot project its power outside of South Asia unless it can manage its relations with its neighbours, especially when all of these countries have asymmetric relationships with India due to its massive population, military, geography, and economy (Chand 2017 ). Following this rationale, Modi’s government reintroduced the so-called NFP. Likewise, Modi also revised the ‘Look East Policy’ to an ‘Act East Policy’ that projected India’s intentions to be more proactive in its East Asian Policy, as it is very vital to India’s securitization of its northern states. On the other hand, NFP aims to ‘strengthen regional forums like SAARC’ and ‘pursue cordial’ in the neighbourhood. Given Modi’s decision to invite all SAARC leaders to the organisation’s inauguration on May 26, 2014, his first trip out of the country, to Bhutan, demonstrates his commitment to enhancing India’s neighbourhood connections before focussing on the rest of the world (Aryal 2021 ).

Similarly, Panda ( 2014 ) argued that Modi, who ran on a platform of good governance and economic growth, would seek to improve India’s economy by strengthening ties with its neighbours and, ideally, elevating India to the status of a regional leader within the SAARC’s institutional structure. However, by 2022, the intentions Modi began with in 2014 of gathering all the heads of state from South Asia gave a dual impression. In retrospect, Dixit ( 2016 ) argued that it appears more like George V’s darbar (court), with local power brokers gathered to applaud the emperor king. The Modi approach to the neighbourhood came under scrutiny and was declared to have failed to achieve the essence of the NFP. There are three major events which signify that Modi’s NFP needs serious reform.

First, India has shown passive interest in the regional integration of South Asia. The SAARC is the only regional organisation that has all the South Asian states as members. The SAARC still lacks an effective platform for discussing and addressing terrorism-related issues in the region (Muzaffar, Jathol & Yaseen 2017 ). The number of cancelled meetings is another important aspect that adds to the slow pace of progress. Due to bilateral tensions, member state presidents have previously refused to attend the SAARC summit. For example, Pakistan was set to host the 19th SAARC Summit in 2016, but India declined due to Islamabad’s role in the Uri incident. The grenade strikes carried out by four terrorists near the town of Uri in the Indian Union state of Jammu and Kashmir are known as the ‘Uri attack’. The ‘Uri attack’ is considered as ‘the bloodiest attack on security forces in Kashmir in two decades’ (Aryal & Nair 2021 ). After this incident and India’s increasing pessimism regarding SAARC, they have focused more on sub-regional groupings which intentionally exclude Pakistan and Afghanistan. India later advocated for sub-regional organisations such as BBIN (Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, and Nepal) and BIMSTEC (Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation), both of which exclude Pakistan (Gilani 2019 ).

Second, the bilateral relations of India with most of the South Asian states are facing challenges. The India-Pakistan relation debacle concerning Kashmir has existed since the partition after independence. After the contentious promulgation of the Indian constitution in 2015, India maintained an unofficial blockade in Nepal, causing relations to deteriorate. Modi stated during a visit to Nepal in 2015 that it was critical to protect the rights of the Madhesi minority people in the Terai region (Bhatnagar & Ahmed, 2021 ). This event triggered one of the largest humanitarian crises in Nepal. As a result, Nepal signed multiple agreements with China to decrease the asymmetric dependency towards India. Due to India’s contradictory NFP, China’s political participation in Nepal is growing day by day. After the map saga involving the disputed territory of western Nepal with India, relations are worsening. On May 8, 2020, Indian Defence Minister Rajnath Singh opened the 80-km-long road to Mansarobar , some of which is being built on Nepalese soil in the Lipu Lekh area, reviving border tensions. In reaction to Nepal’s outspoken opposition to the road’s unilateral construction, India’s external ministry quickly declared that it was built ‘totally within Indian territory’ (Subedi & Timilsina, 2021 ). India’s relations with Sri Lanka also have been impacted by turbulence under the Modi government. The Indian academic diaspora claims that Sri Lanka has been pressurised by China to act against India. The following examples are given to support this claim: the Eastern Container Terminal (ECT) project between India and Japan, the suspension of the Japan-funded Light Rail Project, and the potential of abandoning the Millennium Challenge Corporation Project (MCC) funded by the USA. In short, the programme implied that Sri Lanka was losing long-time allies and slipping more towards China’s sphere of influence. However, this analysis completely missed the perspective on how India itself created such a space for China to infiltrate Sri Lanka. There is much evidence available that India has supported Tamil rebellion during the first days of civil war in Sri Lanka (Nieto 2008 ). Thus, the Indian government has always had a strained relationship with the Rajapaksa government of Sri Lanka. President Mahinda Rajapaksa claimed that he lost the 2015 presidential elections due to Indian and other foreign interventions (Fernando 2020 ).

