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Social media harms teens’ mental health, mounting evidence shows. what now.

Understanding what is going on in teens’ minds is necessary for targeted policy suggestions

Most teens use social media, often for hours on end. Some social scientists are confident that such use is harming their mental health. Now they want to pinpoint what explains the link.

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By Sujata Gupta

February 20, 2024 at 7:30 am

In January, Mark Zuckerberg, CEO of Facebook’s parent company Meta, appeared at a congressional hearing to answer questions about how social media potentially harms children. Zuckerberg opened by saying: “The existing body of scientific work has not shown a causal link between using social media and young people having worse mental health.”

But many social scientists would disagree with that statement. In recent years, studies have started to show a causal link between teen social media use and reduced well-being or mood disorders, chiefly depression and anxiety.

Ironically, one of the most cited studies into this link focused on Facebook.

Researchers delved into whether the platform’s introduction across college campuses in the mid 2000s increased symptoms associated with depression and anxiety. The answer was a clear yes , says MIT economist Alexey Makarin, a coauthor of the study, which appeared in the November 2022 American Economic Review . “There is still a lot to be explored,” Makarin says, but “[to say] there is no causal evidence that social media causes mental health issues, to that I definitely object.”

The concern, and the studies, come from statistics showing that social media use in teens ages 13 to 17 is now almost ubiquitous. Two-thirds of teens report using TikTok, and some 60 percent of teens report using Instagram or Snapchat, a 2022 survey found. (Only 30 percent said they used Facebook.) Another survey showed that girls, on average, allot roughly 3.4 hours per day to TikTok, Instagram and Facebook, compared with roughly 2.1 hours among boys. At the same time, more teens are showing signs of depression than ever, especially girls ( SN: 6/30/23 ).

As more studies show a strong link between these phenomena, some researchers are starting to shift their attention to possible mechanisms. Why does social media use seem to trigger mental health problems? Why are those effects unevenly distributed among different groups, such as girls or young adults? And can the positives of social media be teased out from the negatives to provide more targeted guidance to teens, their caregivers and policymakers?

“You can’t design good public policy if you don’t know why things are happening,” says Scott Cunningham, an economist at Baylor University in Waco, Texas.

Increasing rigor

Concerns over the effects of social media use in children have been circulating for years, resulting in a massive body of scientific literature. But those mostly correlational studies could not show if teen social media use was harming mental health or if teens with mental health problems were using more social media.

Moreover, the findings from such studies were often inconclusive, or the effects on mental health so small as to be inconsequential. In one study that received considerable media attention, psychologists Amy Orben and Andrew Przybylski combined data from three surveys to see if they could find a link between technology use, including social media, and reduced well-being. The duo gauged the well-being of over 355,000 teenagers by focusing on questions around depression, suicidal thinking and self-esteem.

Digital technology use was associated with a slight decrease in adolescent well-being , Orben, now of the University of Cambridge, and Przybylski, of the University of Oxford, reported in 2019 in Nature Human Behaviour . But the duo downplayed that finding, noting that researchers have observed similar drops in adolescent well-being associated with drinking milk, going to the movies or eating potatoes.

Holes have begun to appear in that narrative thanks to newer, more rigorous studies.

In one longitudinal study, researchers — including Orben and Przybylski — used survey data on social media use and well-being from over 17,400 teens and young adults to look at how individuals’ responses to a question gauging life satisfaction changed between 2011 and 2018. And they dug into how the responses varied by gender, age and time spent on social media.

Social media use was associated with a drop in well-being among teens during certain developmental periods, chiefly puberty and young adulthood, the team reported in 2022 in Nature Communications . That translated to lower well-being scores around ages 11 to 13 for girls and ages 14 to 15 for boys. Both groups also reported a drop in well-being around age 19. Moreover, among the older teens, the team found evidence for the Goldilocks Hypothesis: the idea that both too much and too little time spent on social media can harm mental health.

“There’s hardly any effect if you look over everybody. But if you look at specific age groups, at particularly what [Orben] calls ‘windows of sensitivity’ … you see these clear effects,” says L.J. Shrum, a consumer psychologist at HEC Paris who was not involved with this research. His review of studies related to teen social media use and mental health is forthcoming in the Journal of the Association for Consumer Research.

Cause and effect

That longitudinal study hints at causation, researchers say. But one of the clearest ways to pin down cause and effect is through natural or quasi-experiments. For these in-the-wild experiments, researchers must identify situations where the rollout of a societal “treatment” is staggered across space and time. They can then compare outcomes among members of the group who received the treatment to those still in the queue — the control group.

That was the approach Makarin and his team used in their study of Facebook. The researchers homed in on the staggered rollout of Facebook across 775 college campuses from 2004 to 2006. They combined that rollout data with student responses to the National College Health Assessment, a widely used survey of college students’ mental and physical health.

The team then sought to understand if those survey questions captured diagnosable mental health problems. Specifically, they had roughly 500 undergraduate students respond to questions both in the National College Health Assessment and in validated screening tools for depression and anxiety. They found that mental health scores on the assessment predicted scores on the screenings. That suggested that a drop in well-being on the college survey was a good proxy for a corresponding increase in diagnosable mental health disorders. 

Compared with campuses that had not yet gained access to Facebook, college campuses with Facebook experienced a 2 percentage point increase in the number of students who met the diagnostic criteria for anxiety or depression, the team found.

When it comes to showing a causal link between social media use in teens and worse mental health, “that study really is the crown jewel right now,” says Cunningham, who was not involved in that research.

A need for nuance

The social media landscape today is vastly different than the landscape of 20 years ago. Facebook is now optimized for maximum addiction, Shrum says, and other newer platforms, such as Snapchat, Instagram and TikTok, have since copied and built on those features. Paired with the ubiquity of social media in general, the negative effects on mental health may well be larger now.

Moreover, social media research tends to focus on young adults — an easier cohort to study than minors. That needs to change, Cunningham says. “Most of us are worried about our high school kids and younger.” 

And so, researchers must pivot accordingly. Crucially, simple comparisons of social media users and nonusers no longer make sense. As Orben and Przybylski’s 2022 work suggested, a teen not on social media might well feel worse than one who briefly logs on. 

Researchers must also dig into why, and under what circumstances, social media use can harm mental health, Cunningham says. Explanations for this link abound. For instance, social media is thought to crowd out other activities or increase people’s likelihood of comparing themselves unfavorably with others. But big data studies, with their reliance on existing surveys and statistical analyses, cannot address those deeper questions. “These kinds of papers, there’s nothing you can really ask … to find these plausible mechanisms,” Cunningham says.

One ongoing effort to understand social media use from this more nuanced vantage point is the SMART Schools project out of the University of Birmingham in England. Pedagogical expert Victoria Goodyear and her team are comparing mental and physical health outcomes among children who attend schools that have restricted cell phone use to those attending schools without such a policy. The researchers described the protocol of that study of 30 schools and over 1,000 students in the July BMJ Open.

Goodyear and colleagues are also combining that natural experiment with qualitative research. They met with 36 five-person focus groups each consisting of all students, all parents or all educators at six of those schools. The team hopes to learn how students use their phones during the day, how usage practices make students feel, and what the various parties think of restrictions on cell phone use during the school day.

Talking to teens and those in their orbit is the best way to get at the mechanisms by which social media influences well-being — for better or worse, Goodyear says. Moving beyond big data to this more personal approach, however, takes considerable time and effort. “Social media has increased in pace and momentum very, very quickly,” she says. “And research takes a long time to catch up with that process.”

Until that catch-up occurs, though, researchers cannot dole out much advice. “What guidance could we provide to young people, parents and schools to help maintain the positives of social media use?” Goodyear asks. “There’s not concrete evidence yet.”

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• Tween and teen health

Teens and social media use: What's the impact?

Social media is a term for internet sites and apps that you can use to share content you've created. Social media also lets you respond to content that others post. That can include pictures, text, reactions or comments on posts by others, and links to information.

Online sharing within social media sites helps many people stay in touch with friends or connect with new ones. And that may be more important for teenagers than other age groups. Friendships help teens feel supported and play a role in forming their identities. So, it's only natural to wonder how social media use might affect teens.

Social media is a big part of daily life for lots of teenagers.

How big? A 2022 survey of 13- to 17-year-olds offers a clue. Based on about 1,300 responses, the survey found that 35% of teens use at least one of five social media platforms more than several times a day. The five social media platforms are: YouTube, TikTok, Facebook, Instagram and Snapchat.

Social media doesn't affect all teens the same way. Use of social media is linked with healthy and unhealthy effects on mental health. These effects vary from one teenager to another. Social media effects on mental health depend on things such as:

• What a teen sees and does online.
• The amount of time spent online.
• Psychological factors, such as maturity level and any preexisting mental health conditions.
• Personal life circumstances, including cultural, social and economic factors.

Here are the general pros and cons of teen social media use, along with tips for parents.

Healthy social media

Social media lets teens create online identities, chat with others and build social networks. These networks can provide teens with support from other people who have hobbies or experiences in common. This type of support especially may help teens who:

• Lack social support offline or are lonely.
• Are going through a stressful time.
• Belong to groups that often get marginalized, such as racial minorities, the LGBTQ community and those who are differently abled.
• Have long-term medical conditions.

Sometimes, social media platforms help teens:

• Express themselves.
• Connect with other teens locally and across long distances.
• Learn how other teens cope with challenging life situations and mental health conditions.
• View or take part in moderated chat forums that encourage talking openly about topics such as mental health.
• Ask for help or seek healthcare for symptoms of mental health conditions.

These healthy effects of social media can help teens in general. They also may help teens who are prone to depression stay connected to others. And social media that's humorous or distracting may help a struggling teen cope with a challenging day.

Unhealthy social media

Social media use may have negative effects on some teens. It might:

• Distract from homework, exercise and family activities.
• Disrupt sleep.
• Lead to information that is biased or not correct.
• Become a means to spread rumors or share too much personal information.
• Lead some teens to form views about other people's lives or bodies that aren't realistic.
• Expose some teens to online predators, who might try to exploit or extort them.
• Expose some teens to cyberbullying, which can raise the risk of mental health conditions such as anxiety and depression.

What's more, certain content related to risk-taking, and negative posts or interactions on social media, have been linked with self-harm and rarely, death.

The risks of social media use are linked with various factors. One may be how much time teens spend on these platforms.

In a study focusing on 12- to 15-year-olds in the United States, spending three hours a day using social media was linked to a higher risk of mental health concerns. That study was based on data collected in 2013 and 2014 from more than 6,500 participants.

Another study looked at data on more than 12,000 teens in England between the ages of 13 to 16. The researchers found that using social media more than three times a day predicted poor mental health and well-being in teens.

But not all research has found a link between time spent on social media and mental health risks in teens.

How teens use social media also might determine its impact. For instance, viewing certain types of content may raise some teens' mental health risks. This could include content that depicts:

• Illegal acts.
• Self-harm or harm to other people.
• Encouragement of habits tied to eating disorders, such as purging or restrictive eating.

These types of content may be even more risky for teens who already have a mental health condition. Being exposed to discrimination, hate or cyberbullying on social media also can raise the risk of anxiety or depression.

What teens share about themselves on social media also matters.

With the teenage brain, it's common to make a choice before thinking it through. So, teens might post something when they're angry or upset, and regret it later. That's known as stress posting.

Teens who post content also are at risk of sharing sexual photos or highly personal stories. This can lead to teens being bullied, harassed or even blackmailed.

Protecting your teen

You can take steps to help your teens use social media responsibly and limit some of the possible negative effects.

Use these tips:

Set rules and limits as needed. This helps prevent social media from getting in the way of activities, sleep, meals or homework.

For example, you could make a rule about not using social media until homework is done. Or you could set a daily time limit for social media use.

You also could choose to keep social media off-limits during certain times. These times might include during family meals and an hour before bed.

Set an example by following these rules yourself. And let your teen know what the consequences will be if your rules aren't followed.

• Manage any challenging behaviors. If your teen's social media use starts to challenge your rules or your sense of what's appropriate, talk with your teen about it. You also could connect with parents of your teen's friends or take a look at your teen's internet history.
• Turn on privacy settings. This can help keep your teen from sharing personal information or data that your teen didn't mean to share. Each of your teen's social media accounts likely has privacy setting that can be changed.

Monitor your teen's accounts. The American Psychological Association recommends you regularly review your child's social media use during the early teen years.

One way to monitor is to follow or "friend" your child's social accounts. As your teen gets older, you can choose to monitor your teen's social media less. Your teen's maturity level can help guide your decision.

Have regular talks with your teen about social media. These talks give you chances to ask how social media has been making your teen feel. Encourage your teen to let you know if something online worries or bothers your teen.

Regular talks offer you chances to give your child advice about social media too. For example, you can teach your teen to question whether content is accurate. You also can explain that social media is full of images about beauty and lifestyle that are not realistic.

• Be a role model for your teen. You might want to tell your child about your own social media habits. That can help you set a good example and keep your regular talks from being one-sided.

Explain what's not OK. Remind your teen that it's hurtful to gossip, spread rumors, bully or harm someone's reputation — online or otherwise.

Also remind your teen not to share personal information with strangers online. This includes people's addresses, telephone numbers, passwords, and bank or credit card numbers.

• Encourage face-to-face contact with friends. This is even more important for teens prone to social anxiety.

Talk to your child's healthcare professional if you think your teen has symptoms of anxiety, depression or other mental health concerns related to social media use. Also talk with your child's care professional if your teen has any of the following symptoms:

• Uses social media even when wanting to stop.
• Uses it so much that school, sleep, activities or relationships suffer.
• Often spends more time on social platforms than you intended.
• Lies in order to use social media.

Your teen might be referred to a mental healthcare professional who can help.

