mahatma gandhi biography in afrikaans

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Mohandas Gandhi se lewe en prestasies

• by Jennifer Rosenberg

'N Biografie van Mahatma Gandhi

Mohandas Gandhi word beskou as die vader van die Indiese onafhanklikheidsbeweging. Gandhi het 20 jaar in Suid-Afrika bestee om diskriminasie te bestry. Dit was daar dat hy sy konsep van satyagraha geskep het, 'n nie-gewelddadige manier om te protesteer teen ongeregtighede. Terwyl hy in Indië, Gandhi se duidelike deugde, simplistiese lewenstyl en minimale rok hom tot die mense betower het. Hy het sy oorblywende jare deurgebring om albei Britse heerskappy uit Indië te verwyder, sowel as om die lewens van Indië se armste klasse te verbeter.

Baie burgerregte-leiers, insluitend Martin Luther King Jr. , gebruik Gandhi se konsep van nie-gewelddadige protes as 'n model vir hul eie stryd.

Datums: 2 Oktober 1869 - 30 Januarie 1948

Ook bekend as: Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi, Mahatma ("Groot Soul"), Vader van die Nasie, Bapu ("Vader"), Gandhiji

Gandhi se kinderjare

Mohandas Gandhi was die laaste kind van sy vader (Karamchand Gandhi) en sy pa se vierde vrou (Putlibai). Gedurende sy jeug was Mohandas Gandhi skaam, saggegee en net 'n middelmatige student in die skool. Alhoewel dit gewoonlik 'n gehoorsame kind was, het Gandhi op een punt geëksperimenteer met vleis, rook, en 'n klein hoeveelheid steel - wat hy later betreur. Op die ouderdom van 13, Gandhi getroud Kasturba (ook gespel Kasturbai) in 'n gereël huwelik. Kasturba dra Gandhi vier seuns en ondersteun Gandhi se pogings tot haar dood in 1944.

Tyd in Londen

In 1888 het Gandhi op 18-jarige ouderdom Indië, sonder sy vrou en pasgebore seun, verlaat om te studeer om 'n prokureur in Londen te word.

Poging om in die Engelse samelewing te pas, het Gandhi sy eerste drie maande in Londen spandeer om hom in 'n Engelse gentleman te maak deur nuwe pakke te koop, sy Engelse aksent te verfyn, Frans te leer en viool- en danslesse te neem. Na drie maande van hierdie duur pogings besluit Gandhi dat hulle tyd en geld mors.

Hy het al hierdie klasse gekanselleer en die res van sy drie jaar verblyf in Londen deurgebring as 'n ernstige student en 'n baie eenvoudige leefstyl.

Benewens die feit dat hy 'n baie eenvoudige en vroulike leefstyl geleer het, het Gandhi sy lewenslange passie vir vegetarisme in Engeland ontdek. Hoewel die meeste ander Indiese studente vleis geëet het terwyl hulle in Engeland was, was Gandhi vasberade om dit nie te doen nie, deels omdat hy aan sy ma beloof het dat hy 'n vegetariër sou bly. In sy soeke na vegetariese restaurante het Gandhi gevind en by die London Vegetarian Society aangesluit. Die Vereniging bestaan ​​uit 'n intellektuele skare wat Gandhi aan verskillende outeurs, soos Henry David Thoreau en Leo Tolstoy, voorgestel het. Dit was ook deur lede van die Genootskap dat Gandhi die Bhagavad Gita , 'n epiese gedig, wat 'n heilige teks vir Hindoes beskou word, begin lees het. Die nuwe idees en konsepte wat hy uit hierdie boeke geleer het, het die grondslag gelê vir sy latere oortuigings.

Gandhi het die kroeg op 10 Junie 1891 suksesvol geslaag en twee dae later na Indië teruggekeer. Vir die volgende twee jaar het Gandhi probeer om die reg in Indië te beoefen. Ongelukkig het Gandhi bevind dat hy beide kennis van die Indiese reg en selfvertroue op die proef gestel het.

Toe hy 'n jaarlange posisie aangebied word om 'n saak in Suid-Afrika te neem, was hy dankbaar vir die geleentheid.

Gandhi kom in Suid-Afrika

Op 23-jarige ouderdom het Gandhi weer sy gesin agtergelaat en het hy in Mei 1893 in Suid-Afrika aangekom en in Mei 1893 in Brits-bestuurde Natal aangekom. Hoewel Gandhi hoop het om 'n bietjie geld te verdien en meer oor die wet te leer, was dit in Suid-Afrika. Afrika wat Gandhi van 'n baie stil en skaam man omskep het na 'n veerkragtige en sterk leier teen diskriminasie. Die begin van hierdie transformasie het plaasgevind tydens 'n sakereis wat kort na sy aankoms in Suid-Afrika geneem is.

Gandhi was eers sowat 'n week in Suid-Afrika toe hy gevra is om die lang reis van Natal na die hoofstad van die provinsiale regering in Transvaal, Suid-Afrika, te neem. Dit was 'n hele dag reis, insluitende vervoer per trein en deur die stadium.

Toe Gandhi die eerste trein van sy reis by die Pietermartizburg-stasie binnegegaan het, het spoorwegamptenare Gandhi vertel dat hy na die derde klas-passasiermotor moes oorplaas. Toe Gandhi, wat eerste klas passasierskaartjies gehad het, geweier het om te beweeg, het 'n polisieman gekom en hom uit die trein gegooi.

Dit was nie die laaste van die onregte wat Gandhi op hierdie reis gely het nie. Soos Gandhi met ander Indiërs in Suid-Afrika gepraat het, het hy bevind dat sy ervarings beslis nie geïsoleerde voorvalle was nie, maar eerder was hierdie soort situasies algemeen. Gedurende die eerste nag van sy reis, in die koue van die spoorwegstasie nadat hy van die trein gegooi is, het Gandhi beoog of hy na Indië terug moet gaan of die diskriminasie moet bestry. Na baie gedagtes het Gandhi besluit dat hy nie hierdie onregte kan laat voortgaan nie en dat hy gaan veg om hierdie diskriminerende praktyke te verander.

Gandhi, die Reformator

Gandhi het die volgende twintig jaar bestee aan beter Indiërs se regte in Suid-Afrika. Gedurende die eerste drie jaar het Gandhi meer geleer oor Indiese griewe, die wet bestudeer, briewe aan amptenare geskryf, en georganiseerde petisies. Op 22 Mei 1894 het Gandhi die Natalse Indiese Kongres (NIK) gestig. Alhoewel die NIC as 'n organisasie vir ryk Indiërs begin het, het Gandhi ywerig gewerk om sy lidmaatskap uit te brei na alle klasse en rolle. Gandhi het bekend geword vir sy aktivisme en sy dade was selfs gedek deur koerante in Engeland en Indië.

In 'n paar kort jare het Gandhi 'n leier van die Indiese gemeenskap in Suid-Afrika geword.