Similarly, the controversial Citizenship Amendment Act, 2019, enacted by the Modi government, has sparked severe tensions between India and Bangladesh; likewise, it opened the whole new range of discourses of immigration and its impact on Indian north-eastern states (Ray 2011 ). Reference to “Bangladeshis” in a statute that grants citizenship to non-Muslim minorities from Pakistan, Afghanistan, and Bangladesh who entered the country on or before December 31, 2014, has raised many concerns in Dhaka (Ahuja 2021 ). Bangladesh’s Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina reacted to the CAA and stated: ‘we don’t understand why [the Indian government] did it. It [CAA] was not necessary’ (Hindustan Times 2020 ). When Bangladesh and India had resolved a decades-old border dispute with a land swap agreement that began on July 31, 2015 (Hindustan Times 2015 ), it was expected that the relationship between them was moving towards mutual cooperation. However, the CAA has jeopardised the progress both sides had made. Likewise, in October 2021, Bhutan signed an agreement with China on a ‘three-stage’ roadmap to resolve the long-standing border dispute. In 2017, India and China entered a serious border conflict in the Doklam region. Doklam is part of Bhutan’s territory, and Beijing and Thimphu have a territorial dispute over it and other areas. Bhutan’s claims to this land are supported by India. It is located near India’s strategically vulnerable ‘chicken neck’, a 12-mile-wide corridor that connects India’s seven northern states to the mainland (Kumar 2020 ). And now, Bhutan signing a MoU without any consultation with India has created many speculations about the condition of the India-Bhutan relationship which traditionally was close and stable.

Third, India’s relationship with the great powers under Modi has created a similar situation for smaller states of the region, as it was during the Cold War. Although India is a torchbearer of the ‘non-alignment movement’, India had close economic and defence cooperation with the Soviets during the Cold War, which had put tremendous pressure on small states of the region in terms of choosing a side. At the current time, India’s closeness to the USA under the Modi government has also created a similar situation. When India asked the USA for help against Pakistan or China, it appeared that India undervalued its neighbours. At the same time, when India asks for help from the USA, no other superpower seems to step forward, even if they diplomatically support the Indian objectives. As a result, China has become an active participant not only in regional trade but also in the geopolitics of South Asia. Through the goodwill of China’s economic and trade power, India has gradually but surely lost its dominance in South Asia to China, allowing China to become an active stakeholder not only in the economy but also in influencing geopolitics in the region—by ‘Acting West’ (i.e. looking to the USA for support) (Aswani, 2021 ).

In general, the evolution of India’s NFP has gone through various phases. There are mainly three conclusions that we can draw based on the discussions above. First, the approach adopted by the Indian premierships has overlooked the expectation of the small states towards the big brother of the region. Nehru’s idealistic perception of world politics has ignored the accommodation of the perspectives of smaller states. For example, Nehru has completely overlooked the impact his proximity towards the Soviets had on South Asian neighbours. Likewise, Indira’s assertive approach towards the neighbourhood has certainly produced good results for India; however, it also has worked as a foundation for fear and anger towards India.

Second, inconsistency in NFP has been counterproductive in terms of India’s relationship with its neighbours. For example, if we only see how Prime Minister Modi has shaped his NFP, we can see the inconsistency visibly: for example, his calling all the heads of state in his oath-taking ceremony but ignoring the SAARC completely. Visiting Nepal and Bhutan has failed to resolve bilateral tensions, especially with Nepal. Resolving a long-standing border dispute with Bangladesh but creating turbulence through CAA is another inconsistency. Similarly, on the other hand, India’s NFP has not been able to translate its economic and defence capabilities into mutually beneficial factors for the region. Thus, it opens up the window for China to engage with India’s neighbours.

Third, India’s overall foreign policy objective and the neighbourhood approach have been in contradiction. By definition, a successful Indian foreign policy is one that creates the external conditions that allow India to achieve its fundamental goals, namely, protecting its physical security and decisional autonomy, expanding its economic prosperity and technological capabilities, and achieving its global status claims. However, India lacks a clear road map on how it is going to achieve global leadership and what role neighbouring countries are playing in the journey. In general, to achieve these goals, New Delhi must interact on three levels: within the subcontinent and its immediate perimeter, the intermediate level of the international system populated by various medium powers, and the core level of the international system populated by the great powers.