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• Hagan JF, et al., eds. Promoting the healthy and safe use of social media. In: Bright Futures: Guidelines for Health Supervision of Infants, Children, and Adolescents. 4th ed. https://publications.aap.org/pediatriccare. American Academy of Pediatrics; 2017. Accessed Oct. 3, 2023.
• Social media can help connect: Research-based tips from pediatricians for families. Center of Excellence on Social Media and Youth Mental Health. https://www.aap.org/en/patient-care/media-and-children/center-of-excellence-on-social-media-and-youth-mental-health/. Accessed Oct. 3, 2023.
• Health advisory on social media use in adolescence. American Psychological Association. https://www.apa.org/topics/social-media-internet/health-advisory-adolescent-social-media-use. Accessed Oct. 3, 2023.
• Social media and teens. American Academy of Child & Adolescent Psychiatry. https://www.aacap.org/AACAP/Families_and_Youth/Facts_for_Families/FFF-Guide/Social-Media-and-Teens-100.aspx. Accessed Oct. 3, 2023.
• Social media and youth mental health: The U.S. surgeon general's advisory. U.S. Department of Health and Human Services. https://www.hhs.gov/surgeongeneral/priorities/youth-mental-health/social-media/index.html. Accessed Oct. 3, 2023.
• Teens, social media and technology 2022. Pew Research Center. https://www.pewresearch.org/internet/2022/08/10/teens-social-media-and-technology-2022/. Accessed Oct. 3, 2023.
• Popat A, et al. Exploring adolescents' perspectives on social media and mental health and well-being — A qualitative literature review. Clinical Child Psychology and Psychiatry. 2023; doi:10.1177/13591045221092884.
• Valkenburg PM, et al. Social media use and its impact on adolescent mental health: An umbrella review of the evidence. Current Opinion in Psychology. 2022; doi:10.1016/j.copsyc.2021.08.017.
• Berger MN, et al. Social media use and health and well-being of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer youth: Systematic Review. Journal of Medical Internet Research. 2022; doi:10.2196/38449.
• Self-Harm. Pediatric Patient Education. https://publications.aap.org/patiented. Accessed Oct. 3, 2023.
• Liu M, et al. Time spent on social media and risk of depression in adolescents: A dose-response meta-analysis. 2022; doi:10.3390/ijerph19095164.
• Coyne SM, et al. Does time spent using social media impact mental health? An eight year longitudinal study. Computers in Human Behavior. 2020; doi:10.1016/j.chb.2019.106160.
• Viner RM, et al. Roles of cyberbullying, sleep, and physical activity in mediating the effects of social media use on mental health and wellbeing among young people in England: A secondary analysis of longitudinal data. The Lancet. Child & Adolescent Health. 2019; doi:10.1016/S2352-4642(19)30186-5.
• Riehm KE, et al. Associations between time spent using social media and internalizing and externalizing problems among US youth. JAMA Psychiatry. 2019; doi:10.1001/jamapsychiatry.2019.2325.
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• Hoecker JL (expert opinion). Mayo Clinic. Oct. 31, 2023.
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• Open access
• Published: 01 July 2020

The effect of social media on well-being differs from adolescent to adolescent

• Ine Beyens   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0001-7023-867X 1 ,
• J. Loes Pouwels   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0002-9586-392X 1 ,
• Irene I. van Driel   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0002-7810-9677 1 ,
• Loes Keijsers   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0001-8580-6000 2 &
• Patti M. Valkenburg   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0003-0477-8429 1  

Scientific Reports volume  10 , Article number:  10763 ( 2020 ) Cite this article

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• Human behaviour

The question whether social media use benefits or undermines adolescents’ well-being is an important societal concern. Previous empirical studies have mostly established across-the-board effects among (sub)populations of adolescents. As a result, it is still an open question whether the effects are unique for each individual adolescent. We sampled adolescents’ experiences six times per day for one week to quantify differences in their susceptibility to the effects of social media on their momentary affective well-being. Rigorous analyses of 2,155 real-time assessments showed that the association between social media use and affective well-being differs strongly across adolescents: While 44% did not feel better or worse after passive social media use, 46% felt better, and 10% felt worse. Our results imply that person-specific effects can no longer be ignored in research, as well as in prevention and intervention programs.

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Associations between youth’s daily social media use and well-being are mediated by upward comparisons

Variation in social media sensitivity across people and contexts

Introduction.

Ever since the introduction of social media, such as Facebook and Instagram, researchers have been studying whether the use of such media may affect adolescents’ well-being. These studies have typically reported mixed findings, yielding either small negative, small positive, or no effects of the time spent using social media on different indicators of well-being, such as life satisfaction and depressive symptoms (for recent reviews, see for example 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 ). Most of these studies have focused on between-person associations, examining whether adolescents who use social media more (or less) often than their peers experience lower (or higher) levels of well-being than these peers. While such between-person studies are valuable in their own right, several scholars 6 , 7 have recently called for studies that investigate within-person associations to understand whether an increase in an adolescent’s social media use is associated with an increase or decrease in that adolescent’s well-being. The current study aims to respond to this call by investigating associations between social media use and well-being within single adolescents across multiple points in time 8 , 9 , 10 .

Person-specific effects

To our knowledge, four recent studies have investigated within-person associations of social media use with different indicators of adolescent well-being (i.e., life satisfaction, depression), again with mixed results 6 , 11 , 12 , 13 . Orben and colleagues 6 found a small negative reciprocal within-person association between the time spent using social media and life satisfaction. Likewise, Boers and colleagues 12 found a small within-person association between social media use and increased depressive symptoms. Finally, Coyne and colleagues 11 and Jensen and colleagues 13 did not find any evidence for within-person associations between social media use and depression.

Earlier studies that investigated within-person associations of social media use with indicators of well-being have all only reported average effect sizes. However, it is possible, or even plausible, that these average within-person effects may have been small and nonsignificant because they result from sizeable heterogeneity in adolescents’ susceptibility to the effects of social media use on well-being (see 14 , 15 ). After all, an average within-person effect size can be considered an aggregate of numerous individual within-person effect sizes that range from highly positive to highly negative.

Some within-person studies have sought to understand adolescents’ differential susceptibility to the effects of social media by investigating differences between subgroups. For instance, they have investigated the moderating role of sex to compare the effects of social media on boys versus girls 6 , 11 . However, such a group-differential approach, in which potential differences in susceptibility are conceptualized by group-level moderators (e.g., gender, age) does not provide insights into more fine-grained differences at the level of the single individual 16 . After all, while girls and boys each represent a homogenous group in terms of sex, they may each differ on a wide array of other factors.

As such, although worthwhile, the average within-person effects of social media on well-being obtained in previous studies may have been small or non-significant because they are diluted across a highly heterogeneous population (or sub-population) of adolescents 14 , 15 . In line with the proposition of media effects theories that each adolescent may have a unique susceptibility to the effects of social media 17 , a viable explanation for the small and inconsistent findings in earlier studies may be that the effect of social media differs from adolescent to adolescent. The aim of the current study is to investigate this hypothesis and to obtain a better understanding of adolescents’ unique susceptibility to the effects of social media on their affective well-being.

Social media and affective well-being

Within-person studies have provided important insights into the associations of social media use with cognitive well-being (e.g., life satisfaction 6 ), which refers to adolescents’ cognitive judgment of how satisfied they are with their life 18 . However, the associations of social media use with adolescents’ affective well-being (i.e., adolescents’ affective evaluations of their moods and emotions 18 ) are still unknown. In addition, while earlier within-person studies have focused on associations with trait-like conceptualizations of well-being 11 , 12 , 13 , that is, adolescents’ average well-being across specific time periods 18 , there is a lack of studies that focus on well-being as a momentary affective state. Therefore, we extend previous research by examining the association between adolescents’ social media use and their momentary affective well-being. Like earlier experience sampling (ESM) studies among adults 19 , 20 , we measured adolescents’ momentary affective well-being with a single item. Adolescents’ momentary affective well-being was defined as their current feelings of happiness, a commonly used question to measure well-being 21 , 22 , which has high convergent validity, as evidenced by the strong correlations with the presence of positive affect and absence of negative affect.

To assess adolescents’ momentary affective well-being (henceforth referred to as well-being), we conducted a week-long ESM study among 63 middle adolescents ages 14 and 15. Six times a day, adolescents were asked to complete a survey using their own mobile phone, covering 42 assessments per adolescent, assessing their affective well-being and social media use. In total, adolescents completed 2,155 assessments (83.2% average compliance).

We focused on middle adolescence, since this is the period in life characterized by most significant fluctuations in well-being 23 , 24 . Also, in comparison to early and late adolescents, middle adolescents are more sensitive to reactions from peers and have a strong tendency to compare themselves with others on social media and beyond. Because middle adolescents typically use different social media platforms, in a complementary way 25 , 26 , 27 , each adolescent reported on his/her use of the three social media platforms that s/he used most frequently out of the five most popular social media platforms among adolescents: WhatsApp, followed by Instagram, Snapchat, YouTube, and, finally, the chat function of games 28 . In addition to investigating the association between overall social media use and well-being (i.e., the summed use of adolescents’ three most frequently used platforms), we examined the unique associations of the two most popular platforms, WhatsApp and Instagram 28 .

Like previous studies on social media use and well-being, we distinguished between active social media use (i.e., “activities that facilitate direct exchanges with others” 29 ) and passive social media use (i.e., “consuming information without direct exchanges” 29 ). Within-person studies among young adults have shown that passive but not active social media use predicts decreases in well-being 29 . Therefore, we examined the unique associations of adolescents’ overall active and passive social media use with their well-being, as well as active and passive use of Instagram and WhatsApp, specifically. We investigated categorical associations, that is, whether adolescents would feel better or worse if they had actively or passively used social media. And we investigated dose–response associations to understand whether adolescents’ well-being would change as a function of the time they had spent actively or passively using social media.

The hypotheses and the design, sampling and analysis plan were preregistered prior to data collection and are available on the Open Science Framework, along with the code used in the analyses ( https://osf.io/nhks2 ). For details about the design of the study and analysis approach, see Methods.

In more than half of all assessments (68.17%), adolescents had used social media (i.e., one or more of their three favorite social media platforms), either in an active or passive way. Instagram (50.90%) and WhatsApp (53.52%) were used in half of all assessments. Passive use of social media (66.21% of all assessments) was more common than active use (50.86%), both on Instagram (48.48% vs. 20.79%) and WhatsApp (51.25% vs. 40.07%).

Strong positive between-person correlations were found between the duration of active and passive social media use (overall: r  = 0.69, p  < 0.001; Instagram: r  = 0.38, p  < 0.01; WhatsApp: r  = 0.85, p  < 0.001): Adolescents who had spent more time actively using social media than their peers, had also spent more time passively using social media than their peers. Likewise, strong positive within-person correlations were found between the duration of active and passive social media use (overall: r  = 0.63, p  < 0.001; Instagram: r  = 0.37, p  < 0.001; WhatsApp: r  = 0.57, p  < 0.001): The more time an adolescent had spent actively using social media at a certain moment, the more time s/he had also spent passively using social media at that moment.

Table 1 displays the average number of minutes that adolescents had spent using social media in the past hour at each assessment, and the zero-order between- and within-person correlations between the duration of social media use and well-being. At the between-person level, the duration of active and passive social media use was not associated with well-being: Adolescents who had spent more time actively or passively using social media than their peers did not report significantly higher or lower levels of well-being than their peers. At the within-person level, significant but weak positive correlations were found between the duration of active and passive overall social media use and well-being. This indicates that adolescents felt somewhat better at moments when they had spent more time actively or passively using social media (overall), compared to moments when they had spent less time actively or passively using social media. When looking at specific platforms, a positive correlation was only found for passive WhatsApp use, but not for active WhatsApp use, and not for active and passive Instagram use.

Average and person-specific effects

The within-person associations of social media use with well-being and differences in these associations were tested in a series of multilevel models. We ran separate models for overall social media use (i.e., active use and passive use of adolescents’ three favorite social media platforms, see Table 2 ), Instagram use (see Table 3 ), and WhatsApp use (see Table 4 ). In a first step we examined the average categorical associations for each of these three social media uses using fixed effects models (Models 1A, 3A, and 5A) to investigate whether, on average, adolescents would feel better or worse at moments when they had used social media compared to moments when they had not (i.e., categorical predictors: active use versus no active use, and passive use versus no passive use). In a second step, we examined heterogeneity in the within-person categorical associations by adding random slopes to the fixed effects models (Models 1B, 3B, and 5B). Next, we examined the average dose–response associations using fixed effects models (Models 2A, 4A, and 6A), to investigate whether, on average, adolescents would feel better or worse when they had spent more time using social media (i.e., continuous predictors: duration of active use and duration of passive use). Finally, we examined heterogeneity in the within-person dose–response associations by adding random slopes to the fixed effects models (Models 2B, 4B, and 6B).

Overall social media use.

The model with the categorical predictors (see Table 2 ; Model 1A) showed that, on average, there was no association between overall use and well-being: Adolescents’ well-being did not increase or decrease at moments when they had used social media, either in a passive or active way. However, evidence was found that the association of passive (but not active) social media use with well-being differed from adolescent to adolescent (Model 1B), with effect sizes ranging from − 0.24 to 0.68. For 44.26% of the adolescents the association was non-existent to small (− 0.10 <  r  < 0.10). However, for 45.90% of the adolescents there was a weak (0.10 <  r  < 0.20; 8.20%), moderate (0.20 <  r  < 0.30; 22.95%) or even strong positive ( r  ≥ 0.30; 14.75%) association between overall passive social media use and well-being, and for almost one in ten (9.84%) adolescents there was a weak (− 0.20 <  r  < − 0.10; 6.56%) or moderate negative (− 0.30 <  r  < − 0.20; 3.28%) association.

The model with continuous predictors (Model 2A) showed that, on average, there was a significant dose–response association for active use. At moments when adolescents had used social media, the time they spent actively (but not passively) using social media was positively associated with well-being: Adolescents felt better at moments when they had spent more time sending messages, posting, or sharing something on social media. The associations of the time spent actively and passively using social media with well-being did not differ across adolescents (Model 2B).

Instagram use

As shown in Model 3A in Table 3 , on average, there was a significant categorical association between passive (but not active) Instagram use and well-being: Adolescents experienced an increase in well-being at moments when they had passively used Instagram (i.e., viewing posts/stories of others). Adolescents did not experience an increase or decrease in well-being when they had actively used Instagram. The associations of passive and active Instagram use with well-being did not differ across adolescents (Model 3B).

On average, no significant dose–response association was found for Instagram use (Model 4A): At moments when adolescents had used Instagram, the time adolescents spent using Instagram (either actively or passively) was not associated with their well-being. However, evidence was found that the association of the time spent passively using Instagram differed from adolescent to adolescent (Model 4B), with effect sizes ranging from − 0.48 to 0.27. For most adolescents (73.91%) the association was non-existent to small (− 0.10 <  r  < 0.10), but for almost one in five adolescents (17.39%) there was a weak (0.10 <  r  < 0.20; 10.87%) or moderate (0.20 <  r  < 0.30; 6.52%) positive association, and for almost one in ten adolescents (8.70%) there was a weak (− 0.20 <  r  < − 0.10; 2.17%), moderate (− 0.30 <  r  < − 0.20; 4.35%), or strong ( r  ≤ − 0.30; 2.17%) negative association. Figure  1 illustrates these differences in the dose–response associations.

The dose–response association between passive Instagram use (in minutes per hour) and affective well-being for each individual adolescent (n = 46). Red lines represent significant negative within-person associations, green lines represent significant positive within-person associations, and gray lines represent non-significant within-person associations. A graph was created for each participant who had completed at least 10 assessments. A total of 13 participants were excluded because they had completed less than 10 assessments of passive Instagram use. In addition, one participant was excluded because no graph could be computed, since this participant's passive Instagram use was constant across assessments.

WhatsApp use

As shown in Model 5A in Table 4 , just as for Instagram, we found that, on average, there was a significant categorical association between passive (but not active) WhatsApp use and well-being: Adolescents reported that they felt better at moments when they had passively used WhatsApp (i.e., read WhatsApp messages). For active WhatsApp use, no significant association was found. Also, in line with the results for Instagram use, no differences were found regarding the associations of active and passive WhatsApp use (Model 5B).

In addition, a significant dose–response association was found for passive (but not active) use (Model 6A). At moments when adolescents had used WhatsApp, we found that, on average, the time adolescents spent passively using WhatsApp was positively associated with well-being: Adolescents felt better at moments when they had spent more time reading WhatsApp messages. The time spent actively using WhatsApp was not associated with well-being. No differences were found in the dose–response associations of active and passive WhatsApp use (Model 6B).

This preregistered study investigated adolescents’ unique susceptibility to the effects of social media. We found that the associations of passive (but not active) social media use with well-being differed substantially from adolescent to adolescent, with effect sizes ranging from moderately negative (− 0.24) to strongly positive (0.68). While 44.26% of adolescents did not feel better or worse if they had passively used social media, 45.90% felt better, and a small group felt worse (9.84%). In addition, for Instagram the majority of adolescents (73.91%) did not feel better or worse when they had spent more time viewing post or stories of others, whereas some felt better (17.39%), and others (8.70%) felt worse.