In 1896, na drie jaar in Suid-Afrika, het Gandhi na Indië gevaar met die doel om sy vrou en twee seuns saam met hom terug te bring. In Indië was daar 'n buboniese plaaguitbraak. Aangesien dit dan geglo word dat swak sanitasie die oorsaak van die verspreiding van die plaag was, het Gandhi aangebied om latrines te inspekteer en voorstelle vir beter sanitasie te bied. Alhoewel ander bereid was om die latrines van die rykes te inspekteer, het Gandhi die latrines van die untouchables sowel as die rykes persoonlik ondersoek. Hy het bevind dat dit die rykes was wat die ergste sanitasieprobleme gehad het.

Op 30 November 1896 het Gandhi en sy familie na Suid-Afrika gegaan. Gandhi het nie besef dat terwyl hy van Suid-Afrika weg was nie, was sy pamflet van Indiese griewe, bekend as die Groen Pamflet , oordrewe en verwronge. Toe Gandhi se skip die Durban hawe bereik, is dit 23 dae lank vir kwarantyn aangehou. Die werklike rede vir die vertraging was dat daar 'n groot, kwaai bende van blankes by die hawe was wat geglo het dat Gandhi teruggekeer het met twee skiplading Indiese passasiers om Suid-Afrika te oorskry.

Toe hy toegelaat word om uit te gaan, het Gandhi sy gesin suksesvol na veiligheid gestuur, maar hy is self met stene, vrot eiers en vuiste aangerand. Die polisie het betyds opgedaag om Gandhi van die bende te red en dan na die veiligheid te begelei. Sodra Gandhi die eise teen hom geweier het en geweier het om diegene wat hom aangeval het, te vervolg, het die geweld teen hom opgehou.

Die hele voorval versterk egter Gandhi se prestige in Suid-Afrika.

Toe die Boereoorlog in Suid-Afrika in 1899 begin het, het Gandhi die Indiese Ambulanskorps georganiseer, waarin 1 100 Indiërs gehelp het om beseerde Britse soldate gehelp te word. Die welwillendheid wat deur hierdie ondersteuning van Suid-Afrikaanse Indiane tot die Britte geskep is, het net lank genoeg gegaan om Gandhi vir 'n jaar terug te keer na Indië, wat begin 1901 begin het. Nadat hy deur Indië gereis het en suksesvol aandag aan sommige van die ongelykhede gely het wat deur Die laer klasse Indiërs, Gandhi, het na Suid-Afrika teruggekeer om sy werk daar voort te sit.

'N vereenvoudigde lewe

Beïnvloed deur die Gita wou Gandhi sy lewe suiwer deur die konsepte aparigraha (nie-besit) en samabhava (gelykwaardigheid) te volg. Toe, toe 'n vriend hom die boek, Unto This Last by John Ruskin , gegee het, het Gandhi opgewonde geraak oor die idees wat Ruskin aangebied het. Die boek het Gandhi geïnspireer om in Junie 1904 'n gemeenskaplike lewende gemeenskap te stig, naamlik Phoenix Settlement, net buite Durban.

Die Nedersetting was 'n eksperiment in gemeenskapslewe, 'n manier om die oneindige besittings te elimineer en in 'n samelewing met volle gelykheid te leef. Gandhi het sy koerant, die Indiese opinie , en sy werkers na die Phoenix-nedersetting, asook sy eie familie, 'n bietjie later verhuis. Behalwe 'n gebou vir die pers, het elke gemeenskapslid drie hektaar grond toegeken waarop 'n woonhuis van sink gemaak kon word. Benewens boerdery moet alle lede van die gemeenskap opgelei word en verwag word om by die koerant te help.

In 1906 het Gandhi geglo dat die familielewe van sy volle potensiaal as openbare advokaat weggeneem het. Gandhi het die belofte van brahmacharya ('n gelofte van onthouding teen seksuele verhoudings, selfs met sy eie vrou) geneem. Dit was nie 'n maklike gelofte vir hom om te volg nie, maar een wat hy hard gewerk het om vir die res van sy lewe te hou. Om te dink dat een passie ander gevoed het, het Gandhi besluit om sy dieet te beperk om passie van sy palet te verwyder. Om hom te help in hierdie poging, het Gandhi sy dieet van streng vegetarisme tot voedsel vergemaklik wat ongesny en gewoonlik ongekook is, met vrugte en neute 'n groot deel van sy koskeuses. Vas, hy het geglo, sal ook die dringendes van die vlees help.

Gandhi het geglo dat sy aanneming van die gelofte van brahmacharya hom die fokus gegee het om die konsep van satyagraha in laat 1906 op te los. In die eenvoudigste sin is satyagraha passiewe weerstand. Gandhi het egter geglo dat die Engelse frase van "passiewe weerstand" nie die ware gees van Indiese weerstand verteenwoordig het nie, aangesien passiewe weerstand dikwels deur die swakkes gebruik word en 'n taktiek wat moontlik in woede kon wees.

Gandhi het die term "satyagraha" gekies, wat 'n waarheidskrag beteken. Aangesien Gandhi geglo het dat uitbuiting net moontlik was as beide die uitgebuites en die uitbuiter dit aanvaar het, as mens die huidige situasie kon sien en die universele waarheid sien, dan het die mag die vermoë om verandering te maak. (Waarheid, op hierdie manier, kan 'natuurlike reg' beteken, 'n reg wat deur die natuur toegestaan ​​word en die heelal wat nie deur die mens belemmer moet word nie.)

In die praktyk was satyagraha 'n gefokusde en gewelddadige gewelddadige weerstand teen 'n bepaalde onreg. 'N Satyagrahi ('n persoon wat satyagraha gebruik ) sal die ongeregtigheid weerstaan ​​deur te weier om 'n onregverdige wet te volg. Deur dit te doen, sou hy nie kwaad wees nie, sou hy vryelik met fisiese aanrandings aan sy persoon en die beslaglegging van sy eiendom opdoen en nie vuil taal gebruik om sy teenstander te smeer nie. 'N Praktisyn van satyagraha sal ook nooit van die teenstander se probleme gebruik maak nie. Die doel was nie om daar 'n wenner en verloorder van die stryd te wees nie, maar eerder dat almal uiteindelik die "waarheid" sou sien en verstaan ​​en die onregverdige wet sou ophef.

Die eerste keer dat Gandhi amptelik Satyagraha gebruik het, het in 1907 in Suid-Afrika begin toe hy teen die Asiatiese Registrasierecht (die Swartwet) gekant was. In Maart 1907 is die Swartwet geslaag, wat vereis dat alle Indiërs - jonk en oud, mans en vroue - vingerafdruk kry en te alle tye registrasie dokumente op hulle hou. Tydens die gebruik van satyagraha het Indiërs geweier om vingerafdrukke te kry en die dokumentasiekantore gekies. Massa protes is georganiseer, mynwerkers het staak, en massas Indiërs het onwettig van Natal na Transvaal gereis in teenstelling met die Swartwet. Baie van die betogers is geslaan en gearresteer, insluitende Gandhi. (Dit was die eerste van Gandhi se baie tronkstraf.) Dit het sewe jaar van protes geneem, maar in Junie 1914 is die Swartwet herroep. Gandhi het bewys dat gewelddadige protes ongelooflik suksesvol kon wees.