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Saroj Kumar Aryal designed the framework and wrote the Gujral and Modi section. Simant Shankar Bharti wrote two sections of the paper, India’s neighbourhood policy under Jawaharlal Nehru and Indira Gandhi. After the completion of an assessment, Mr. Aryal wrote a conclusion.

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Aryal, S.K., Bharti, S.S. Evolution of ‘India’s Neighbourhood First Policy’ Since Independence. Soc 60 , 224–232 (2023). https://doi.org/10.1007/s12115-023-00819-y

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Home » International Relations » India and its neighborhood

India and its neighborhood

• India-China relations
• Indo-Pakistan relations
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• India-Bhutan relations
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India and its neighbours current govt policies and efforts.

India's relation with its neighbours has not been in the best of terms over the past few years. Voices of anti-Indian sentiment across the neighbours have been growing over the past few years. But things have started to change ever since the new Indian Government was sworn in on May 26 2014.

In an unprecedented move the Prime Minister designate (now the Prime Minister) Narendra Modi invited the leaders of all the SAARC countries for his swearing in ceremony and thus emphasised the need for better cooperation among all the neighbouring countries. After the swearing in ceremony, the PM held bilateral talks with each one of the guest nations. Among those the most keenly watched meeting was the one which he had with his Pakistani counterpart Nawaz Sharif. In his first bilateral meeting with the Pak PM he raised the issue of the trial of the 26/11 perpetrators. He also made it clear that talks and terror cannot go hand in hand and stressed the need for greater trade ties. Mr. Sharif invited Mr. Modi to visit Pakistan and he had accepted it though the dates are yet to be finalised. The two nations also agreed upon continuing the bilateral talks at least at the foreign secretary level continue and felt that was the only way forward. Talks are also on in the Pakistani side with regards to offering the MFN status to India. India has also maintained that it would continue assisting Afghanistan in its development and security and try to maintain peace and stability in that region.

Mr. Modi, for his first foreign trip as PM, chose Bhutan. His decision to choose Bhutan as his first trip showed his intent in strengthening the ties with India's most friendly neighbour. Apart from the inauguration of the new Supreme Court building which was funded by India and laying the foundation stone for a new hydroelectric power plant, Mr Modi and his delegation also signed various deals related to trade and commerce with the Bhutan govt. In addition to this he also mooted the idea of an annual hill sports event along with Nepal and Bhutan. His first trip was indeed very successful.

Relations with India's southern neighbour, Sri Lanka have been souring because of the presence of the Dravidian parties in the Union Government. With no Dravidian party at the centre, the new government can revive its ties with the island nation which in the past few years has slowly drifted towards China raising a few eyebrows and causing concern in New Delhi. Not only should India continue trade talks with Sri Lanka but it should ensure that the needs and interests of the Tamil people are protected.

Anti-Indian voices have also been strongly growing among India's other two neighbours, Nepal and Bangladesh. India's External Affairs Minister Ms. Sushma Swaraj visited both these countries earlier this month. During her short visit to Bangladesh she met the leaders of various political parties and stressed that there should be mutual cooperation and all internal issues be resolved by people of Bangladesh itself. Bangladesh had raised 3 major concerns the teesta water pact which was supposed to be signed in 2011 but was not because the WB CM Mamata Banerjee opposed it, the ratification of the land boundary agreement and the killing of Bangladeshis across the border. Ms Swaraj maintained that India was committed to resolve all the issues through talks and upon return described her visit as very successful. During her visit to Nepal, she co-chaired the Indo-Nepal joint commission which was held after a gap of 23 years and also laid the groundwork for the visit of the PM Modi, who would be the first Indian PM to visit Nepal after 17 years. During her visit, the 2 countries also decided to review and adjust the 1950 Treaty of Piece and strengthen cooperation in key areas of defence, trade, security and hydro power.

Last but not the least India's biggest neighbour China has also responded positively to the new government. India's vice president Mr. Hamid Ansari along with the Commerce Minister Ms. Nirmala Seetharaman and various other delegates visited China for the 50th anniversary of the Panchsheel agreement and also held high level meetings with the various officials on trade and commerce. During his meeting with Chinese President Xi Jinping at the side-lines of the BRICS summit in Brazil, Mr. Modi spoke about the enormous opportunities that exist between both the nations and continue to contribute to the peace and prosperity not only for Asia but across the world. Mr.Jinping said he would visit India later this year and invited the Indian PM to visit China and also attend the APEC summit.

In conclusion I would like to say that Mr Modi and the new government have made a good start in trying to strengthening its ties with its neighbours and let's hope this continues and the South Asian region maintain strong ties and the region continues to progress peacefully.

Vaibhav Mahadevan

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