These findings have important implications for social media effects research, and media effects research more generally. For decades, researchers have argued that people differ in their susceptibility to the effects of media 17 , leading to numerous investigations of such differential susceptibility. These investigations have typically focused on moderators, based on variables such as sex, age, or personality. Yet, over the years, studies have shown that such moderators appear to have little power to explain how individuals differ in their susceptibility to media effects, probably because a group-differential approach does not account for the possibility that media users may differ across a range of factors, that are not captured by only one (or a few) investigated moderator variables.

By providing insights into each individual’s unique susceptibility, the findings of this study provide an explanation as to why, up until now, most media effects research has only found small effects. We found that the majority of adolescents do not experience any short-term changes in well-being related to their social media use. And if they do experience any changes, these are more often positive than negative. Because only small subsets of adolescents experience small to moderate changes in well-being, the true effects of social media reported in previous studies have probably been diluted across heterogeneous samples of individuals that differ in their susceptibility to media effects (also see 30 ). Several scholars have noted that overall effect sizes may mask more subtle individual differences 14 , 15 , which may explain why previous studies have typically reported small or no effects of social media on well-being or indicators of well-being 6 , 11 , 12 , 13 . The current study seems to confirm this assumption, by showing that while the overall effect sizes are small at best, the person-specific effect sizes vary considerably, from tiny and small to moderate and strong.

As called upon by other scholars 5 , 31 , we disentangled the associations of active and passive use of social media. Research among young adults found that passive (but not active) social media use is associated with lower levels of affective well-being 29 . In line with these findings, the current study shows that active and passive use yielded different associations with adolescents’ affective well-being. Interestingly though, in contrast to previous findings among adults, our study showed that, on average, passive use of Instagram and WhatsApp seemed to enhance rather than decrease adolescents’ well-being. This discrepancy in findings may be attributed to the fact that different mechanisms might be involved. Verduyn and colleagues 29 found that passive use of Facebook undermines adults’ well-being by enhancing envy, which may also explain the decreases in well-being found in our study among a small group of adolescents. Yet, adolescents who felt better by passively using Instagram and WhatsApp, might have felt so because they experienced enjoyment. After all, adolescents often seek positive content on social media, such as humorous posts or memes 32 . Also, research has shown that adolescents mainly receive positive feedback on social media 33 . Hence, their passive Instagram and WhatsApp use may involve the reading of positive feedback, which may explain the increases in well-being.

Overall, the time spent passively using WhatsApp improved adolescents’ well-being. This did not differ from adolescent to adolescent. However, the associations of the time spent passively using Instagram with well-being did differ from adolescent to adolescent. This discrepancy suggests that not all social media uses yield person-specific effects on well-being. A possible explanation may be that adolescents’ responses to WhatsApp are more homogenous than those to Instagram. WhatsApp is a more private platform, which is mostly used for one-to-one communication with friends and acquaintances 26 . Instagram, in contrast, is a more public platform, which allows its users to follow a diverse set of people, ranging from best friends to singers, actors, and influencers 28 , and to engage in intimate communication as well as self-presentation and social comparison. Such diverse uses could lead to more varied, or even opposing responses, such as envy versus inspiration.

Limitations and directions for future research

The current study extends our understanding of differential susceptibility to media effects, by revealing that the effect of social media use on well-being differs from adolescent to adolescent. The findings confirm our assumption that among the great majority of adolescents, social media use is unrelated to well-being, but that among a small subset, social media use is either related to decreases or increases in well-being. It must be noted, however, that participants in this study felt relatively happy, overall. Studies with more vulnerable samples, consisting of clinical samples or youth with lower social-emotional well-being may elicit different patterns of effects 27 . Also, the current study focused on affective well-being, operationalized as happiness. It is plausible that social media use relates differently with other types of well-being, such as cognitive well-being. An important next step is to identify which adolescents are particularly susceptible to experience declines in well-being. It is conceivable, for instance, that the few adolescents who feel worse when they use social media are the ones who receive negative feedback on social media 33 .

In addition, future ESM studies into the effects of social media should attempt to include one or more follow-up measures to improve our knowledge of the longer-term influence of social media use on affective well-being. While a week-long ESM is very common and applied in most earlier ESM studies 34 , a week is only a snapshot of adolescent development. Research is needed that investigates whether the associations of social media use with adolescents’ momentary affective well-being may cumulate into long-lasting consequences. Such investigations could help clarify whether adolescents who feel bad in the short term would experience more negative consequences in the long term, and whether adolescents who feel better would be more resistant to developing long-term negative consequences. And while most adolescents do not seem to experience any short-term increases or decreases in well-being, more research is needed to investigate whether these adolescents may experience a longer-term impact of social media.

While the use of different platforms may be differently associated with well-being, different types of use may also yield different effects. Although the current study distinguished between active and passive use of social media, future research should further differentiate between different activities. For instance, because passive use entails many different activities, from reading private messages (e.g., WhatsApp messages, direct messages on Instagram) to browsing a public feed (e.g., scrolling through posts on Instagram), research is needed that explores the unique effects of passive public use and passive private use. Research that seeks to explore the nuances in adolescents’ susceptibility as well as the nuances in their social media use may truly improve our understanding of the effects of social media use.

Participants

Participants were recruited via a secondary school in the south of the Netherlands. Our preregistered sampling plan set a target sample size of 100 adolescents. We invited adolescents from six classrooms to participate in the study. The final sample consisted of 63 adolescents (i.e., 42% consent rate, which is comparable to other ESM studies among adolescents; see, for instance 35 , 36 ). Informed consent was obtained from all participants and their parents. On average, participants were 15 years old ( M  = 15.12 years, SD  = 0.51) and 54% were girls. All participants self-identified as Dutch, and 41.3% were enrolled in the prevocational secondary education track, 25.4% in the intermediate general secondary education track, and 33.3% in the academic preparatory education track.

The study was approved by the Ethics Review Board of the Faculty of Social and Behavioral Sciences at the University of Amsterdam and was performed in accordance with the guidelines formulated by the Ethics Review Board. The study consisted of two phases: A baseline survey and a personalized week-long experience sampling (ESM) study. In phase 1, researchers visited the school during school hours. Researchers informed the participants of the objective and procedure of the study and assured them that their responses would be treated confidentially. Participants were asked to sign the consent form. Next, participants completed a 15-min baseline survey. The baseline survey included questions about demographics and assessed which social media each adolescent used most frequently, allowing to personalize the social media questions presented during the ESM study in phase 2. After completing the baseline survey, participants were provided detailed instructions about phase 2.

In phase 2, which took place two and a half weeks after the baseline survey, a 7-day ESM study was conducted, following the guidelines for ESM studies provided by van Roekel and colleagues 34 . Aiming for at least 30 assessments per participant and based on an average compliance rate of 70 to 80% reported in earlier ESM studies among adolescents 34 , we asked each participant to complete a total of 42 ESM surveys (i.e., six 2-min surveys per day). Participants completed the surveys using their own mobile phone, on which the ESM software application Ethica Data was installed during the instruction session with the researchers (phase 1). Each 2-min survey consisted of 22 questions, which assessed adolescents’ well-being and social media use. Two open-ended questions were added to the final survey of the day, which asked about adolescents’ most pleasant and most unpleasant events of the day.

The ESM sampling scheme was semi-random, to allow for randomization and avoid structural patterns in well-being, while taking into account that adolescents were not allowed to use their phone during school time. The Ethica Data app was programmed to generate six beep notifications per day at random time points within a fixed time interval that was tailored to the school’s schedule: before school time (1 beep), during school breaks (2 beeps), and after school time (3 beeps). During the weekend, the beeps were generated during the morning (1 beep), afternoon (3 beeps), and evening (2 beeps). To maximize compliance, a 30-min time window was provided to complete each survey. This time window was extended to one hour for the first survey (morning) and two hours for the final survey (evening) to account for travel time to school and time spent on evening activities. The average compliance rate was 83.2%. A total of 2,155 ESM assessments were collected: Participants completed an average of 34.83 surveys ( SD  = 4.91) on a total of 42 surveys, which is high compared to previous ESM studies among adolescents 34 .

The questions of the ESM study were personalized based on the responses to the baseline survey. During the ESM study, each participant reported on his/her use of three different social media platforms: WhatsApp and either Instagram, Snapchat, YouTube, and/or the chat function of games (i.e., the most popular social media platforms among adolescents 28 ). Questions about Instagram and WhatsApp use were only included if the participant had indicated in the baseline survey that s/he used these platforms at least once a week. If a participant had indicated that s/he used Instagram or WhatsApp (or both) less than once a week, s/he was asked to report on the use of Snapchat, YouTube, or the chat function of games, depending on what platform s/he used at least once a week. In addition to Instagram and WhatsApp, questions were asked about a third platform, that was selected based on how frequently the participant used Snapchat, YouTube, or the chat function of games (i.e., at least once a week). This resulted in five different combinations of three platforms: Instagram, WhatsApp, and Snapchat (47 participants); Instagram, WhatsApp, and YouTube (11 participants); Instagram, WhatsApp, and chatting via games (2 participants); WhatsApp, Snapchat, and YouTube (1 participant); and WhatsApp, YouTube, and chatting via games (2 participants).

Frequency of social media use

In the baseline survey, participants were asked to indicate how often they used and checked Instagram, WhatsApp, Snapchat, YouTube, and the chat function of games, using response options ranging from 1 ( never ) to 7 ( more than 12 times per day ). These platforms are the five most popular platforms among Dutch 14- and 15-year-olds 28 . Participants’ responses were used to select the three social media platforms that were assessed in the personalized ESM study.

Duration of social media use

In the ESM study, duration of active and passive social media use was measured by asking participants how much time in the past hour they had spent actively and passively using each of the three platforms that were included in the personalized ESM surveys. Response options ranged from 0 to 60 min , with 5-min intervals. To measure active Instagram use, participants indicated how much time in the past hour they had spent (a) “posting on your feed or sharing something in your story on Instagram” and (b) “sending direct messages/chatting on Instagram.” These two items were summed to create the variable duration of active Instagram use. Sum scores exceeding 60 min (only 0.52% of all assessments) were recoded to 60 min. To measure duration of passive Instagram use, participants indicated how much time in the past hour they had spent “viewing posts/stories of others on Instagram.” To measure the use of WhatsApp, Snapchat, YouTube and game-based chatting, we asked participants how much time they had spent “sending WhatsApp messages” (active use) and “reading WhatsApp messages” (passive use); “sending snaps/messages or sharing something in your story on Snapchat” (active use) and “viewing snaps/stories/messages from others on Snapchat” (passive use); “posting YouTube clips” (active use) and “watching YouTube clips” (passive use); “sending messages via the chat function of a game/games” (active use) and “reading messages via the chat function of a game/games” (passive use). Duration of active and passive overall social media use were created by summing the responses across the three social media platforms for active and passive use, respectively. Sum scores exceeding 60 min (2.13% of all assessments for active overall use; 2.90% for passive overall use) were recoded to 60 min. The duration variables were used to investigate whether the time spent actively or passively using social media was associated with well-being (dose–response associations).

Use/no use of social media

Based on the duration variables, we created six dummy variables, one for active and one for passive overall social media use, one for active and one for passive Instagram use, and one for active and one for passive WhatsApp use (0 =  no active use and 1 =  active use , and 0 =  no passive use and 1 =  passive use , respectively). These dummy variables were used to investigate whether the use of social media, irrespective of the duration of use, was associated with well-being (categorical associations).

Consistent with previous ESM studies 19 , 20 , we measured affective well-being using one item, asking “How happy do you feel right now?” at each assessment. Adolescents indicated their response to the question using a 7-point scale ranging from 1 ( not at all ) to 7 ( completely ), with 4 ( a little ) as the midpoint. Convergent validity of this item was established in a separate pilot ESM study among 30 adolescents conducted by the research team of the fourth author: The affective well-being item was strongly correlated with the presence of positive affect and absence of negative affect (assessed by a 10-item positive and negative affect schedule for children; PANAS-C) at both the between-person (positive affect: r  = 0.88, p < 0.001; negative affect: r  = − 0.62, p < 0.001) and within-person level (positive affect: r  = 0.74, p < 0.001; negative affect: r  = − 0.58, p < 0.001).

Statistical analyses

Before conducting the analyses, several validation checks were performed (see 34 ). First, we aimed to only include participants in the analyses who had completed more than 33% of all ESM assessments (i.e., at least 14 assessments). Next, we screened participants’ responses to the open questions for unserious responses (e.g., gross comments, jokes). And finally, we inspected time series plots for patterns in answering tendencies. Since all participants completed more than 33% of all ESM assessments, and no inappropriate responses or low-quality data patterns were detected, all participants were included in the analyses.

Following our preregistered analysis plan, we tested the proposed associations in a series of multilevel models. Before doing so, we tested the homoscedasticity and linearity assumptions for multilevel analyses 37 . Inspection of standardized residual plots indicated that the data met these assumptions (plots are available on OSF at  https://osf.io/nhks2 ). We specified separate models for overall social media use, use of Instagram, and use of WhatsApp. To investigate to what extent adolescents’ well-being would vary depending on whether they had actively or passively used social media/Instagram/WhatsApp or not during the past hour (categorical associations), we tested models including the dummy variables as predictors (active use versus no active use, and passive use versus no passive use; models 1, 3, and 5). To investigate whether, at moments when adolescents had used social media/Instagram/WhatsApp during the past hour, their well-being would vary depending on the duration of social media/Instagram/WhatsApp use (dose–response associations), we tested models including the duration variables as predictors (duration of active use and duration of passive use; models 2, 4, and 6). In order to avoid negative skew in the duration variables, we only included assessments during which adolescents had used social media in the past hour (overall, Instagram, or WhatsApp, respectively), either actively or passively. All models included well-being as outcome variable. Since multilevel analyses allow to include all available data for each individual, no missing data were imputed and no data points were excluded.

We used a model building approach that involved three steps. In the first step, we estimated an intercept-only model to assess the relative amount of between- and within-person variance in affective well-being. We estimated a three-level model in which repeated momentary assessments (level 1) were nested within adolescents (level 2), who, in turn, were nested within classrooms (level 3). However, because the between-classroom variance in affective well-being was small (i.e., 0.4% of the variance was explained by differences between classes), we proceeded with estimating two-level (instead of three-level) models, with repeated momentary assessments (level 1) nested within adolescents (level 2).

In the second step, we assessed the within-person associations of well-being with (a) overall active and passive social media use (i.e., the total of the three platforms), (b) active and passive use of Instagram, and (c) active and passive use of WhatsApp, by adding fixed effects to the model (Models 1A-6A). To facilitate the interpretation of the associations and control for the effects of time, a covariate was added that controlled for the n th assessment of the study week (instead of the n th assessment of the day, as preregistered). This so-called detrending is helpful to interpret within-person associations as correlated fluctuations beyond other changes in social media use and well-being 38 . In order to obtain within-person estimates, we person-mean centered all predictors 38 . Significance of the fixed effects was determined using the Wald test.