Terug na Indië

Gandhi het twintig jaar in Suid-Afrika bestee om diskriminasie te bestry. Gandhi het besluit om dit in Julie 1914 terug te keer na Indië. Op pad huis toe was Gandhi 'n kort stop in Engeland. Toe die Eerste Wêreldoorlog egter tydens sy reis uitbreek, het Gandhi besluit om in Engeland te bly en 'n ander ambulanskorps van Indiërs te vorm om die Britte te help. Toe die Britse lug veroorsaak dat Gandhi siek word, het hy in Januarie 1915 na Indië vertrek.

Gandhi se stryd en triomf in Suid-Afrika is in die wêreldwye pers aangemeld, en toe hy by die huis kom, was hy 'n nasionale held. Alhoewel hy gretig was om hervormings in Indië te begin, het 'n vriend hom aangeraai om 'n jaar te wag en die tyd te spandeer om Indië te reis om homself te vergewis van die mense en hul verdrukkinge.

Tog het Gandhi gou sy roem gevind om die omstandighede wat die armer mense in die dag geleef het, akkuraat te sien. In 'n poging om meer anoniem te reis, het Gandhi tydens hierdie reis begin om 'n loincloth ( dhoti ) en sandale (die gemiddelde drag van die massas) te dra. As dit koud was, sou hy 'n sjal byvoeg. Dit het sy klerekas vir die res van sy lewe geword.

Ook gedurende hierdie jaar van waarneming het Gandhi 'n ander gemeenskaplike nedersetting gestig, hierdie keer in Ahmadabad en het die Sabarmati Ashram genoem. Gandhi het vir die volgende sestien jaar op die Ashram gewoon, saam met sy familie en verskeie lede wat een keer deel van die Phoenix-nedersetting was.

Dit was gedurende sy eerste jaar terug in Indië dat Gandhi die eretitel van Mahatma ("Groot Soul") ontvang is. Baie krediet Indiese digter Rabindranath Tagore, wenner van die Nobelprys vir Literatuur in 1913, vir beide die toekenning van Gandhi van hierdie naam en om dit bekend te maak. Die titel verteenwoordig die gevoelens van die miljoene Indiese boere wat Gandhi as 'n heilige beskou. Gandhi het egter nooit die titel gehou nie, want dit het gelyk asof hy spesiaal was terwyl hy homself as gewone beskou het.

Nadat Gandhi se jaar van reis en onderhouding verby was, was hy steeds weens die Wêreldoorlog in sy optrede. As deel van satyagraha het Gandhi belowe om nooit voordeel te trek van 'n teenstander se probleme nie. Met die Britte veg 'n groot oorlog, kan Gandhi nie veg vir Indiese vryheid van Britse heerskappy nie. Dit het nie beteken dat Gandhi in die steek gelaat het nie.

In plaas daarvan om die Britte te veg, gebruik Gandhi sy invloed en satyagraha om ongelykhede tussen Indiërs te verander. Byvoorbeeld, Gandhi oorreed eienaars om te stop met hul huurder boere verhoogde huur en meul eienaars betaal om 'n staking vreedsaam te vestig. Gandhi het sy roem en vasberadenheid gebruik om te appelleer na die eienaars se moraal en gebruik vas as 'n manier om die meul eienaars te oortuig om te vestig. Gandhi se reputasie en prestige het so 'n hoë vlak bereik dat mense nie verantwoordelik was vir sy dood nie (vasgemaak het Gandhi fisies swak en in swak gesondheid, met die potensiaal vir die dood).

Draai teen die Britte

Soos die Eerste Wêreldoorlog sy einde bereik het, was dit tyd vir Gandhi om te fokus op die stryd vir die Indiese selfregering ( swaraj ). In 1919 het die Britte aan Gandhi iets spesifiek gegee om te veg teen die Rowlatt-wet. Hierdie Wet het die Indiese Britte amper vrye regering gegee om die "revolusionêre" elemente uit te wis en hulle onbepaald sonder verhoor te bewaar. In reaksie op hierdie Wet het Gandhi 'n massahartal (algemene staking) georganiseer, wat op 30 Maart 1919 begin het. Ongelukkig het so 'n grootskaalse protes vinnig uit die hand gekom en op baie plekke het dit gewelddadig geword.

Alhoewel Gandhi een keer die hartal geroep het, het hy gehoor van die geweld, meer as 300 Indiërs het gesterf en meer as 1100 is beseer van die Britse vergelding in die stad Amritsar. Alhoewel satyagraha nie tydens hierdie protes besef was nie, het die Amritsar-bloedbad die Indiese opinie teen die Britte verhit.

Die geweld wat uit die hartal uitgebars het, het Gandhi gewys dat die Indiese volk nog nie heeltemal in die mag van satyagraha glo nie . Gandhi het dus baie van die 1920's gepleit vir satyagraha en sukkel om te leer hoe om landwye protes te beheer om hulle nie gewelddadig te maak nie.

In Maart 1922 was Gandhi tronkstraf gevange geneem en na 'n verhoor is gevonnis tot ses jaar tronkstraf. Na twee jaar is Gandhi vrygelaat weens swak gesondheid na die operasie om sy appendisitis te behandel. Met sy vrylating het Gandhi sy land aangetref in gewelddadige aanvalle tussen Moslems en Hindoes. As skuld vir die geweld het Gandhi 'n 21-dag-vinnige begin, bekend as die Groot Snel van 1924. Nog steeds siek van sy onlangse operasie, het baie gedink dat hy op dag twaalf sou sterf, maar hy het gesterf. Die vinnig het 'n tydelike vrede geskep.

Ook gedurende hierdie dekade het Gandhi begin met selfvertroue as 'n manier om vryheid van die Britte te kry. Byvoorbeeld, vanaf die tyd dat die Britte Indië as kolonie gevestig het, het die Indiërs Brittanje met grondstowwe voorsien en dan duur, geweefde lap uit Engeland ingevoer. Gandhi het dus voorgestel dat Indiërs hul eie lap spin om hulself te bevry van hierdie vertroue op die Britte. Gandhi het hierdie idee gewild gemaak deur te reis met sy eie draaiwiel, wat dikwels 'n draaddraad draai terwyl hy 'n toespraak gee. Op hierdie manier het die beeld van die draaiwiel ( charkha ) 'n simbool vir Indiese onafhanklikheid geword.

Die Sout Maart

In Desember 1928 het Gandhi en die Indiese Nasionale Kongres (INC) 'n nuwe uitdaging aan die Britse regering aangekondig. As Indië nie die status van 'n Gemenebes was teen 31 Desember 1929 nie, dan sou hulle 'n landwye protes teen Britse belasting reguleer. Die sperdatum het gekom en geslaag sonder enige verandering in die Britse beleid.

Daar was baie Britse belastings om van te kies, maar Gandhi wou een kies wat die Britse uitbuiting van Indië se armes simboliseer. Die antwoord was die soutbelasting. Sout was 'n spesery wat in die alledaagse kookkuns gebruik is, selfs vir die armste in Indië. Tog het die Britte dit onwettig gemaak om sout te besit wat nie deur die Britse regering verkoop of vervaardig is nie, ten einde 'n wins te maak op alle sout wat in Indië verkoop is.