In the third and final step, we assessed heterogeneity in the within-person associations by adding random slopes to the models (Models 1B-6B). Significance of the random slopes was determined by comparing the fit of the fixed effects model with the fit of the random effects model, by performing the Satorra-Bentler scaled chi-square test 39 and by comparing the Bayesian information criterion (BIC 40 ) and Akaike information criterion (AIC 41 ) of the models. When the random effects model had a significantly better fit than the fixed effects model (i.e., pointing at significant heterogeneity), variance components were inspected to investigate whether heterogeneity existed in the association of either active or passive use. Next, when evidence was found for significant heterogeneity, we computed person-specific effect sizes, based on the random effect models, to investigate what percentages of adolescents experienced better well-being, worse well-being, and no changes in well-being. In line with Keijsers and colleagues 42 we only included participants who had completed at least 10 assessments. In addition, for the dose–response associations, we constructed graphical representations of the person-specific slopes, based on the person-specific effect sizes, using the xyplot function from the lattice package in R 43 .

Three improvements were made to our original preregistered plan. First, rather than estimating the models with multilevel modelling in R 43 , we ran the preregistered models in Mplus 44 . Mplus provides standardized estimates for the fixed effects models, which offers insight into the effect sizes. This allowed us to compare the relative strength of the associations of passive versus active use with well-being. Second, instead of using the maximum likelihood estimator, we used the maximum likelihood estimator with robust standard errors (MLR), which are robust to non-normality. Sensitivity tests, uploaded on OSF ( https://osf.io/nhks2 ), indicated that the results were almost identical across the two software packages and estimation approaches. Third, to improve the interpretation of the results and make the scales of the duration measures of social media use and well-being more comparable, we transformed the social media duration scores (0 to 60 min) into scales running from 0 to 6, so that an increase of 1 unit reflects 10 min of social media use. The model estimates were unaffected by this transformation.

Reporting summary

Further information on the research design is available in the Nature Research Reporting Summary linked to this article.

Data availability

The dataset generated and analysed during the current study is available in Figshare 45 . The preregistration of the design, sampling and analysis plan, and the analysis scripts used to analyse the data for this paper are available online on the Open Science Framework website ( https://osf.io/nhks2 ).

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Acknowledgements

This study was funded by the NWO Spinoza Prize and the Gravitation grant (NWO Grant 024.001.003; Consortium on Individual Development) awarded to P.M.V. by the Dutch Research Council (NWO). Additional funding was received from the VIDI grant (NWO VIDI Grant 452.17.011) awarded to L.K. by the Dutch Research Council (NWO). The authors would like to thank Savannah Boele (Tilburg University) for providing her pilot ESM results.

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I.B., J.L.P., I.I.v.D., L.K., and P.M.V. designed the study; I.B., J.L.P., and I.I.v.D. collected the data; I.B., J.L.P., and L.K. analyzed the data; and I.B., J.L.P., I.I.v.D., L.K., and P.M.V. contributed to writing and reviewing the manuscript.

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Beyens, I., Pouwels, J.L., van Driel, I.I. et al. The effect of social media on well-being differs from adolescent to adolescent. Sci Rep 10 , 10763 (2020). https://doi.org/10.1038/s41598-020-67727-7

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Social Media

Social media’s positive power for young people, social media has the promise of providing increased well-being..

Updated November 15, 2023 | Reviewed by Ray Parker

• While social media has been tied to negative outcomes for youth, new research highlights the positive.
• Despite the prevalence of social media, the fundamental need for connection among young people remains.
• Social media, when used to maintain offline connections, can foster well-being.

Thanks to my best friend (whom I met at age 13) and her incredible archival abilities, our teen years are expertly preserved like some '90s-era time capsule. Recently, she unearthed (and promptly shared on Instagram) one of our notes that I’d passed to her in eighth grade, complete with colored ink and silly drawings.

She saved most of these notes, individual sheets of notebook paper containing urgent social commentary on the happenings at J.T. Hutchinson Junior High School, expertly folded for efficient delivery into outstretched hands or locker vents. These notes were our daily lifelines to each other, serving as intentional points of connection and friendship .

Almost 30 years later, young people have traded paper and pens for notes shared via smartphones and text threads. Or Snapchat. Or Instagram. The number of delivery methods has grown exponentially since 1994.

Today’s mediums may be more sophisticated, but they help meet the same core need all teenagers possess: to feel connected to their community of friends and peers.

Much of what we understand today about young people and social media skews toward the negative. And this is necessary, as we must understand what may be harmful about these platforms.

Yet, discoveries of the negative tend to bear questions about the opposite—if we know what’s harmful, what’s helpful? Unsurprisingly, the answer lies in connection.

Springtide Research Institute’s most recent report, The State of Religion & Young People 2023: Exploring the Sacred, showed that while some young people didn’t believe sacred moments could happen online, others expressed that they could—and could be as meaningful as those offline. Young people’s descriptions of what made those moments sacred varied greatly, but the common thread was how digital interfaces allowed them to connect to someone or something important.

In this case, digital spaces acted as connective tissue between the physical, the emotional, and the metaphysical, serving as a container for young people to experience connection and the accompanying emotions—more often than not, those moments benefited their well-being.

So what if social media could be part of the wellness solution rather than the pathology problem? Current research is beginning to explore these more nuanced dissections, pointing to how social media interactions can promote positive outcomes.

• Researchers Soojung Jo and Mi Young Jang reviewed prior studies to understand how young people achieve emotional well-being via social media. They found that emotional well-being on social media is defined as,

Being happy and maintaining emotional health through relationships with others via internet-based communication platforms.

Well-being generally occurs when young people approach social media to connect with others, feel safe, or gain information. As a result, they gain better relationships with peers and more positive moods.

• Researchers Chia‑chen Yang, Sean Holden, and Jati Ariati created a framework to understand young people’s social media use concerning their psychological well-being. The model includes activities performed on social media, motives for social media use, and communication partners connected through social media.

Their model shows that:

• Social media use is associated with increased well-being when young people engage actively, directly interacting with followers with whom they have relationships, actively creating or sharing content, or using it to maintain or be entertained.
• Social media is associated with decreased well-being when young people use it to compensate for something lacking. Their use is more passive (i.e., browsing), and their communication partners are mainly those with whom they don’t have strong relationships.

Notice what lies at the core of what is associated with positive well-being instead of the negative. It’s the presence of connection versus a search to alleviate disconnection.

Those experiencing positive outcomes are interacting with people they’re close to and receiving social support based on their interactions with their content. Those experiencing negative outcomes search for connections and turn to social media to fill a void.

Even then, research shows that sometimes these young people still feel they’re falling short, whether they’re genuinely not connecting with others or the connections they are experiencing just aren’t satisfying their need for closeness.

For social media to be a conduit for positive outcomes, young people’s motivations for use matter. For them to be guided to social media for entertainment, there’s a good chance that their core needs for friendship and connection are being met elsewhere. For them to want to use social media to maintain relationships, it means those relationships were formed and solidified offline.

To make social media a place for positive outcomes, what matters most is what’s happening outside it. Social and digital spaces can’t be the only place where life, and the connection that comes with it, is happening. To ensure this technology serves as a conduit for well-being, one of the most impactful things we can do as adults is to ensure young people use it as one of many avenues for connection rather than seeking it out as the primary way to manufacture it.

Whether sheets of folded notebook paper or a series of direct message (DM) threads, young people will use what’s available to them to create meaningful connections. As adults, we must help set the conditions so social media remains a tool and doesn’t become a crutch.

Jo, S. & Jang, M.Y. (2023). Concept analysis of adolescent use of social media for emotional well-being. International Journal of Nursing Practice, 29 (1). https://doi-org.fgul.idm.oclc.org/10.1111/ijn.13116

Smith, D., Leonis, T & Anandavalli, S. (2021). Belonging and loneliness in cyberspace: impacts of social media on adolescents’ well-being, Australian Journal of Psychology , 73:1, 12-23. DOI: 10.1080/00049530.2021.1898914

Yang, C.; Holden, S. M; Ariati, J. (2021). Social media and psychological well-being among youth: The multidimensional model of social media use. Clinical Child and Family Psychology Review , 24 (3), 631-650. DOI:10.1007/s10567-021-00359-z

Angela Patterson, Ph.D., is a media psychologist and head writer for Springtide Research Institute, which surveys and interviews young people on topics like mental health, technology, and spirituality.

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Is social media use bad for young people’s mental health? It’s complicated.

July 17, 2023 – On May 23, U.S. Surgeon General Vivek Murthy issued an advisory warning about the potential dangers of social media for the mental health of children and teens . Laura Marciano , postdoctoral research fellow at the Lee Kum Sheung Center for Health and Happiness and in the  Department of Social and Behavioral Sciences at Harvard T.H. Chan School of Public Health, says that social media use might be detrimental for young people’s well-being but can also have positive effects.

Q: What are your thoughts on the Surgeon General’s advisory?

A: The advisory highlighted compelling evidence published during the last decade on the potential harmful impact of social media on children and adolescents. Some of what young people experience online—including cyberbullying, online harassment and abuse, predatory behaviors, and exposure to violent, sexual, and hate-based content—can undoubtedly be negative. But social media experiences are not limited to these types of content.

Much of the scientific literature on the effects of social media use has focused on negative outcomes. But the link between social media use and young people’s mental health is complicated. Literature reviews show that study results are mixed: Associations between social media use and well-being can be positive, negative, and even largely null when advanced data analyses are carried out, and the size of the effects is small. And positive and negative effects can co-exist in the same individual. We are still discovering how to compare the effect size of social media use with the effects of other behavioral habits—such as physical activity, sleep, food consumption, life events, and time spent in offline social connections—and psychological processes happening offline. We are also still studying how social media use may be linked positively with well-being.

It’s important to note that many of the existing studies relied on data from people living in so-called WEIRD countries (Western, Educated, Industrialized, Rich and Democratic), thus leaving out the majority of the worldwide population living in the Global South. In addition, we know that populations like minorities, people experiencing health disparities and chronic health conditions , and international students can find social media extremely helpful for creating and maintaining social communities to which they feel they belong.

A number of large cohort studies have measured social media use according to time spent on various platforms. But it’s important to consider not just time spent, but whether that time is displacing time for other activities promoting well-being, like physical activity and sleep. Finally, the effects of social media use are idiosyncratic, meaning that each child and adolescent might be affected differently, which makes it difficult to generalize about the effects.

Literature reviews on interventions limiting social media use present a more balanced picture. For example, one comprehensive review on the effects of digital detox—refraining from using devices such as smartphones—wasn’t able to draw any clear conclusions about whether such detox could be effective at promoting a healthy way of life in the digital era, because the findings were mixed and contradictory.

Q: What has your research found regarding the potential risks and benefits of social media use among young people?

A: In my work with Prof. Vish Viswanath , we have summarized all the papers on how social media use is related to positive well-being measures, to balance the ongoing bias of the literature on negative outcomes such as depression and anxiety. We found both positive and negative correlations between different social media activities and well-being. The most consistent results show a link between social media activities and hedonic well-being (positive emotions) and social well-being. We also found that social comparison—such as comparing how many likes you have with how many someone else has, or comparing yourself to digitally enhanced images online—drives the negative correlation with well-being.

Meanwhile, I am working on the “ HappyB ” project, a longitudinal project based in Switzerland, through which I have collected data from more than 1,500 adolescents on their smartphone and social media use and well-being. In a recent study using that cohort, we looked at how social media use affects flourishing , a construct that encompasses happiness, meaning and purpose, physical and mental health, character, close social relationships, and financial stability. We found that certain positive social media experiences are associated with flourishing. In particular, having someone to talk to online when feeling lonely was the item most related to well-being. That is not surprising, considering that happiness is related to the quality of social connections.

Our data suggest that homing in on the psychological processes triggered during social media use is key to determining links with well-being. For example, we should consider if a young person feels appreciated and part of a group in a particular online conversation. Such information can help us shed light on the dynamics that shape young people’s well-being through digital activities.

In our research, we work to account for the fact that social media time is a sedentary behavior. We need to consider that any behavior that risks diminishing the time spent on physical activity and sleep—crucial components of brain development and well-being—might be detrimental. Interestingly, some studies suggest that spending a short amount of time using social media, around 1-2 hours, is beneficial, but—as with any extreme behavior—it can cause harm if the time spent online dominates a child’s or adolescent’s day.

It’s also important to consider how long the effects of social media last. Social media use may have small ephemeral effects that can accumulate over time. A step for future research is to disentangle short- versus long-term effects and how long each last. In addition, we should better understand how digital media usage affects the adolescent brain. Colleagues and I have summarized existing neuroscientific studies on the topic, but more multidisciplinary research is needed.

Q: What are some steps you’d recommend to make social media use safer for kids?

A: I’ll use a metaphor to answer this question. Is a car safe for someone that is not able to drive? To drive safely, we need to learn how to accelerate, recognize road signs, make safe decisions according to certain rules, and wear safety belts. Similarly, to use social media safely, I think we as a society—including schools, educators, and health providers—should provide children and families with clear, science-based information on both its positive and negative potential impacts.

We can also ask social media companies to pay more attention to how some features—such as the number of “likes”—can modulate adolescent brain activity, and to think about ways to limit negative effects. We might even ask adolescents to advise designers on how to create social media platforms specifically for them. It would be extremely valuable to ask them which features would be best for them and which ones they would like to avoid. I think that co-designing apps and conducting research with the young people who use the platforms is a crucial step.

For parents, my suggestion is to communicate with your children and promote a climate of safety and empathy when it comes to social media use. Try to use these platforms along with them, for example by explaining how a platform works and commenting on the content. Also, I would encourage schools and parents to collaborate on sharing information with young people about social media and well-being.

Also, to offset children’s sedentary time spent on social media, parents could offer them alternative extracurricular activities to provide some balance. But it’s important to remember that social well-being depends on the quality of social connections, and that social media can help to promote this kind of well-being. So I’d recommend trying to keep what is good—according to my research that would include instant messaging, the chance to talk to people when someone is feeling lonely, and funny or inspirational content—and minimizing what’s negative, such as too much sedentary time or too much time spent on social comparison.

– Karen Feldscher

The effect of social media influencers' on teenagers Behavior: an empirical study using cognitive map technique

• Published: 31 January 2023
• Volume 42 , pages 19364–19377, ( 2023 )

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The increase in the use of social media in recent years has enabled users to obtain vast amounts of information from different sources. Unprecedented technological developments are currently enabling social media influencers to build powerful interactivity with their followers. These interactions have, in one way or another, influenced young people's behaviors, attitudes, and choices. Thus, this study contributes to the psychological literature by proposing a new approach for constructing collective cognitive maps to explain the effect of social media influencers' distinctive features on teenagers' behavior. More in depth, this work is an attempt to use cognitive methods to identify adolescents' mental models in the Tunisian context. The findings reveal that the influencers' distinctive features are interconnected. As a result, the influencer's distinctive features are confirmed in one way or another, to the teenagers' behavior. These findings provide important insights and recommendations for different users, including psychologists and academics.

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Introduction

The number of social media users has increased rapidly in the last few years. According to the global ‘State of Digital’ report (2021), the number of social media users reached 4.20 billion, which represents 53% of the world’s total population. This number has risen by more than 13% compared to the last year (2020). In Tunisia, until January 2021 the number of social media users has increased to 8.20 million, which represents 69 percent of the total population, while 97%, are accessed via mobile phones. According to the ALEXA report ( 2021 ), Google.com, Facebook are the most used networks by Tunisian people. Most importantly, 18, 5% of Facebook users are under 13 years old.

In fact, the emphasis on social media has created a consensus among tech companies, leading to the creation of more platforms. Today, the diversity of such platforms has created a new horizon of social media in terms of usage and ideas.

Many people whose careers’ are largely reliant on social media are known as "influencers". More than a profession, for some people, it is even considered as a way of life. Influencers use social media every day to express their opinions and critiques on many topics (like lifestyle, health, beauty) and objects (e.g. brands, services, and products). Accordingly, one of the most important marketing strategies in the market is relying on influencers, which has known as influencer marketing (Audrezet et al., 2020 ; Boerman, 2020 ; Lou & Yuan, 2019 ). In 2017, influencer marketing was considered as the most widespread and trendiest’ communication strategy used by the companies. Therefore, influencers have been considered by many marketing experts as opinion leaders because of their important role in persuading and influencing their followers (De Veirman et al., 2017 ). According to the two-step flow of communication theory, the influencer, as a representative of an organization, is inviting to filter, decode and create messages to match with his particular follower base (Lazarsfeld et al., 1944 ). An influencer is a mediator between consumers and organizations. According to Tarsakoo and Charoensukmongkol ( 2019 ), social media marketing implementation capabilities have a positive effect on customer relationship sustainability. In line with the premise of observational learning theory, influence occurs when the consumers use precedent information and observations shared with them gradually to extend their decision-making by evolving their beliefs, attitudes, and behaviors, (Bandura & Adams, 1977 ). In fact, the consumers are sizeable social networks of followers. In their turn, consumers, especially youth and adolescents, consider influencers as a source of transparency, credibility, and source of personal information from what helps the offered brands to be enlarged through the large social media network (e.g. Jin and Phua, 2014).

Social media influencers play a greater role in controlling and influencing the behavior of the consumer especially young people and teenagers (e.g. Marwick, 2015 ; Sokolova & Kefi, 2020 ). Actually, the use of Smartphone's has become an integral part of the lives of both young people and adolescents. According to Anderson ( 2018 ), 95% of teenagers aged between 13 and 17 own a Smartphone. For young people, the pre-social media era has become something of a blur. This generation has known as Generation Z where its members were born between the nineties and the 2000s. What distinguishes this generation is its extensive use of the Internet at an early age. For them, the social media presents an important part of their social life and since then many thinkers set out to explore the effects of using social media platforms at an early age on adolescents' lives. The excessive use of social media may have an effect on teens' mental health. In fact, adolescence is the interval period between childhood and adulthood. A teenager is not a child to act arbitrarily and is not an adult to make critical decisions. Therefore, young people and teenagers have considered as the most sensitive class of consumers. Teenagers' brain creates many changes that make them more sensitive to the impressions of others, especially the view of their peers (e.g. Elkind, 1967 ; Dacey & Kenny, 1994 ; Arnett, 2000 ). Adolescents' mental changes cause many psychological and cognitive problems. According to Social identity theory, teens appreciate the positive reinforcement they get by being included in a group and dislike the feeling of social rejection (Tajfel, 1972 ). To reinforce their sense of belonging, teens are following influencers on social media (e.g., Loureiro & Sarmento, 2019 ). In line with psychological theories, the attachment theory helps to clarify interpersonal relationships between humans. This theory provides the framework to explain the relationship between adolescents and influencers. Several studies have confirmed that the distinctive feature of social media influencers, including relatedness, autonomy and competence affects the behavior, the psychological situation and the emotional side of the consumers (Deci & Ryan, 2000 ). Does the distinctive feature of social media influencers affect teens' behavior? This kind of questions have become among the most controversial ones (e.g. Djafarova & Rushworth, 2017 ). This problem is still inconclusive, even not addressed in some developing countries like Tunisia. Indeed, it is clear that there are considerable gaps in terms of the academic understanding of what characteristics of social media influencers and their effect on teen behaviors. This problem still arises because the lack of empirical works is investigating in this area.

Therefore, this study contributes to the literature by different ways. First, this paper presents a review of the social media influencers' distinctive features in Tunisian context. This is important because social influencers have been considered as credible and trustworthy sources of information (e.g. Sokolova & Kefi, 2020 ). On the others hand, this study identifies the motivations that teens have for following social influencers. MICS6 Survey (2020) shows a gradual increase in suicide rates among Tunisian children (0–19 years). According to the general delegate for child protection, the phenomenon is in part linked to the intensive use of online games. Understanding the main drivers of social media influence among young Tunisians can help professionals and families guide them. Empirically, this study provides the first investigation of teens’ mental models using the cognitive approach.

The rest of this paper is organized as the following: The second part presents thetheoretical background and research hypotheses. The third part introduces the research methodology. The forth part is reserved to application and results. In the last part, both the conclusion and recommendations are highlighted.

Theoretical background and research hypotheses

Social media influencers' distinctive features.

"Informational social influence" is a concept that has been used in literature by Deutsch & Gerard, 1955 ), and defined as the change in behavior or opinions that happened when people (consumers) are conformed to other people (influencers) because they believe that they have precise and true information (e.g. Djafarova & Rushworth, 2017 , Alotaibi et al., 2019 ). According to (Chahal, 2016 ), there are two kinds of "influencers". The classic ones are the scientists, reporters, lawyers, and all others examples of people who have expert-level knowledge and the new ones are the Social media influencers. Accordingly, social media influencers have many followers that trust them especially on the topics related to their domain of knowledge (e.g. Moore et al., 2018 ). According to the Psychology of Influence perspective, people, often, do not realize that they are influenced because the effect occurs mainly in their subconscious (Pligt & Vliek, 2016 ). When influencers advocate an idea, a service, or a product, they can make a psychological conformity effect on followers through their distinctive features (Colliander, 2019 ; Jahoda, 1959 ).

Vollenbroek et al. ( 2014 ) investigated a study about social media influencers and the impact of these actors on the corporate reputation. To create their model, the authors use the Delphi method. The experts have exposed to a questionnaire that included the characteristics of influential actors, interactions, and networks. The first round of research indicates that a bulk of experts has highlighted the importance of intrinsic characteristics of influencers such as knowledge, commitment, and trust etcetera. While others believe that, the size of the network or the reach of a message determines the influence. The results of the second round indicate that the most agreed-upon distinctive characteristics to be a great influencer are being an active mind, being credible, having expertise, being authoritative, being a trendsetter, and having a substantive influence in discussions and conversations. According to previous literature, among the characteristics that distinguish the influencers is the ability to be creative, original, and unique. Recently, Casaló et al. ( 2020 ) indicated that originality and uniqueness positively influence opinion leadership on Instagram. For the rest of this section, we are going to base on the last two studies to draw on the most important distinctive features of social media influencers.

Credibility (expertise and trustworthiness)

According to Lou and Yuan ( 2019 ), one of the most distinctive characteristics that attract the audience is the influencer's credibility specifically the expertise and trustworthiness. In fact, source credibility is a good way of persuasion because it has related to many conceptualizations. Following Hovland et al. ( 1953 ), credibility has subdivided into expertise and trustworthiness. The expertise has reflected the knowledge and competence of the source (influencer) in a specific area (Ki & Kim, 2019 ; McCroskey, 1966 ). While trustworthiness is represented in influencer honesty and sincerity (Giffin, 1967 ). Such characteristics help the source (influencer) to be more convincing. According to the source credibility theory, consumers (social media audience) give more importance to the source of information to take advantage of the expertise and knowledge of influencers (e.g. Ohanian, 1990 ; Teng et al., 2014 ). Spry et al., ( 2011 ) pointed out that a trusted influencer's positive perception of a product and/or service positively affects consumers' attitudes towards recommended brandsHowever, if the product does not meet the required specifications, consumers lose trust in the product and the influencer (Cheung et al., 2009 ). Based on source credibility theory, this work tested one of the research goals: the effect of expertise and credibility on adolescent behavior.

Originality and creativity

Originality in social media represents the ability of an influencer to provide periodically new and differentiate content that attracts the attention of the audience. The content has perceived as innovative, sophisticated, and unusual. Social media influencers look for creating an authentic image in order to construct their own online identity. Marwick ( 2013 ) defined authenticity as "the way in which individuals distinguish themselves, not only from each other but from other types of media". Most of the time, an authentic and different content attracts attention, and sometimes the unusual topics make surprising (Derbaix & Vanhamme, 2003 ). According to Khamis et al. ( 2017 ), social media influencers attract the consumers' attention by posting authentic content. In fact, the audience often appreciates the originality and the creativity of the ideas (Djafarova & Rushworth, 2017 ).The originality of the content posted by an influencer has considered as a way to resonate with their public (Hashoff, 2017 ). When a company seeks to promote its products and services through social media, it is looking for an influential representative who excels at presenting original and different content. The brand needs to be presented by credible and believable influencers that create authentic content (Sireni, 2020 ). One of the aims of this work is to identify the effect of the authentic content on teen’s behaviors.

Trendsetter and uniqueness

According to Maslach et al. ( 1985 ), uniqueness is the case in which the individual feels distinguished compared to others. Tian et al. ( 2001 ) admitted that individuals attempt to be radically different from others to enhance their selves and social images. The uniqueness in content represents the ability of the influencer to provide an uncirculated content specific to him. Gentina et al. ( 2014 ) proved that male adolescents take into account the uniqueness of the content when they evaluated the influencer role particularly in evaluating the role of an opinion leader. Casaló et al. ( 2020 ) indicated that uniqueness positively influences the leadership opinion. Thus, the uniqueness of influencers’ contents may affect audiences’ attitude. Therefore, we aim to test the effect of the influencers’ contents uniqueness and trendsetter on teenagers’ behaviors.

Persuasion has a substantive influence in discussions and conversations. According to the Psychology of Persuasion, the psychological tactic that revolves around harnessing the principles of persuasion supports in one way or another the influencer’s marketing. The objective is to persuade people to make purchase decisions. Persuasion aims commonly to change others attitudes and behavior in a context of relative freedom (e.g. Perloff, 2008 ; Crano & Prislin, 2011 ; Shen & Bigsb, 2013 ). According to Scheer and Stern ( 1992 ), the dynamic effect of marketing occurs when an influencer persuades consumers to participate in a specific business. Influencers' goal is to convince the audiences of their own ideas, products, or services. There are six principles of persuasion, which are consensus, consistency, scarcity, reciprocity, authority, and liking. Thus, among the objectives of this study is to set the effect of influencers' persuasion on teens' behavior.

To sum up, our hypothesis is as the following:

H1: Social media influencers' distinctive features affect teenagers’ behavior.

Social media influencers' and teenagers’ behavior

Young people and adolescents are increasingly using social media, consequently, they receive a lot of information from different sources that may influence in one way or another their behavior and decisions. Accordingly, the Digital report (2021) (published in partnership with Hootsuite and we Are Social) indicated that connected technologies became an integral part of people's lives, and it has seen great development in the last twelve months especially with regard to social media, e-commerce, video games, and streaming content. According to the statistics raised in the global State of Digital (2021), the number of social media users has increased by 490 million users around the world compared to last year to attain 4.20 billion. In Tunisia, until January 2021 the number of social media users has increased to attain 8.20 million, which represents 69 percent of the total population while 97% accessing via mobile phone. According to the ALEXA report ( 2021 ), Google.com, Facebook and YouTube are the networks most used by Tunisian people. In addition, 18, 5% of Facebook users are under 13 years old.The use of social media by young people has recently increased, which led us to ask about the influence of such an alternative on their psychological and mental conditions, their identity formation, and their self-estimation. One of this study aims is also to answer the question: why teens follow Social media influencers?

Identity formation

Identity formation relates to the complex way in which human beings institute a continued unique view of the self (Erikson, 1950 ). Consequently, this concept has largely attached to terms like self-concept, personality development, and value. Identity, in a simplified way, is an aggregation of the “self-concept, who we are” and “self-awareness” (Aronson et al., 2005 ). In line with communication theory, Scott ( 1987 ) indicated that interpersonal connection is a key factor in identity formation. Most importantly, the individual's identity formation is the cornerstone of building a personality. A stream of research indicates that consumers accept influence from others they identify with and refuse influence when they desire to disconnect (Berger & Heath, 2007 ; White & Dahl, 2006 ).

Adolescence is a transitional stage in individuals' lives that represents the interval between childhood and adulthood (e.g. Hogan & Astone, 1986 ; Sawyer et al., 2018 ). From here begins teens' psychological conflicts that call into question-related to themselves and about their role in society (e.g. Hill et al., 2018 ). In fact, teens go through many experiences because of the physical and psychological changes during the self-establishment phase, which influences not only their identity formation but also their own personality. At this stage, radical changes occur in their lives, which may affect the course of their future life. The family (precisely parents' behaviors) represents the first influencer on their kids' view of themselves, but this is not the main side. In the era of globalization and technological development, social media has become an important role in shaping the identity of adolescents (see Gajaria et al., 2011 ). In the adolescent stage, individuals start to use the flood of information received from various sources (especially from social media) to find out a sense of self and personal identity. Davis ( 2013 ) affirmed that students who communicated online with their peers express better visibility of self-concept. In its turn, self-concept visibility has related to friendship quality. According to Arnett and Hughes ( 2014 ), identity formation is the result of "thinking about the type of person you want to be” (p. 340). Due to the intense appearance of social media in the lives of teenagers, identity formation is highly affected by social media influencers' personalities. Kunkel et al. ( 2004 ) affirmed that targeted advertisements in social media affect the identity molding of teens by encouraging them to espouse new habits of appearance and consumption. Identification is easier when there is a previous model to mimic.

This work aims to explore the effect of social media influencers' distinctive features on the healthy identity development of teens.

Mimetic bias

Investigating mimicry in the psychological literature is not a recent subject. Kendon ( 1970 ) and LaFrance ( 1982 ) were the first researchers that introduce the mimicry concept in literature. Nevertheless, exploring mimicry effect on peoples’ behavior presents a new area of research. Many researchers like Chartrand and Dalton ( 2009 ) and Stel & Vonk ( 2010 ) presented mimicry as the interaction of an individual with others through observing and mirroring their behaviors, attitudes, expressions, and postures. Chartrand and Dalton ( 2009 ) indicated that social surroundings are easily contagious and confirmed the high ability of individuals to mimic what they see in their social environment. Individuals resort to mimicry to fulfill their desire to belong to a group and be active members of society. Therefore, Lakin et al. ( 2003 ) affirmed that mimicry could be used to enhance social links with others. Such behavior aims to bring people closer to each other and create intimacy. White and Argo ( 2011 ) classified mimicry as conscious and unconscious. According to the Neuroscience literature, unconscious mimicry occurs due to the activation of individual mirror neurons that lead to mimic others (e.g. Hatfield et al., 1994 ). Thus, mimickers “automatically” imitate others in many situations like facial expressions (e.g., smiling), behavioral expressions (e.g., laughing), and postural expressions (e.g., hand positioning) (Meltzoff & Moore, 1983 ; LaFrance & Broadbent, 1976 ; Simner, 1971 ). On the other hand, a recent stream of research has advocated conscious mimicry (White & Argo, 2011 ; Ruvio et al., 2013 ). Ruvio et al. ( 2013 ) have presented the "Consumer’s Doppelganger Effect" theory. According to the authors, when consumers have the intention to look like their role models, they imitate them.