Die Sout Maart was die begin van 'n landwye veldtog om die soutbelasting te boikot. Dit het op 12 Maart 1930 begin toe Gandhi en 78 volgelinge uit die Sabarmati Ashram uitgestorm en na die see gegaan het, sowat 200 myl weg. Die groep marchers het groter geword namate die dae gedra het en het tot ongeveer twee of drie duisend opgebou. Die groep het sowat 12 myl per dag in die brandende son gemars. Toe hulle Dandi, 'n dorp langs die kus, op 5 April bereik het, het die groep die hele nag gebid. In die oggend het Gandhi 'n voordrag gemaak om 'n stukkie seepsout op die strand op te tel. Tegnies, hy het die wet gebreek.

Dit het 'n belangrike, nasionale poging aangewend vir Indiërs om hul eie sout te maak. Duisende mense het na die strande gegaan om los sout op te tel, terwyl ander soutwater begin verdamp het. Indiese sout is gou oor die land verkoop. Die energie wat deur hierdie protes geskep is, was aansteeklik en het oral in Indië gevoel. Vredige plakkers en optogte is ook uitgevoer. Die Britte het gereageer met massa-arrestasies.

Toe Gandhi aangekondig het dat hy 'n optog op die Dharasana Saltworks in die regering beplan het, het die Britte Gandhi in hegtenis geneem en hom sonder verhoor opgesluit. Alhoewel die Britte gehoop het dat Gandhi se arrestasie die optog sou staak, het hulle sy volgelinge onderskat. Die digter mev. Sarojini Naidu het die 2,500 optogte oorgeneem en gelei. Namate die groep die 400 polisiemanne en ses Britse offisiere bereik het wat op hulle gewag het, het die optogters in 'n kolom van 25 op 'n slag genader. Die optogte is met klubs geslaan, wat dikwels op hul koppe en skouers getref word. Die internasionale pers het gekyk as die optogters nie eens hul hande opgewek het om hulself te verdedig nie. Nadat die eerste 25 marchers teen die grond geslaan is, sou 'n ander kolom van 25 nader kom en geslaan word, totdat al 2500 vorentoe gejaag het en pummeled was. Die nuus van die brutale verslaan deur die Britte van vreedsame betogers het die wêreld geskok.

In die besef dat hy iets moes doen om die protes te stop, het die Britse viceroy, Lord Irwin, met Gandhi ontmoet. Die twee mans het ooreengekom op die Gandhi-Irwin-pact, wat beperkte soutproduksie toegestaan ​​het en al die vreedsame betogers uit die tronk vrygelaat het solank Gandhi die protes uitroei. Terwyl baie Indiërs gevoel het dat Gandhi tydens hierdie onderhandelinge nie genoeg was nie, het Gandhi dit self as 'n vaste stap op die pad na onafhanklikheid beskou.

Indiese Onafhanklikheid

Indiese onafhanklikheid het nie vinnig gekom nie. Na die sukses van die Sout Maart het Gandhi 'n ander vasgevoer wat net sy beeld as 'n heilige man of profeet verbeter het. Bekommerd en ontsteld oor sulke adulation het Gandhi vyf jaar later uit die politiek uit die politiek gegaan. Maar Gandhi het vyf jaar later uit die pensioen uitgegaan toe die Britse viceroy het aangekondig dat Indië in die Tweede Wêreldoorlog met Engeland sou gesels sonder om enige Indiese leiers te raadpleeg. . Die Indiese onafhanklikheidsbeweging is deur hierdie Britse arrogansie herleef.

Baie in die Britse parlement het besef dat hulle weer in massa-protes in Indië gekonfronteer word en begin om moontlike maniere te bespreek om 'n onafhanklike Indië te skep. Alhoewel premier Winston Churchill die idee gekry het om Indië as 'n Britse kolonie te verloor, het die Britte in Maart 1941 aangekondig dat dit Indië teen die einde van die Tweede Wêreldoorlog sal vrystel . Dit was net nie genoeg vir Gandhi nie.

Gandhi het vroeër onafhanklikheid begeer. Gandhi het in 1942 'n "Quit India" -veldtog georganiseer. In reaksie daarop het die Britte weer Gandhi gevange geneem.

Toe Gandhi in 1944 uit die tronk vrygelaat is, was Indiese onafhanklikheid in sig. Ongelukkig het groot verskille tussen Hindoes en Moslems ontstaan. Aangesien die meeste Indiërs Hindoes was, het die Moslems gevrees dat hulle geen politieke mag gehad het as daar 'n onafhanklike Indië was nie. Dus, die Moslems wou die ses provinsies in Noordwes-Indië, wat 'n meerderheidsbevolking van Moslems gehad het, 'n onafhanklike land word. Gandhi het die idee van 'n partisie van Indië heftig gekant en het sy bes gedoen om alle kante saam te bring.

Die verskille tussen Hindoes en Moslems het te groot geword vir selfs die Mahatma om te herstel. Massiewe geweld het uitgebreek, insluitende verkragting, slag en die verbranding van hele dorpe. Gandhi het Indië getoer, met die hoop dat sy blote teenwoordigheid die geweld kon bekamp. Alhoewel geweld opgehou het waar Gandhi besoek het, kon hy nie oral wees nie.

Die Britte, wat getuig van wat 'n gewelddadige burgeroorlog was, het besluit om in Augustus 1947 Indië te verlaat. Voordat hulle vertrek het, kon die Britte die Hindoes, teen Gandhi se wense, instem om 'n partisieplan te aanvaar . Op 15 Augustus 1947 het Groot-Brittanje onafhanklikheid verleen aan Indië en die nuutgevormde Moslemland van Pakistan.

Die geweld tussen die Hindoes en Moslems het voortgegaan toe miljoene Moslem-vlugtelinge uit Indië op die langstaptog na Pakistan gejaag het en miljoene Hindoes wat hulself in Pakistan opgespoor het, hul besittings verpak het en na Indië geloop het. Op geen ander tyd het so baie mense vlugtelinge geword nie. Die lyne van vlugtelinge het vir myl gerek en baie het gesterf onderweg van siekte, blootstelling en dehidrasie. Soos 15 miljoen Indiërs uit hul huise ontwortel is, het Hindoes en Moslems mekaar met wraak aangeval.

Om hierdie wydverspreide geweld te stop, het Gandhi weer vinnig gegaan. Hy sal net weer eet, het hy gesê, sodra hy die duidelike planne gehad het om die geweld te stop. Die vinnige begin op 13 Januarie 1948. In die besef dat die verswakte en ou Gandhi nie 'n lang vinnige hande kon hanteer nie, het albei kante saam gewerk om vrede te skep. Op 18 Januarie het 'n groep van meer as 'n honderd verteenwoordigers Gandhi genader met 'n belofte vir vrede, wat Gandhi se vinnige beëindiging tot gevolg het.

Ongelukkig was nie almal tevrede met hierdie vredesplan nie. Daar was 'n paar radikale Hindoe-groepe wat geglo het dat Indië nooit verdeel moes word nie. In deel het hulle Gandhi vir die skeiding geblameer.