One of the paradoxical challenges in the adolescence period is the teens' simultaneous need for "mimic" and "differentiation ".Among the most common questions asked between adolescents is "Who we are?”. The identification of themselves based commonly on a comparison between them and members of the group to which they aim to belong. The feeling of being normal is an obsession that haunts the majority of teenagers. Their sense of being within the norm and not being alienated or disagreed with others prompts teenagers to do anything even if this poses a danger to them just to be accepted by others. Today, with the development of social media, family, peers and friends are no longer the only influencers that teens mimic, but this environment has expanded to include social media influencers. Teens give more attention to their online image and mimic social media influencers to achieve a sense of belonging. According to Cabourg and Manenti ( 2017 ), the content shared by adolescents with each other about their lives on their own social networks helps them understand and discover each other, and create their identity away from their parents. This phenomenon turns into a problem when adolescents mimic each other only not to be excluded or rejected, even if these actions do not represent them.

Another important aim of this study is to explore the effect of social media influencers' distinctive features on teen’s mimicry behavior.

Confirmation bias

Cabourg and Manenti ( 2017 ) pointed out that it is a necessity for a teenager to be a part of a peer group. Belonging to the group for a teenager reinforces his/her sense of existence away from family restrictions. As we have mentioned before and in line with Hernandez et al. ( 2014 ), teens need to create peer relationships, whether to contribute positively or negatively to their psychosocial side and undoubtedly play a crucial role in the development of identity. Araman and Brambilla ( 2016 ) argued that: "Teenage is an important stage in life, full of physical and psychological transformation, awakening in love and professional concerns. Identifying yourself with a group makes you feel stronger, to say that you exist, and even to distinguish yourself from society”. The development of social media platforms promotes the desire of teens to a group belonging. Social media platforms, such as tick-tock, Facebook, and Instagram, motivate their users to interact with likes and comments on others people’s posts. In fact, according to Davis ( 2012 ), casual communication between teens through social networking using text and instant messages enhances their sense of belonging. Furthermore, the author indicates that social media helps teens to compare their ideas and experiences with their peers, which support their sense of belonging. According to Zeng et al. ( 2017 ), social media interactions aim to create strong social bonds and raise emotional belonging to a community. Confirmation bias occurs when an individual cannot think and create outside the herd. Equally important, due to the confirmation bias, teens cannot identify themselves, except by flying inside the swarm. Teens may identify themselves as fans of a famous influencer just to feel the sense of belonging. This work tests the effect of social media influencers' distinctive features on teens’ sense of belonging.

Self-esteem

Psychological literature defines Self-esteem as the individual’s evaluation of himself or herself that can be positive or negative (Smith et al., 2014 ). Coopersmith ( 1965 ) affirmed that the self-esteem is the extent to which an individual views his self as competent and worthwhile. A stream of past works highlighted the effects of social media on self-esteem (Błachnio et al., 2016 ; Denti et al., 2012 ; Gonzales & Hancock, 2011 ). The majority of them found that audiences with low self-esteem use more social networks’ to reinforce their self-esteem. Due to technological developments, social media networks offer a self-comparison between users. According to Festinger ( 1954 ), social media users focus more on self-evaluations by making social comparisons with others concerning many issues like beauty, popularity, social classes or roles, wealth accumulation, etc. Social comparison is a part of building a teen's personal identity (Weinstein, 2017 ). Among adolescents, there are two types of comparisons on social media, which are upward comparison, and downward comparison (Steers et al., 2014 ). The first one has related to weakened levels of self-esteem and high depressive symptoms. The second one is characterized by expanding levels of self-esteem and low levels of anxiety (Burrow & Rainone, 2017 ). According to Wright et al. ( 2018 ), self-presentation on social media is related to the extent to which others accept and the determined level of belonging that based on the number of likes and comments.

This study aims to test the effect of social media influencers' distinctive features on teens’ self-esteem.

Digital distraction

Social media has taken over most of the spare time. It has displaced the time spent on other activities like reading, watching TV, make sports etc.… (Twenge et al., 2019 ). Consequently, the phenomenon of digital distraction has widely spread, especially with the rise of smartphones use. The results of a study established by Luna ( 2018 ) indicated that the use of smartphones during a meal leads to minimize the levels of connectedness and enjoyment and increase the levels of distraction comparing to those who set devices off. Martiz ( 2015 ) found that students with Internet addiction often feel lonely and depressed. Recently, Emerick et al. ( 2019 ) affirmed that the students themselves agree that spending a lot of time using social media leads to distraction. Many studies have proven that most teens spend a lot of time online (e.g., Anderson & Jiang, 2018 ; Twenge et al., 2018 ). Thus, they are the most vulnerable to digital distraction. We believe that whenever distinctive features of influencers are good, the most important impact they have on young people, leads to distraction.

At this level, our second hypothesis is as the following:

H2. The behavior and cognitive biases of teens are affected by social media influence.

Research methods

The cognitive maps.

The cognitive map is relatively an old technique (Huff, 1990 ). However, the use of cognitive maps in scientific research has increased in recent years. According to Axelrod ( 1976 ), a cognitive map is a mathematical model that reflects a belief system of a person. In another words, a cognitive map is a representation of causal assertion way of a person on a limited area. At the beginning of the 1970s, it was intellectually popular amongst behavioral geographers to investigate the significance of cognitive maps, and their impacts on people’s spatial behavior. A cognitive map is a type of mental representation, which serves an individual to acquire, store, recall, code, and decode information about the relative locations and attributes of phenomena in their everyday or metaphorical spatial environment. It is usually defined as the graphical representation of a person belief about a particular field. A map is not a scientific model based on objective reality, but a graphical representation of an individual's specific beliefs and ideas about complex local situations and issues. It is relatively easy for humans to look at maps (cognitive maps in our case) and understand connections, between different concepts. Cognitive maps can therefore also be thought of as graphs. Graphs can be used to represent many interesting things about our world. It can also be used to solve various problems. According to Bueno & Salmeron ( 2009 ), Cognitive Maps are a powerful technique that helps to study human cognitive phenomena and specific topics in the world. This study uses cognitive maps as a tool to investigate the mental schema of teenagers in Tunisian Scouts. In fact, cognitive mapping helps to explore the impact of social media on teenage behavior in the Tunisian context. In other words, we focus on the effect of influencers' distinctive features on teen behavior.

Data collection and sample selection

The aim of this work is to explore the effect of social media influencers' distinctive features on teenagers' behavior in Tunisian context. On the other hand, this work investigates if the psychological health of teens is affected by social media influence. To analyze mentally processing multifactor-interdependencies by the human mind or a scenario with highly complex problems, we need more complex analysis methods like the cognitive map technique.

The questionnaire is one of the appropriate methods used to construct a collective cognitive map (Özesmi & Özesmi, 2004 ). Following Eden and Ackermann ( 1998 ), this study uses face-to-face interviews because it is the most flexible method for data collection and it is the appropriate way to minimize the questionnaire mistiness. The questionnaire contains two parts: the first part is reserved to identify the interviewees. The second part provides the list of concepts for each approach via cross-matrix. The questionnaire takes the form of an adjacency matrix (see Table 1 ). The data collection technique appropriate to build a cognitive map is the adjacent matrix. The adjacency matrix of a graph is an (n × n) matrix:

The variables used in the matrix can be pre-defined (by the interviewer using the previous literature) or it can be identified in the interview by the interviewees. This paper uses the first method to restrict the large number of variables related to both influencers’ distinctive features and teenagers' behavioral biases (see Table 2 ). This work identified two types of social media influencers that are Facebook bloggers and Instagrammers for two reasons. Facebook is the most coveted social network for Tunisians. It has more than 6.9 million active users in 2020 or 75% of the population (+ 13 years) of which 44.9% were female users and 55.1% male. On the other hand, Instagram is the second popular social media platform. It has more than 1.9 million, namely 21% of the Tunisian population (+ 13 years).

In this work, we deal with (10 × 10) adjacency matrix.

Experts (psychologists, academics, etc.) often analyze the relationships between social media and young people’s behavior. The contribution of this work is that we rely on the adolescents' point of view in order to test this problem using the cognitive maps method. To our knowledge, no similar research has been done before.

This work is in parallel to the framework of the Tunisian State project "Strengthening the partnership between the university and the economic and social environment". It aims to merge the scientific track with the association work. We have organized an intellectual symposium in conjunction with the Citizen Journalism Club of youth home and the Mohamed-Jlaiel Scouts Group of Mahres entitled "Social Influencers and Their Role in Changing Youth Behaviors”.This conference took place on April 3, 2021, in the hall of the municipality, under the supervision of an inspector of youth and childhood”. In fact, Scouts is a voluntary educational movement that aims to contribute to the development of young people to reach the full benefit of their physical and social capabilities to make them responsible individuals. Scouts offer children and adolescents an educational space complementary to that of the family and the school. The association emphasizes community life, taking responsibility, and learning resourcefulness.Scouting contributes to enhancing the individual's self-confidence and sense of belonging and keeps them away from digital distraction. Therefore, our sample has based on a questionnaire answered by young people belonging to the Tunisian Scoutsaged between 14 and 17 and, who belong to the Mohamed-Jlaiel Scouts Group of Mahres. In fact, scouting strengthens the willpower of young people and allows them to expand their possibilities for self-discipline. In addition, Scout youth are integrated into the community and spend more time in physical and mental activities than their peers who spend most of their free time on social media. Unfortunately, because of the epidemiological situation that Tunisia experienced during this period due to the spread of the Coronavirus, we could not summon more than 35 people, and the first sample was limited only to 25 young people. Thus, a second study with another data collection is needed. Over two successive months (November and December 2021), we make a few small workshops (due to the pandemic situation) with scouts’ young people. The second sample contains 38 teens. Therefore, our total data hold 63young people (26 female and 37 male). It should be noted that the surveys were carried out after parental consent.

We start our interviews with presenting the pros and cons of social mediaand its effect on audiences’ behavior. After forming an idea with the topic, we asked young people to answer the questionnaire presented to them after we defined and explained all the variables. We have directly supervised the questionnaire. Teens are invited to fulfill the questionnaire (in the form of a matrix) using four possibilities:

If variable i has no influence on variable j, the index (i, j) takes a value of zero

1 if variable I has a weak influence on variable j.

2 if variable I has a strong influence on variable j.

3 if variable I has a very strong influence on variable j.

To sumup, the final data contains 63 individual matrices. The aim of the questionnaire is then to build the perception maps (Lajnef et al., 2017 ).

Collective cognitive map method

This work is of qualitative investigation. The research instrument used in this study is the cognitive approach. This work aims to create a collective cognitive map using an interviewing process. Young peopleare invited to fill the adjacencymatrices by giving their opinion about the effect of social media influencers' distinctive features on teenagers' behavior. To draw up an overall view, individual maps (creating based on adjacency matrices) aggregated to create a collective cognitive map. Since individual maps denote individual thinking, collective map is used to understand the group thinking. The aggregation map aimed to show the point of similarities and differences between individuals (Lajnef et al., 2017 ). The cognitive map has formed essentially by two elements: concepts (variables) and links (relations between variables). The importance of a concept is mainly related to its link with other variables.

This technique helps to better understand the individual and collective cognitive universe. A cognitive map became a mathematical model that reflects a belief system of individuals since the pioneering work of Tolman ( 1948 ). Axelrod ( 1976 ) investigated the political and economic field and considered "cognitive maps" as graphs, reflecting a mental model to predict, understand and improve people's decisions. Recently, Garoui & Jarboui ( 2012 ) have defined the cognitive map as a tool aimed to view certain ideas and beliefs of an individual in a complex area. This work aims to explore a collective cognitive map to set the complex relationships between teenagers and social media influencers. For this reason, we investigate the effect of social media influencers' distinctive features on teenagers' behavior using an aggregated cognitive map.

Results and discussion

In this study, we report all measures, manipulations and exclusions.

Structural analysis and collective cognitive map

This paper uses the structural analysis method to test the relationship between the concepts and to construct a collective cognitive map. According to Godet et al. ( 2008 ), the structural analysis is “A systematic, matrix form, analysis of relations between the constituent variables of the studied system and those of its explanatory environment”. The structural analysis purpose is aimed to distinguish the key factors that identify the evolution of the system based on a matrix that determines the relationships among them (Villacorta et al., 2012 ). To deal with our problem, Micmac software allows us to treat the collected information in the form of plans and graphs in order to configure the mental representation of interviewees.

The influence × dependence chart

This work uses the factor analysis of the influence-dependence chart in which factors have categorized due to their clustered position. The influence × dependence plan depends on four categories of factors, which are the determinants variables, the result variables the relay variables, and the excluded variables. The chart has formed by four zones presented as the following (Fig.  1 ):

Influence-dependence chart, according to MICMAC method

Zone 1: Influent or determinant variables

Influent variables are located in the top left of the chart. According to Arcade et al. ( 1999 ) this category of variables represents a high influence and low dependence. These kinds of variables play and affect the dynamics of the whole system, depending on how much we can control them as key factors. The obtained results identify uniqueness, trustworthiness, and Mimetic as determinant variables. The ability of influencers’ is to provide personalized and unique content that influence Tunisian teens’ behavior. This finding is in line with Casaló et al. ( 2020 ) work. On the other hand, the results indicate that teens mimic social media influencers to feel their belonging. Such an act allows them to discover each other, and create their identity away from their parents (Cabourg & Manenti, 2017 ). The most Influential variable of the system is trustworthiness.The more trustworthiness influencers via social media are, the higher their influence on young people will be. This finding is conformed to previous studies (Giffin, 1967 ; Spry et al., 2011 ).

Zone 2: Relay variables

The intermediate or relay variables are situated at the top right of the chart. These concepts have characterized by high influence and sensitivity. They are also named “stake factors” because they are unstable. Relay variables influence the system depending on the other variables. Any effect of these factors will influence themselves and other external factors to adjust the system. In this study, most of influencers' distinctive features (persuasion, originality, and expertise) play the role of relay variables. The results indicate that the influence of persuasion affects young people's convictions, depending on other variables. The results are in line with previous studies (e.g. Perloff, 2008 ; Shen et al., 2013 ). Furthermore, the findings indicate that the more expertise social media influencers' are, the higher their influence on young people will be. The study of Ki and Kim ( 2019 ) supported our findings. Additionally, the originality of the content presented on social media attracts the audience more than the standard content. The results are in line with those of Khamis et al., ( 2017 ) and Djafarova & Rushworth ( 2017 ).

Based on the results of zone 1 and zone 2, we can sum up that Social media influencers' distinctive features tested on this work affect teenagers’ behavior. Therefore, H1 is accepted.

Zone 3: Excluded or autonomous variables

The excluded variables are positioned in the bottom left of the chart. This category of variables is characterized by a low level of influence and dependence. Such variables have no impact on the overall dynamic changes of the system because their distribution is very close to the origin. This work did not obtain this class of variables.

Zone 4: Dependent variables

The dependent variables are located at the bottom right of the chart. These variables have characterized by a low degree of influence and a high degree of dependence. These variables are less influential and highly sensitive to the rest of variables (influential and relay variables). According to our results, the dependent variables are those related to teens' behavior and cognitive biases. Social media influencers affect the identity development of teens. These findings are in line with those of Kunkel et al. ( 2004 ).The results show also that young people often identify themselves as fans of a famous influencer just to feel the belonging. These results are in line with previous studies like those of Davis ( 2012 ) and Zeng et al. ( 2017 ). Furthermore, the findings indicate that young people use more social networks’ to reinforce their self-esteem.The results confirm with those of Denti et al. ( 2012 ) and Błachnio et al. ( 2016 ).Influencers via social media play a role in digital distraction. Thus, the result found by Emerick et al. ( 2019 ) supports our findings.

Based on the results of zone 3, we can sum up that the behavior and cognitive biases of teens are affected by social media influencers. Therefore, H2 is accepted.