Op 30 Januarie 1948 spandeer die 78-jarige Gandhi sy laaste dag toe hy baie ander gehad het. Die grootste deel van die dag is bestee om kwessies met verskillende groepe en individue te bespreek. Op 'n paar minute om 17:00, toe dit tyd was vir die gebedsbyeenkoms, het Gandhi die stap na Birla House begin. 'N Skare het hom omring toe hy geloop het, wat deur twee van sy ouma's gesteun is. Voor hom het 'n jong hindoe genaamd Nathuram Godse voor hom gestop en gebuig. Gandhi het terug gebuig. Toe storm Godse vorentoe en skud Gandhi drie keer met 'n swart, semi-outomatiese pistool. Alhoewel Gandhi vyf ander moordpogings oorleef het, het Gandhi hierdie keer op die grond geval, dood.

FDR Memorial in Washington, DC

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Mahatma Gandhi

Deursoek weet, vinnige feite.

• Hoewel Gandhi wêreldwyd bekend was vir sy vreedsame verset en vier keer genomineer is, het hy nooit die Nobelprys vir Vrede ontvang nie. In 2006 het die Nobelpryskomitee in die openbaar gesê dat hulle spyt is dat Gandhi nooit dié eerbewys ontvang het nie. 3
• Gandhi het niegewelddadige metodes gebruik om teen Britse heerskappy te betoog. Sy nederigheid het daartoe gelei dat hy die bynaam “Mahatma” gekry het. Dit beteken “groot siel”. 2
• Gandhi het aanvanklik die idee van “satyagraha” (ʼn filosofie van vreedsame verset) in 1906 ontwikkel in opstand teen wetgewing wat teen Indiërs in Suid-Afrika gediskrimineer het. Satyagraha-veldtogte het van 1917 tot 1947 in Indië plaasgevind, waar sy volgelinge deelgeneem het aan eetstakings en ekonomiese boikotte. 17
• Hy het ʼn baie nederige bestaan gevoer. Van die 1920’s af het Gandhi in ʼn selfversorgende gemeenskap gewoon. Hy het eenvoudige vegetariese kos geëet. Hy het vir lang periodes gevas (nie geëet nie) as deel van politieke betogings en as deel van sy geloof in selfreiniging. 4
• Gandhi en Jan Smuts, die destydse eerste minister van Suid-Afrika, het mekaar goed geken. Met sy terugkeer na Indië het Gandhi vir Smuts sandale as ʼn afskeidsgeskenk gegee. Later sou Jan Smuts die volgende oor die geskenk skryf: “Ek het daardie sandale vir baie somers gedra, al het ek nie waardig genoeg gevoel om in die skoene van só ʼn merkwaardige man te staan nie.” 7
• Gedurende die Anglo-Boereoorlog (1899-1902) (ook genoem die Suid-Afrikaanse Oorlog, Tweede Vryheidsoorlog of Driejarige Oorlog) stig hy met 1 100 vrywilligers ʼn diens waar hulle gewonde Engelse soldate met draagbare van die oorlogsveld dra. Aan die einde van die oorlog ontvang hy medaljes vir dapperheid van die Engelse regering. 18
• Mohandas en Kasturba was 61 jaar getroud. Hulle het vier seuns en ʼn aangenome dogter gehad. Sy verhouding met sy oudste seun, Harilal, was nie goed nie. Hy was in opstand teen alles wat sy pa gedoen en geglo het. Kort ná sy pa se dood neem hy die Moslem-geloof aan en verander sy naam na Abdullah. Hy sterf vier maande ná sy pa aan tuberkulose. 19
• Oor ʼn tydperk van 14 jaar is daar ses keer probeer om Gandhi te vermoor. Sy uiteindelike sluipmoordenaar het vyf uur geneem om ʼn verklaring van 150 paragrawe tydens sy verhoor voor te lees. 8
• Die spanning tussen Indië en Pakistan duur vandag nog voort. Omdat albei lande oor kernwapens beskik, pas die VSA en ander lande sanksies op dié twee lande toe. ʼn Selfmoordbomaanvaller van ʼn Pakistanse militante groep het in Februarie 2019 die dood van 40 Indiërs in Kasjmir veroorsaak. 15
• Daar is in meer as 70 lande standbeelde van Gandhi. Twee van dié standbeelde is in Suid-Afrika opgerig – een in Pietermaritzburg (KwaZulu-Natal) en een in Johannesburg (Gauteng). 20

Jy het seker al die gesegde gehoor dat ʼn mens nie iemand op sy baadjie moet takseer (beoordeel) nie. Wel, dit beteken dat iemand se uiterlike voorkoms (hoe hy of sy lyk of aantrek) nie die volle verhaal of storie oor dié persoon se lewe vertel nie. ʼn Baie goeie voorbeeld hiervan is Mohandas “Mahatma” Gandhi . Hy was ʼn tingerige (klein en maer) man met ʼn bril en ʼn tradisionele Hindoe- lendedoek wat met ʼn bamboeskierie rondgeloop en tandeloos geglimlag het, tog was hy een van die grootste leiers van die twintigste eeu!

Gandhi het met sy dapperheid en toewyding tot niegewelddadige teenstand (om sonder geweld teen iets vas te skop) een van die grootste wêreld ryk e aangevat. Hy het deur middel van vreedsame verset nie net daartoe bygedra dat Indië in 1947 onafhanklik van Brittanje kon word nie, maar ook deur sy weersin teen diskriminasie en onregverdigheid vir die regte van verskillende godsdienstige en onderdrukte groepe geveg.

Dié nederige man met die groot siel wat vir 21 jaar in Suid-Afrika gewoon het, was ʼn inspirasie vir groot geeste soos Albert Einstein , Martin Luther King jr. en Nelson Mandela , en is vandag nog vir mense reg oor die wêreld ʼn voorbeeld dat ʼn mens onregverdigheid op ʼn niegewelddadige wyse kan beëindig. 1

Familie en kinderjare

Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi is op 2 Oktober 1869 in Porbandar, ʼn ou hawestad in die weste van Indië, as die jongste van ses kinders gebore. Hy is vandag veral bekend as “Mahatma”, ʼn Sanskrit -benaming (ou heilige taal van die Hindoes) wat “groot siel” beteken. Hy het dié bynaam gekry omdat hy so nederig was. 2

Sy oupa, Uttamchand, en pa, Karamchand “Kaba” Gandhi, was soos die burgemeesters van die dorp, en sy ma, Pultibai, was Kaba se vierde vrou. Sy was baie godsdienstig en het as ʼn Hindoe elke dag na die tempel gegaan om te bid. 3

Gandhi se eerste laerskool was nie naastenby so deftig soos skole vandag is nie. Die kinders het byvoorbeeld die alfabet leer skryf deur die letters met hul vingers in die grond te maak. Later woon hy ʼn beter skool by toe die gesin verhuis nadat sy pa ʼn pos as burgemeester (“dewan”) in Rajkot aanvaar. Gandhi was nie ʼn akademiese uitblinker nie. Op sy een rapport skryf die onderwyser: “Goed in Engels, gemiddeld in Wiskunde, swak in Aardrykskunde, goeie gedrag, maar ʼn baie lelike handskrif.”