Collective cognitive maps

During this study, we have gathered the individuals’ matrices to create a collective cognitive mind map. The direct influence graph (Figs.  2 and 3 ) present many interesting findings. First, the high experience of influencers via social media enhances the production of original content. Furthermore, the more expertise the influencers' are, the higher their degree of persuasion on young people will be. As similar to this work, Kirmani et al. ( 2004 ) found that the influencers' experience with persuasion emerges as factors that affect customers. Beside the experience, the more an influencer provides unique and uncirculated content specific to him, the higher the originality of the content will be. Previous studies hypothesized that unique ideas are the most stringent method for producing original ideas (e.g., Wallach & Kogan,  1965 ; Wallach & Wing, 1969 ).Generally; influencers that produce different contents have a great popularity because they produce new trends. Therefore, our results indicate that young people want to be one of their fans just to feel their belonging. Furthermore, our findings indicate that the originality of content can be a source of digital distraction. Teenagers spend a lot of time on social media to keep up with new trends (e.g. Chassiakos & Stager, 2020 ).

The collective cognitive maps (25% of links)

The collective cognitive map (100% of links)

The influencers' experience and their degree of trustworthiness, besides the originality of the content, enhance their abilities to persuade adolescents. During adolescence, young people look for a model to follow. According to our results, it can be a social media influencer with a great ability to persuade.

In recent years, the increasing use of social media has enabled users to obtain a large amount of information from different sources. This evolution has affected in one way or another audience's behavior, attitudes, and decisions, especially the young people. Therefore, this study contributes to the literature in many ways. On the first hand, this paper presents the most distinctive features of social media influencers' and tests their effect on teenagers' behavior using a non-clinical sample of young Tunisians. On the other hand, this paper identifies teens' motivations for following social media influencers. This study exercises a new methodology. In fact, it uses the cognitive approach based on structural analysis. According to Benjumea-Arias et al. ( 2016 ), the aim of structural analysis is to determine the key factors of a system by identifying their dependency or influence, thus playing a role in decreasing system complexity. The present study successfully provides a collective cognitive map for a sample of Tunisian young people. This map helps to understand the impact of Facebook bloggers and Instagrammers on Tunisian teen behavior.

This study presents many important findings. First, the results find that influencers' distinctive features tested on this work affect teenagers’ behavior. In fact, influencers with a high level of honesty and sincerity prove trustworthiness among teens. This result is in line with those of Giffin ( 1967 ). Furthermore, the influencer’s ability to provide original and unique content affects the behavior of teens. These findings confirm those of Casaló et al. ( 2020 ). In addition, the ability to influence is related with the ability to persuade and expertise.

The findings related to the direct influence graph reveal that the influencers' distinctive features are interconnected. The experience, the degree of trustworthiness, and the originality of the submitted content influence the ability of an influencer to persuade among adolescents. In return, the high degree of persuasion impresses the behavior, attitudes, and decisions of teens with influences in their identity formation. The high experience and uniqueness help the influencer to make content that is more original. Young people spend more time watching original content (e.g. Chassiakos & Stager, 2020 ). Thus, the originality of content can be a source of digital distraction.

The rise in psychological problems among adolescents in Tunisia carries troubling risks. According to MICS6 Survey (2020), 18.7% of children aged 15–17 years suffer from anxiety, and 5.2% are depressed. The incidence of suicide among children (0–19 years old) was 2.07 cases per 100,000 in 2016, against 1.4 per 100,000 in 2015. Most child suicides concern 15–19-year-olds. They are in part linked to intensive use of online games, according to the general delegate of child protection. However, scientific studies rarely test the link between social media use and psychological disorders for young people in the Tunisian context. In fact, our result emphasized the important role of influencers' distinctive features and their effect on teens' behavior.

Thus, it is necessary and critical to go deeper into those factors that influence the psychological health of teens. We promote researchers to explore further this topic. They can uncover ways to help teens avoid various psychological and cognitive problems, or at least realize them and know the danger they can cause to themselves and others.

These results have many implications for different actors like researchers and experts who were interested in the psychological field.

This work suffers from some methodological and contextual limitations that call recommendations for future research. Fist, the sample size used is relatively small because of the epidemiological situation that Tunisia experienced at the time of completing this work. On the other hand, this work was limited only to study the direct relationship between variables. Therefore, we suggest expanding the questionnaire circle. We can develop this research by interviewing specialists in the psychological field. From an empirical point of view, we can go deeper into this topic by testing the indirect relationship among variables.

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Lajnef, K. The effect of social media influencers' on teenagers Behavior: an empirical study using cognitive map technique. Curr Psychol 42 , 19364–19377 (2023). https://doi.org/10.1007/s12144-023-04273-1

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Social Media Effect on Young People

Impact of social media on youth: essay introduction, positive and negative impact of social media on youth: essay conclusion, works cited.

Are you about to write a research paper on social media effect on young people? Then check out our “impact of social media on youth” essay sample! Here, you’ll find psychological, financial, and other effects of social media.

Social media is gaining subscribers daily, and youth actively use one or more platforms. Growth in technology has sparked an exponential rate of using social media for communication, marketing, and other activities among youth. While there are many positive impacts of social media on young people, there are also negative repercussions of using various social media platforms.

Youth can utilize social media to communicate their ideas and set up e-commerce marketing channels through social media platforms. However, access to explicit and dangerous information is a major threat to young people using social media. Social media is a prominent part of youth’s life in the contemporary world. Nonetheless, its use should be regulated to ensure that young people only reap the positive benefits of technology.

Social media has facilitated a medium to develop discussion groups covering the subject matter in class; hence, it is a good platform for enhancing students’ performance in school (Boulianne 526). The discussion groups facilitate consultation when students are handling their assignments. Some discussion groups include tutors who can help students grasp the subject matter delivered in class.

Social media has also led to more youth taking an active role in politics. Social media platforms facilitate direct access to political leaders, which has led to more leaders using the avenue to educate their followers (Valenzuela 922). Youth can now participate in lobbying activities and influence the political climate by voting in large numbers.

Social media is an excellent avenue for accessing information related to the issues facing global society. Young people can facilitate solutions to some of the issues by focusing their education on careers that will place them in a position to tackle the world’s challenges (Boulianne 526). 

Moreover, youth are becoming more tolerant of diversity, following the ability to communicate with people from different parts of the world in various interest groups on social media. The enhancement of cultural competence is a desirable effect on social media.

The networks developed through social media interaction processes also enhance youth’s access to business opportunities. Young people are developing small businesses and selling goods and services through social media.

Social media has promoted the development of sedentary lifestyles among young people. Youth spend most of their time chatting with their friends on social media through smartphones and computers, leading to a high preference for staying indoors.

Social media is detrimental to grades in school because studies have shown that as the hours spent on social media increase, grades deteriorate for students.

Social media has also facilitated a platform where young people can be easily victimized by individuals with malicious intentions. For instance, sex predators, identity thieves, and conmen have been targeting profiles belonging to young people because they are easily lured into their traps. 

Parents have been forced to use filtering and monitoring software to protect their children, but young people are still at risk because they use social media from different gadgets away from home (Nikken and Jansz 254). 

Social media has provided young people with a communication avenue tied to various benefits. They include the development of a broad social network that enhances opportunities and cultural competence. However, young people must use various platforms carefully to avoid being victimized by cybercriminals.

Boulianne, Shelley. “Social Media Use and Participation: A Meta-Analysis of Current Research.” Information, Communication & Society , vol. 18, no. 5, 2015, pp. 524-538.

Nikken, Peter, and Jeroen Jansz. “Developing Scales to Measure Parental Mediation of Young Children’s Internet Use.” Learning, Media and Technology , vol. 39, no. 2, 2014, pp. 250-266.

Valenzuela, Sebastian. “Unpacking the Use of Social Media for Protest Behavior: The Roles of Information, Opinion Expression, and Activism.” American Behavioral Scientist , vol. 57, no. 7, 2013, pp. 920-942.

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The Effect of Social Media on Today’s Youth Quantitative Research

Introduction, literature review, research methodology, addiction and the desire to unplug.

Social media has become a part of the daily patterns of most individuals, forming a link between their online and offline experiences. This has made it the most common tool for communication and interaction among both individuals and businesses. Social media has been used in various ways in the Arab region. For instance, social media has also been used to elicit change in Yemen, Jordan and Morocco.

The protestors in these countries have made note of the significance of social media in addressing their issues that concern corruption and other disparities that oppress most of the population. Besides rallying people around social causes and political campaigns, social media in the Arab region has also been used to enhance citizen journalism and civic participation (Turkle, 2011).

This paper looks at the role of social media in the UAE, and its impact on the youth. In order to achieve this, this paper looks at various social media that are used by the youth in the UAE, what he youth see as the main benefits of social media, level of trust in social media, and the limitations that they face with regard to social media.

Social networking has become the easiest way for individuals to communicate, whether they live in the same country, or across the world from each other.

Social networking refers to the “network of social interactions and personal relationships” that consists of devoted websites or applications, which permit users to communicate with each other through posting messages, pictures, and sharing comments, among others (Oxford Dictionaries, 2010).

The drastic impact that various social networking websites such as Facebook and MySpace have on people’s lives, and the way they communicate with one another, has made this topic relatively crucial.

People who are often addicted to such networks get fairly attached to it, causing them to communicate less with their families and replace the need for face-to-face interaction with their friends. This paper examines the effect of social media on the youth of the United Arab Emirates.

Studies show that the media is used for three primary reasons. First, it is used to bring meaning of the social world. Second, it informs people on how to act within a society. And third, it promotes pleasure and entertainment (Lenhardt & Madden, 2011). Based on these three elements that motivate media, it is apparent that various individuals are impacted in different ways by the media.

The audience has varied degree of reliance on the media based on their relationship with both the society, and the media. Studies show that the reliance of an audience on particular media gives that media a certain degree of authority over that audience. This theory is useful in the explanation of the impact of media during crisis, and will also be useful in the analysis of the impact of social media on the youth of the UAE (Boyd, 2007).

According to Al-Jenaibi (2011), social media has also been useful in developing forums for debate and interaction between governments and the communities, as well as, to enhance innovation and collaboration within the government. Social media has been used for various purposes including relaying information and cultural production, as well as, entertainment.

The rapid increase in the number of youth accessing various social media in the last decade has been driven by accessibility of the internet, especially through the mobile phones (Al-Jenaibi, 2011).

According to Al-Jenaibi (2011), the recent trrnsformations in both political and societal matters have been effected by the rapid adoption of social media as a driver for regional change, especially among the Arab youthm “netizens” and women. There has been increased involvement of both youth and women in political and civic actions owing to increased access to the internet.

At the same time, regional and international level policy makers have taken an active role in the regulation of access to the internet and the use of social media for political and societal activism.

The use of the Internet has grown rapidly in the Arab world due to the diversification of its uses from social neworking and entertainment, to more professional engagements between businesses, as well as, in enhancing the transparency and participatory objectives of governance models (Hinduja & Patchin, 2007).

Although some may believe that social networking has helped our youth in many ways, social networking also possesses several negative features that are not widely recognized. Since social networking involves the Internet, it is prone to several dangers that people can easily come across.

Online predators can easily gather certain information; therefore, people are more likely to get security attacks and are prone to hackers due to the personal information they reveal on these social networking communities (ProCon.org, 2012).

A popular example of this involves people who provide detailed information about themselves on MySpace, without having the option of limiting this information to only people they know/accept. In addition, cyber bullying is very common on such websites and can lead to decreased self-esteem and declining of grades (Hinduja & Patchin, 2007).

The various social media investigated in the study include blogs, micro blogs, social network service, video-sharing service, social bookmarking, and image sharing websites (Ito & Baumer, 2010). The quantitative study involved 30 surveys that were randomly distributed in a population of youth aged between 15 and 30 years from different parts in the seven regions of the United Arab Emirates.

The mean age of the sample used was 21 years, with most of the respondents pursuing tertiary education. However, all of the respondents selected had graduated from high school. Reliability of the survey questions was enhanced by rewording the questions in various ways in order to identify the stability of the responses provided.

No inconsistencies were noted in the retests; hence, all 30 surveys were used in analysis of the research question. The survey was administered online, and comprised questions that sought to measure the emotional and social well-being of the youth.

Some of the questions inquired about their state of happiness or sadness compared to other people who did not have access to social networking, whether they had many friends or were lonely at times, and more questions along those lines.

Face to face communication

The study revealed that despite the prevalence of the use of technology among the youth, most of them still preferred to communicate face to face. Text messaging came in second and the use of social network s third.

Social and digital communication

The sample was also surveyed for their use of social and digital communications. Texting was observed as a common trend among 87% of the sample, followed by social networking and emailing. These three activities were also the most prevalent on a daily basis, in the same order.

Social networking

This analysis of the use of social networking sites showed that it forms a crucial part of the youth’s lives, since more than half of the sample stated that they visit a social site on a daily basis. About 75% of the youth indicated that they were familiar with the privacy policies on social networking sites.

Social networking and social-emotional well-being

Most of the study group indicated that the use of social networking did not influence their social or emotional well being. Some indicated that social networking had a positive effect on them, like for those who were less shy due to social networking, or more outgoing, and more confident.

Social media and relationships

Many youth feel that social media has been useful in enhancing their relationships with both related and non-related people. Conversely, the sample stated that social networking impacted on the time that they spent with their friends or other people in person.

Hate Speech Online

One of the impacts of social media that has not been explored is the use of social media to spread hate speech. The study noted that about half of the sample had encountered various forms of discriminatory content in the various social media indicated earlier. About 25% of the sample also indicated that they encountered hateful content on various social networks on a regular basis.

Table 15: Frustration with Gadgets and the Desire to Unplug.

Strongly or somewhat agree that they:

• Get frustrated with friends for texting or social networking when hanging out together 45%.
• Wish they could unplug for a while sometimes 43%.
• Sometimes wish they could go back to a time when there was no Facebook 36%.
• Wish their parents spent less time with cell phones and other devices 21%.

The study revealed that a considerable proportion of the youth could not operate without a cell phone. A considerable number stated that they occasionally felt the need to do away with social networking. This was especially evident in the frustration that most youth expressed due to the distraction that is caused when they were hanging out with their friends.

During the study, it was identified that the most common types of social media were social networks like Facebook, video-sharing websites like YouTube, and micro-blogging sites like Twitter, among others. The respondents in the study showed high familiarity with a variety of social media, including the privacy policies, and the potential ethical and practical shortcomings.

Social networking was identified to have a positive impact on the youth in terms of boosting their confidence and level of interaction. Social media also served as a reliable means of conveying social issues in the UAE. Further research on the topic can be narrowed down to the impact of social media on women in the UAE.

In addition, more research can be conducted to draw a complete picture of the merits, demerits, and possibilities of social media that have made the UAE one of the regions in the world with the highest internet migration rates.

Al-Jenaibi, B. (2011). The Use of Social Media in the United Arab Emirates – An Initial Study. European Journal of Social Sciences , 23(1), 87-96.

Boyd, d. (2007). Why youth (heart) social network sites: the role of networked publics in teenage social life. Youth, Identity, and Digital Media , 119-142.

Hinduja, S., & Patchin, J. (2007). Offline consequences of online victimization: school violence and delinquency. Journal of S. Violence , 6(3), 89–112.

Ito, M., & Baumer, S. (2010). Hanging out, messing around, and geeking out: Kids living and learning with new media. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.