Hy was ook nie ʼn sportman van formaat nie. Hy was baie skaam en wou nie met die ander kinders praat nie. Hy het in die middae huis toe gehardloop om hulle te vermy. In sy vrye tyd het hy gelees of op sy eie gaan stap as hy nie besig was om sy pa te versorg of sy ma met takies in en om die huis te help nie. Sy pa is in 1885 oorlede toe Gandhi 16 jaar oud was. 4

Hy het net een vriend gehad, ʼn seun genaamd Uka. Uka was ʼn straatveër en is beskou as “ onaanraakbaar ” (onrein). Gandhi het een dag lekkergoed gehad en wou dit graag met Uka deel, maar Uka het gesê Gandhi mag nie naby hom kom nie omdat hy onaanraakbaar is. Gandhi het Uka se hande gevat en die lekkergoed vir hom gegee. Sy ma het dit gesien en Gandhi huis toe geroep. “Weet jy nie dat ʼn Hindoe van hoë aansien nooit ʼn onaanraakbare (die laagste Hindoe-klas) mag aanraak nie?” wou sy streng weet. “Ons Hindoe-geloof verbied dit.” Gandhi het vir sy ma gesê hy stem nie saam nie en dink nie dit is verkeerd om aan Uka te raak nie. “Hy is mos nie anders as ek nie?” het hy gesê. Sy ma het nie geantwoord nie. Sy het hom slegs aangesê om te gaan bad en bid. 3

Gandhi is op 13-jarige ouderdom met Kasturba Makanji getroud. Dit was ʼn verbintenis wat hul ouers reeds toe die kinders sewe jaar oud was, gereël het. Gandhi en Kasturba was getroud totdat sy op 74-jarige ouderdom oorlede is. 4

As tiener was Gandhi nogal rebels: Hy rook, steel en eet selfs vleis (heeltemal teen sy familie se geloof) – net soos ander seuns van sy ouderdom in daardie tyd. Hy het egter telkens, ná hy kattekwaad aangevang het, gesê “nooit weer nie”, en hy het by sy belofte gehou. Hy matrikuleer in 1887 aan die Universiteit van Bombaai (vandag staan dit as Moembai bekend). 5

Tyd in Londen

Ná skool wou Gandhi graag studeer om ʼn dokter te word, maar sy pa dring daarop aan dat hy hom as ʼn advokaat kwalifiseer. Ná sy pa se dood was die geld in die huis min, maar met sy oudste broer se finansiële ondersteuning kry hy die geleentheid om in Londen te gaan studeer. Hy laat sy vrou en hul eerste seun, Harilal, in Indië agter. 6

In Londen word Gandhi ʼn student van die Inner Temple, een van Londen se vier regskolleges. Gedurende sy studiejare sluit hy by ʼn groep aan wat oefen om in die openbaar te praat (amper soos redenaars). Dit help hom baie om oor die skaamheid van sy kinderjare te kom. Sy vegetariese leefstyl word egter vir hom ʼn verleentheid. Sy medestudente spot hom deur te sê as hy nie vleis eet nie, gaan hy swak vaar in sy studies, en sy gesondheid sal ook agteruitgaan.

Tydens sy soeke na vegetariese restaurante ontmoet hy mense wat soos hy dink. Hy word een van die bestuurslede van die Vegetariese Vereniging van Londen. Die gesprekke wat hy tydens etes by vegetariese restaurante met bekende filosowe en skrywers soos die dramaturg Bernard Shaw het, dra baie by tot die politieke oortuiging wat hy later in sy lewe sou aanhang. 4

In Junie 1891, dieselfde jaar wat sy ma sterf, word Gandhi in Engeland tot die balie toegelaat, wat beteken dat hy toegelaat word om as advokaat te praktiseer. 7

Twee dekades in Suid-Afrika

Nadat hy sy graad in 1891 in Londen verwerf, keer hy terug na Indië en open ʼn regspraktyk in Moembai. Dit is nie baie suksesvol nie, want die graad wat hy in Engeland verwerf het, kon nie ten volle in Indië gebruik word nie omdat die regstelsels van die twee lande verskil. Hy word ʼn werk in Suid-Afrika aangebied en besluit om dit te aanvaar. 7

In 1893 kom hy in Suid-Afrika aan, en as deel van sy werk moet hy ʼn treinreis tussen Durban en Pretoria onderneem. Tydens hierdie reis beleef hy eerstehands die diskriminasie wat mense van kleur in daardie jare ervaar het. Aangesien Gandhi ʼn duur eersteklaskaartjie gekoop het, gaan sit hy in die eersteklaskompartement, wat baie meer gerieflik en weelderig was. Hy het nie geweet dat Indiërs nie eerste klas mag ry nie, en nadat ʼn wit passasier die treinpersoneel in kennis gestel het, word hy aangesê om die kompartement te verlaat. Toe hy weier, word hy van die trein afgegooi, tasse en al! 8

Steeds was dit nie die einde van die drama nie. Toe hy in Johannesburg aankom, word hy nie toegelaat om binne ʼn passasierskoets te sit nie. Hy moet buite saam met die bestuurder van die koets aan die voorkant sit, terwyl die kondukteur saam met die wit passasiers binne sit. Vir eers los Gandhi dit uit vrees dat hy die rit gaan mis. Toe die kondukteur wou rook, gooi hy ʼn vuil lap op die koetstrappie en beveel Gandhi om daar te gaan sit sodat hy voor langs die koetsier kon sit. Toe Gandhi weier, slaan die kondukteur hom en probeer hom van die koets afgooi tot die wit passasiers hom uiteindelik gestop het. 7

Gandhi skryf later in sy outobiografie dat hierdie reis na Pretoria sy lewe verander het. Dit is toe wat hy besluit het om hom nie net vir sy eie regte nie, maar ook vir die regte van Indiërs in Suid-Afrika te beywer. Hy stig die Natalse Indiër Kongres in 1894 wat niegewelddadige protes gebruik teen die diskriminasie wat mense van kleur in Suid-Afrika deurgegaan het. 6

Tydens sy verblyf in Pretoria lees Gandhi sowat 100 boeke oor geloof. Hy kom onder die invloed van Christenskap , maar weier om dit te aanvaar. Hy woon in dié tyd selfs Bybelklasse by. Binne ʼn week ná sy aankoms lewer hy sy eerste openbare toespraak oor eerlikheid in ondernemings. Die byeenkoms is gehou om Indiese inwoners bewus te maak van die onderdrukking wat hulle ervaar. Hy het hom uitgespreek teen die feit dat Indiërs nie in die eerste klas op treine mag reis nie. Danksy dié byeenkoms is daar die versekering gebied dat eerste- en tweedeklaskaartjies uitgereik sal word aan Indiërs “wat behoorlik geklee is”. Dit was ʼn gedeeltelike oorwinning. 7

Sy ervarings in Suid-Afrika het Gandhi van ʼn skaam, teruggetrokke persoon verander in ʼn sterk politieke stryder. In hofverrigtinge is hy gevra om sy tulband te verwyder, maar hy het geweier en die hof verlaat. 4

Een van sy eerste niegewelddadige aksies vind plaas toe hy hoor dat die stemreg van Indiërs in Natal (vandag is dit KwaZulu-Natal ) weggevat gaan word. Hy versamel meer as 10 000 handtekeninge om dié wet te keer, maar dit was tevergeefs. Al is die wet aanvaar, het Gandhi se veldtog die diskriminasie wat Indiërs in Suid-Afrika ervaar het, aan die wêreld geopenbaar. 4

Aan die begin van die 1900’s stig Gandhi ʼn koerant met die naam Indian Opinion . Daarin word hoofsaaklik artikels gepubliseer wat meer regte vir Indiërs in Suid-Afrika voorstel. Sy filosofie van vreedsame verset (“satyagraha”) word hier ontwikkel en in die Indian Opinion gepubliseer. Hy is betrokke by verskeie veldtogte om die regte van Indiërs te verbeter. Ná 21 jaar in Suid-Afrika besluit hy in 1914 om na Indië terug te keer. 4

Die onafhanklikheid van Indië

Voor die uitbreek van die Eerste Wêreldoorlog in Julie 1914 woon hy vir ʼn paar maande in Engeland, en in Januarie 1915 kom Gandhi in Indië aan. [Lees hier oor die Eerste Wêreldoorlog.] Hy word diep getref deur die armoede van die mense in Indië en besluit in 1921 om in net ʼn eenvoudige kleed wat hy om sy lyf gevou het, asook sandale in die openbaar te verskyn. Hierdie nederigheid maak hom baie gewild onder sy landsgenote en besorg aan hom die bynaam Mahatma wat “groot siel” beteken. 4

In daardie stadium was Indië, net soos Suid-Afrika, onder Britse beheer. In 1919 het Brittanje besluit dat enigiemand wat onafhanklikheid ondersteun, tronk toe sal gaan sonder om eers in ʼn hof verhoor te word. Gandhi het ʼn satyagraha-veldtog aangekondig, maar dit het tot gewelddadige betogings landswyd gelei. Altesaam 379 Indiërs is deur Britse soldate doodgeskiet toe hulle ʼn byeenkoms in Amritsar wou bywoon, en Brittanje het ʼn krygswet afgekondig. 9

Vir die res van sy lewe beywer hy hom om Indië onafhanklik van Engeland te kry. Hy en sy volgelinge gebruik vreedsame verset om politieke verandering te bring en besluit om enigiets wat Brits is, te boikot . Hulle sou byvoorbeeld geen Britse produkte koop nie, het geweier om by Britse howe of skole in te gaan, geweier om te werk en eetstaking s gehou. 10

Een van sy bekendste aksies van vreedsame verset het oor soutbelasting gegaan. Sout, ʼn belangrike bestanddeel in die Indiese dieet, mag volgens wet nie deur die inwoners van Indië verkoop of versamel word nie – hulle is gedwing om dit by die Britte te koop. Met die instel van ʼn nuwe belastingwet op sout in 1930 deur Engeland, lei Gandhi ʼn optog na die kusdorp Dandi waar die landsburgers hul eie sout van seewater kon maak.

Die regering van die dag het hulle aanvanklik nie gesteur aan die protes nie, want hulle het Gandhi se vermoë om mense op te sweep, onderskat. Hulle kon aanvanklik nie die verband sien tussen ʼn protes oor soutbelasting en onafhanklikheidswording nie. Die reis van amper 390 km te voet begin met 78 mense wat Gandhi volg. Soos hulle vorder, spreek Gandhi mense langs die pad toe. Teen die tyd wat hulle in Dandi kom, het duisende mense hulle by die optog aangesluit. 11

Toe hulle in Dandi aankom, druk die polisie die soutneerslag in die modder voor die skare mense. Dit het Gandhi nie gekeer nie. Hy het net afgebuk en ʼn groterige korrel natuurlike sout uit die modder gehaal. “Hiermee skud ek die fondasies van die Britse Ryk,” het Gandhi gesê. 12

In Moembai en Kurachi, stede langs die see, het almal sout begin maak. Gandhi en meer as 60 000 landsburgers oor die hele Indië word in hegtenis geneem, maar die doel van ʼn vreedsame opstand teen Britse wette is wel bereik. 8

Tydens die Tweede Wêreldoorlog word Gandhi vir twee jaar tronk toe gestuur, want hy en ander Indiese leiers wou onmiddellike onafhanklikheid hê as beloning vir Indië se hulp aan Brittanje tydens die oorlog. [Lees hier oor die Tweede Wêreldoorlog.] Hy gaan uit protes op ʼn eetstaking van 21 dae. Sy vrou was saam met hom in die tronk, maar haar gesondheid kon nie die eetstaking hanteer nie, en sy sterf in die ouderdom van 74 jaar aan ʼn hartaanval.

Hy word kort daarna vrygelaat en bly veg vir Indië se onafhanklikheid. Die beweging lei daartoe dat ander lande, insluitend die Verenigde State van Amerika (VSA), druk op Brittanje plaas om Indië te bevry van hul mag. In 1947 word Indië uiteindelik onafhanklik verklaar.

Hoewel dit ʼn groot oorwinning was, was Gandhi teleurgesteld dat Indië in twee nuwe lande, Indië (hoofsaaklik Hindoes) en Pakistan (hoofsaaklik Moslems ), verdeel is. Die gevegte tussen Hindoes en Moslems bly voortduur. 7

Gandhi was gekant teen die verdeeldheid. Hindoes en Moslems “moet dapper genoeg wees om mekaar lief te hê, om mekaar se geloof te verdra, moet mekaar vertrou …” het hy gesê. 16

Sluipmoord en nalatenskap

Gandhi se eenvoudige leefwyse, sy liefde vir arm mense en sy verwerping van enige vorm van geweld, beteken dat hy vandag steeds as voorbeeld voorgehou word vir alle pasifiste wat alternatiewe metodes vir gewelddadige protes soek.

Tydens Gandhi se pogings om Moslems en Hindoes te versoen , word hy in Januarie 1948 in Delhi, in die ouderdom van 78 jaar, in ʼn sluipmoordaanval doodgeskiet. [Lees hier oor wêreldbekende sluipmoordaanvalle.] Hy het slegs ses maande van Indië se onafhanklikheid ervaar. “Hy was net ʼn ou man in verafgeleë Indië,” het die Amerikaanse joernalis Louis Fischer geskryf. “En tog, toe hy sterf, het die hele mensdom getreur.” 13

Die 38-jarige Nathuram Vinayak Godse, ʼn Hindoe- ekstremis , is in hegtenis geneem ná die sluipmoordaanval. Godse het Gandhi blameer vir die verlies van ʼn deel van Indië (Pakistan) aan die Moslems. Godse het later in die hof verduidelik dat Gandhi Hindoes verraai het deur met Moslems en Pakistan te onderhandel. Godse word ter dood veroordeel, ʼn straf wat Gandhi miskien nie sou goedkeur nie, want hy het nooit geglo dat geweld met geweld beantwoord moet word nie. 14

Gandhi word steeds wêreldwyd bewonder vir sy bydrae om onafhanklikheid vir Indië te kry en sy niegewelddadige betogings. Dit het talle ander burgerregtebewegings, soos die beweging wat deur Martin Luther King jr. in die VSA gelei is, geïnspireer. 15

Die voorbeeld wat Gandhi se Natal Indian Congress in Suid-Afrika gestel het, was ʼn groot inspirasie vir Nelson Mandela. Hy het ʼn groot deel van Gandhi se filosofie aangeneem en was geraak deur Gandhi se lewe in Suid-Afrika en die soutoptog in 1930. 15

“Die eerste beginsel van niegewelddadige optrede,” het Gandhi gesê, “is wanneer mens nie deelneem aan enigiets wat vernederend is nie.” 15