Lenhardt, A., & Madden, M. (2011). Teens, kindness and cruelty on social network sites. Washington, D.C.: Pew Internet and American Life Project.

Oxford Dictionaries. (2010). Social network . Web.

ProCon.org. (2012). Social Networking . Web.

Turkle, S. (2011). Alone together: Why we expect more from technology and less from each other. New York: Basic Books.

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Essay on Effect Of Social Media On Youth

Students are often asked to write an essay on Effect Of Social Media On Youth in their schools and colleges. And if you’re also looking for the same, we have created 100-word, 250-word, and 500-word essays on the topic.

Let’s take a look…

100 Words Essay on Effect Of Social Media On Youth

Introduction.

Social media is a popular tool used by many young people worldwide. It’s a platform that lets them share photos, ideas, and stay in touch with friends. Despite its benefits, social media can also have negative effects on the youth.

Positive Effects

Social media allows young people to connect with others globally. They can learn about different cultures and opinions, enhancing their knowledge. It also provides a platform for creativity and self-expression, encouraging youth to share their talents.

Negative Effects

On the downside, social media can make youth feel pressured to look or act a certain way. It can lead to feelings of inadequacy or low self-esteem. Additionally, it can distract them from schoolwork, leading to poor academic performance.

Health Impact

Excessive use of social media can lead to health problems in youth. It can disrupt sleep patterns, lead to addiction, and even cause physical health issues like eye strain and sedentary lifestyle diseases.

In conclusion, while social media has its benefits, it can also have negative impacts on youth. It’s important for young people to use it wisely, balancing their time online with other activities. Parents and teachers can play a key role in guiding them.

250 Words Essay on Effect Of Social Media On Youth

Social media is a powerful tool that connects people from all over the world. It has become a significant part of our lives, especially for the youth. While it has many benefits, there are also negative effects that we need to be aware of.

Social media provides a platform for young people to express themselves and share their thoughts. It can boost their confidence and help them develop their communication skills. Social media also offers endless learning opportunities. Students can find educational resources, join study groups, and even attend online classes.

On the downside, social media can be addictive. Many young people spend too much time online, which can affect their studies and health. Cyberbullying is another serious issue. Some people use social media to hurt others, which can lead to stress and anxiety.

Impact on Mental Health

Spending too much time on social media can also affect mental health. Seeing the perfect lives of others can make young people feel bad about themselves. This can lower their self-esteem and cause feelings of sadness or loneliness.

In conclusion, social media has both positive and negative effects on youth. It’s important for young people to use it wisely and parents to monitor their usage. By doing so, we can enjoy the benefits of social media while avoiding its negative effects.

500 Words Essay on Effect Of Social Media On Youth

Social media is a tool that has become a part of our everyday lives. It is like a digital meeting place where people from all corners of the world can connect and share ideas. It has a strong influence on the youth of today. This essay will explore the effects of social media on young people.

Impact on Communication

One of the biggest changes that social media has brought about is in the way we communicate. Young people today use social media sites like Facebook, Instagram, and Twitter to chat with friends, share photos, and post updates. This has made communication quicker and easier. It has also made it possible for young people to connect with others from different parts of the world.

Learning and Awareness

Social media also plays a big role in learning and creating awareness among the youth. It is a platform where they can learn about different cultures, current events, and trending topics. It helps them stay informed and aware of what’s happening around the world. It also provides a platform for them to express their views and opinions on various topics.

Effects on Mental Health

On the other hand, social media can also have negative effects on the mental health of young people. Spending too much time on these platforms can lead to feelings of loneliness, depression, and anxiety. This is because they often compare their lives with others, leading to feelings of inadequacy. It can also lead to cyberbullying, which can have serious effects on a young person’s mental health.

Impact on Physical Health

Spending too much time on social media can also affect the physical health of young people. It can lead to a sedentary lifestyle, which can result in obesity and other health problems. It can also affect their sleep patterns, leading to sleep disorders.

In conclusion, social media has both positive and negative effects on the youth. While it has made communication easier and has provided a platform for learning and creating awareness, it can also affect their mental and physical health. It is important for young people to use social media responsibly and to be aware of its potential risks. Parents and teachers should also play a role in guiding young people on how to use social media in a safe and healthy way.

In the end, social media is just a tool. It is up to us how we choose to use it. If used wisely, it can be a powerful tool for learning, communication, and creating positive change. But if used irresponsibly, it can have harmful effects on our health and wellbeing.

That’s it! I hope the essay helped you.

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UNESCO report spotlights harmful effects of social media on young girls

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Digital technologies and algorithm-driven software - especially social media - present high risks of privacy invasion, cyberbullying and distraction from learning to young girls, according to the UN Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization’s (UNESCO) latest Global Education Monitor (GEM) report released on Thursday .

In an interview with UN News , senior policy analyst from the GEM report team Anna D’Addio said the issue of technology in education was examined through a gender lens.

She said the report highlights progress in the reversal of discrimination against girls over the past two decades, but also exposes the negative impact of technology on girls' education opportunities and outcomes.

Harassment online

“ Girls on social media are much more exposed to different forms of harassment. Cyberbullying is much more frequent among girls than among boys,” Ms. D’Addio said.

“It's something that affects their wellbeing, and their wellbeing is important for learning,” she added.

Guterres stresses internet access

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The report coincides with the UN telecoms agency ( ITU ) led International Girls in ICT Day .  

In a post on his Twitter account, the Secretary-General called for more equipment and support for girls in the information and communications technology (ICT) field, pointing out that fewer women than men have access to the internet and that stands in their way of getting an equal opportunity for work. 

Mental health, body disorders

Based on the GEM report’s findings, social media exposes young girls to a range of unsuitable video material, including sexual content, and the promotion of unhealthy and unrealistic body standards that negatively affect mental health and wellbeing.

It was reported that adolescent girls are twice as likely to feel lonely than boys and suffer from an eating disorder.

“ There is increasing evidence that shows that increased exposure to social media is related to mental health problems, eating disorders and many other issues that condition and distract social media users, and particularly girls, from education which affects their academic achievement,” Ms. D’Addio said.

Instagram has reportedly accounted for 32 per cent of teenage girls' feeling worse about their bodies after consuming the platform’s content, according to a Facebook statistic cited in the report.

The senior policy analyst said social media usage can have positive effects on young girls, especially when used to increase knowledge and raise awareness on social issues.

“I think what is important is…to teach how to use social media and technology,” Ms. D’Addio said.

Girls in STEM

She said the report calls attention to the fact that girls are at a disadvantage in accessing science, technology, engineering and mathematical (STEM) careers, which shows a lack of diversity in the production and development of cutting-edge tech.

Data from the UNESCO Institute for Statistics (IUS) showed that women only make up 35 per cent of tertiary education STEM graduates globally and only hold 25 per cent of science, engineering and ICT jobs.

“There are still too few girls and women that choose…the STEM subjects and work there,” the senior policy analyst said.

She said having more diversity will allow stronger contributions to science and developments without bias.

How does it get better?

The report’s results reveal the need for a greater investment in education and smarter regulation of digital platforms.

Ms. D’Addio said UNESCO is constantly working on remedying the exclusion of girls' access and attainment to education that remains by advocating for policies that make the education system more inclusive and “ promoting laws and regulations that guarantee equal access to education for girls and protect them from discrimination ”.

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How Pew Research Center will report on generations moving forward

Journalists, researchers and the public often look at society through the lens of generation, using terms like Millennial or Gen Z to describe groups of similarly aged people. This approach can help readers see themselves in the data and assess where we are and where we’re headed as a country.

Pew Research Center has been at the forefront of generational research over the years, telling the story of Millennials as they came of age politically and as they moved more firmly into adult life . In recent years, we’ve also been eager to learn about Gen Z as the leading edge of this generation moves into adulthood.

But generational research has become a crowded arena. The field has been flooded with content that’s often sold as research but is more like clickbait or marketing mythology. There’s also been a growing chorus of criticism about generational research and generational labels in particular.

Recently, as we were preparing to embark on a major research project related to Gen Z, we decided to take a step back and consider how we can study generations in a way that aligns with our values of accuracy, rigor and providing a foundation of facts that enriches the public dialogue.

A typical generation spans 15 to 18 years. As many critics of generational research point out, there is great diversity of thought, experience and behavior within generations.

We set out on a yearlong process of assessing the landscape of generational research. We spoke with experts from outside Pew Research Center, including those who have been publicly critical of our generational analysis, to get their take on the pros and cons of this type of work. We invested in methodological testing to determine whether we could compare findings from our earlier telephone surveys to the online ones we’re conducting now. And we experimented with higher-level statistical analyses that would allow us to isolate the effect of generation.

What emerged from this process was a set of clear guidelines that will help frame our approach going forward. Many of these are principles we’ve always adhered to , but others will require us to change the way we’ve been doing things in recent years.

Here’s a short overview of how we’ll approach generational research in the future:

We’ll only do generational analysis when we have historical data that allows us to compare generations at similar stages of life. When comparing generations, it’s crucial to control for age. In other words, researchers need to look at each generation or age cohort at a similar point in the life cycle. (“Age cohort” is a fancy way of referring to a group of people who were born around the same time.)

When doing this kind of research, the question isn’t whether young adults today are different from middle-aged or older adults today. The question is whether young adults today are different from young adults at some specific point in the past.

To answer this question, it’s necessary to have data that’s been collected over a considerable amount of time – think decades. Standard surveys don’t allow for this type of analysis. We can look at differences across age groups, but we can’t compare age groups over time.

Another complication is that the surveys we conducted 20 or 30 years ago aren’t usually comparable enough to the surveys we’re doing today. Our earlier surveys were done over the phone, and we’ve since transitioned to our nationally representative online survey panel , the American Trends Panel . Our internal testing showed that on many topics, respondents answer questions differently depending on the way they’re being interviewed. So we can’t use most of our surveys from the late 1980s and early 2000s to compare Gen Z with Millennials and Gen Xers at a similar stage of life.

This means that most generational analysis we do will use datasets that have employed similar methodologies over a long period of time, such as surveys from the U.S. Census Bureau. A good example is our 2020 report on Millennial families , which used census data going back to the late 1960s. The report showed that Millennials are marrying and forming families at a much different pace than the generations that came before them.

Even when we have historical data, we will attempt to control for other factors beyond age in making generational comparisons. If we accept that there are real differences across generations, we’re basically saying that people who were born around the same time share certain attitudes or beliefs – and that their views have been influenced by external forces that uniquely shaped them during their formative years. Those forces may have been social changes, economic circumstances, technological advances or political movements.

When we see that younger adults have different views than their older counterparts, it may be driven by their demographic traits rather than the fact that they belong to a particular generation.

The tricky part is isolating those forces from events or circumstances that have affected all age groups, not just one generation. These are often called “period effects.” An example of a period effect is the Watergate scandal, which drove down trust in government among all age groups. Differences in trust across age groups in the wake of Watergate shouldn’t be attributed to the outsize impact that event had on one age group or another, because the change occurred across the board.

Changing demographics also may play a role in patterns that might at first seem like generational differences. We know that the United States has become more racially and ethnically diverse in recent decades, and that race and ethnicity are linked with certain key social and political views. When we see that younger adults have different views than their older counterparts, it may be driven by their demographic traits rather than the fact that they belong to a particular generation.

Controlling for these factors can involve complicated statistical analysis that helps determine whether the differences we see across age groups are indeed due to generation or not. This additional step adds rigor to the process. Unfortunately, it’s often absent from current discussions about Gen Z, Millennials and other generations.

When we can’t do generational analysis, we still see value in looking at differences by age and will do so where it makes sense. Age is one of the most common predictors of differences in attitudes and behaviors. And even if age gaps aren’t rooted in generational differences, they can still be illuminating. They help us understand how people across the age spectrum are responding to key trends, technological breakthroughs and historical events.

Each stage of life comes with a unique set of experiences. Young adults are often at the leading edge of changing attitudes on emerging social trends. Take views on same-sex marriage , for example, or attitudes about gender identity .

Many middle-aged adults, in turn, face the challenge of raising children while also providing care and support to their aging parents. And older adults have their own obstacles and opportunities. All of these stories – rooted in the life cycle, not in generations – are important and compelling, and we can tell them by analyzing our surveys at any given point in time.

When we do have the data to study groups of similarly aged people over time, we won’t always default to using the standard generational definitions and labels. While generational labels are simple and catchy, there are other ways to analyze age cohorts. For example, some observers have suggested grouping people by the decade in which they were born. This would create narrower cohorts in which the members may share more in common. People could also be grouped relative to their age during key historical events (such as the Great Recession or the COVID-19 pandemic) or technological innovations (like the invention of the iPhone).

By choosing not to use the standard generational labels when they’re not appropriate, we can avoid reinforcing harmful stereotypes or oversimplifying people’s complex lived experiences.

Existing generational definitions also may be too broad and arbitrary to capture differences that exist among narrower cohorts. A typical generation spans 15 to 18 years. As many critics of generational research point out, there is great diversity of thought, experience and behavior within generations. The key is to pick a lens that’s most appropriate for the research question that’s being studied. If we’re looking at political views and how they’ve shifted over time, for example, we might group people together according to the first presidential election in which they were eligible to vote.

With these considerations in mind, our audiences should not expect to see a lot of new research coming out of Pew Research Center that uses the generational lens. We’ll only talk about generations when it adds value, advances important national debates and highlights meaningful societal trends.

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Kim Parker is director of social trends research at Pew Research Center

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Florida governor vetoes social media ban for youth

Miami, United States - Florida Governor Ron DeSantis on Friday vetoed a blanket social media ban for youths under age 16, stepping into a legal controversy over the impact of internet media platforms on children.

Florida Governor Ron DeSantis attends the drivers meeting prior to the NASCAR Cup Series Daytona 500 at Daytona International Speedway on February 19, 2024 in Daytona Beach, Florida. Florida moved February 22, 2024 towards enacting what would be one of the strictest bans on children's use of social media in the United States after the state Senate passed a bill to keep those under 16 off such platforms. (Photo by Jared C. Tilton / GETTY IMAGES NORTH AMERICA / AFP)

DeSantis signaled the possible veto last week, saying that a proposal approved by the state legislature needed improvement.

The Republican governor, however, said lawmakers are working on a new proposal that addresses concerns about privacy issues and parental rights.

"Protecting children from harms associated with social media is important, as is supporting parents' rights and maintaining the ability of adults to engage in anonymous speech," DeSantis posted on X.

"I anticipate the new bill will recognize these priorities and will be signed into law soon."

The original text required social media platforms to bar youth under age 16 from having accounts.

The legislation sought to protect children's mental health against the "addictive features" of such platforms, amid fears over sexual predators, cyber bullying and teen suicide.

Most social media networks already have a minimum age of 13 to open an account, though they do little to ensure compliance.

Opponents of the bill said parents, not authorities, should supervise minors' social media usage.

The governor, who ran an unsuccessful campaign for president and dropped out in January, has argued many times that parents should have more control over decisions affecting their children, particularly in education.

Under DeSantis, Florida has passed laws to curtail teaching about sex education and gender identity in schools and to eradicate diversity programs in state-funded universities.

Scores of books have been removed from the state's school library shelves in recent months, deemed inappropriate for children by conservative parents and school boards.

Some critics claimed that the bill vetoed by DeSantis would violate the First Amendment of the Constitution, which guarantees freedom of speech.

DeSantis himself warned in January that similar bills in other states had been blocked in the courts.