Lees dié om meer oor Gandhi te leer

• Die Britse eerste minister Winston Churchill se jarelange vyandskap met Mohandas Gandhi
• Tien van Gandhi se bekendste aanhalings
• ʼn Paar doendinge oor Gandhi
• Meer oor Gandhi se familie en nageslag

Kyk dié video’s om meer te wete te kom

Foto’s van Gandhi se tyd in Suid-Afrika

Sy eerste televisieonderhoud

Só lyk Gandhi se een plaas naby Johannesburg

ʼn Skeepsreis wat hy na Londen onderneem het

• Youth for Human Rights. s.a. Champions of human rights: Mahatma Gandhi (1869-1948) https://www.youthforhumanrights.org/voices-for-human-rights/champions/mahatma-gandhi.html [Datum van gebruik: 11 Mei 2022].
• The New Indian Express. s.a. Who gave the title of Mahatma to Gandhiji? https://www.newindianexpress.com/cities/hyderabad/2012/jun/26/who-gave-the-title-of-mahatma-to-gandhiji-380837.html [Datum van gebruik: 11 Mei 2022].
• MK Gandhi. s.a. Birth and childhood. https://www.mkgandhi.org/storyofg/chap01.htm [Datum van gebruik: 28 April 2022].
• Nanda, B.R. 2022. Mahatma Gandhi. In: Encyclopedia Britannica. https://www.britannica.com/biography/Mahatma-Gandhi [Datum van gebruik: 28 April 2022].
• wiseGEEK. s.a. What was Gandhi like as a teenager? https://www.wise-geek.com/what-was-gandhi-like-as-a-teenager.htm [Datum van gebruik: 28 April 2022].
• Leverage Edu. 2021. Education and study abroad journey of Mahatma Gandhi. https://leverageedu.com/blog/education-of-mahatma-gandhi/ [Datum van gebruik: 28 April 2022].
• South African History Online. s.a. Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi (Mahatma Gandhi) – Timeline: 1890-1899 https://www.sahistory.org.za/article/mohandas-karamchand-gandhi-mahatma-gandhi-timeline-1890-1899 [Datum van gebruik: 10 Mei 2022].
• Bhalla, G. 2021. “I Sat and shivered”: What Gandhi wrote about his “humiliating” night in South Africa. https://www.indiatimes.com/news/india/i-sat-and-shivered-what-gandhi-wrote-about-his-humiliating-night-in-south-africa-550739.html [Datum van g
• Tomczak, M. s.a. Mohandras Karamchand (Mahatma) Gandhi. http://www.physocean.icm.csic.es/science%2Bsociety/lectures/illustrations/lecture35/gandhi.html [Datum van gebruik: 11 Mei 2022].
• Gandhi World Foundation. s.a. Ghandhiji statues all around the world. http://gandhiworld.in/english/statues.php [Datum van gebruik: 11 Mei 2022].
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• India Today. 2017. Bapu in Africa: 10 things Mahatma Gandhi did in South Africa. https://www.indiatoday.in/education-today/gk-current-affairs/story/bapu-in-africa-344314-2016-10-01 [Datum van gebruik: 28 April 2022].
• Hoekstra, K. 2021. 10 facts about Mahatma Gandhi. https://www.historyhit.com/facts-about-mahatma-gandhi/ [Datum van gebruik: 11 Mei 2022].
• Luther, J. Pheiffer, F. & Gouws, R.H. (reds.) 2015. Handwoordeboek van die Afrikaanse Taal. 6de uitg. Kaapstad: Pearson.
• Mukherjee, A. s.a. The Legacy of Gandhi in the wider world. https://www.mkgandhi.org/articles/legacy.htm [Datum van gebruik: 11 Mei 2022].
• Biswas, S. 2022. Nathuram Godse: The mystery surrounding Mahatma Gandhi's killer. https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-india-60013807 [Datum van gebruik: 28 April 2022].
• Whitman, H. s.a. The life of Mahatma Gandhi, by Louis Fischer. https://www.commentary.org/articles/hazel-whitman/the-life-of-mahatma-gandhi-by-louis-fischer/ [Datum van gebruik: 11 Mei 2022].
• Bubar, J. 2019. The legacy of Gandhi. https://upfront.scholastic.com/issues/2019-20/090219/the-legacy-of-gandhi.html#1240L [Datum van gebruik: 11 Mei 2022].
• History. 2010. Mohandas Gandhi begins 241-mile civil disobedience march. https://www.history.com/this-day-in-history/gandhi-leads-civil-disobedience [Datum van gebruik: 28 April 2022].
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Biography of Mohandas Gandhi, Indian Independence Leader

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Mohandas Gandhi (October 2, 1869–January 30, 1948) was the father of the Indian independence movement. While fighting discrimination in South Africa, Gandhi developed satyagrah a, a nonviolent way of protesting injustice. Returning to his birthplace of India, Gandhi spent his remaining years working to end British rule of his country and to better the lives of India's poorest classes.

Fast Facts: Mohandas Gandhi

• Known For : Leader of India's independence movement
• Also Known As : Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi, Mahatma ("Great Soul"), Father of the Nation, Bapu ("Father"), Gandhiji
• Born : October 2, 1869 in Porbandar, India
• Parents : Karamchand and Putlibai Gandhi
• Died : January 30, 1948 in New Delhi, India
• Education : Law degree, Inner Temple, London, England
• Published Works : Mohandas K. Gandhi, Autobiography: The Story of My Experiments with Truth , Freedom's Battle
• Spouse : Kasturba Kapadia
• Children : Harilal Gandhi, Manilal Gandhi, Ramdas Gandhi, Devdas Gandhi
• Notable Quote : "The true measure of any society can be found in how it treats its most vulnerable members."

Mohandas Gandhi was born October 2, 1869, in Porbandar, India, the last child of his father Karamchand Gandhi and his fourth wife Putlibai. Young Gandhi was a shy, mediocre student. At age 13, he married Kasturba Kapadia as part of an arranged marriage. She bore four sons and supported Gandhi's endeavors until her 1944 death.

In September 1888 at age 18, Gandhi left India alone to study law in London. He attempted to become an English gentleman, buying suits, fine-tuning his English accent, learning French, and taking music lessons. Deciding that was a waste of time and money, he spent the rest of his three-year stay as a serious student living a simple lifestyle.

Gandhi also adopted vegetarianism and joined the London Vegetarian Society, whose intellectual crowd introduced Gandhi to authors Henry David Thoreau and Leo Tolstoy . He also studied the "Bhagavad Gita," an epic poem sacred to Hindus. These books' concepts set the foundation for his later beliefs.

Gandhi passed the bar on June 10, 1891, and returned to India. For two years, he attempted to practice law but lacked the knowledge of Indian law and the self-confidence necessary to be a trial lawyer. Instead, he took on a year-long case in South Africa.

At 23, Gandhi again left his family and set off for the British-governed Natal province in South Africa in May 1893. After a week, Gandhi was asked to go to the Dutch-governed Transvaal province. When Gandhi boarded the train, railroad officials ordered him to move to the third-class car. Gandhi, holding first-class tickets, refused. A policeman threw him off the train.

As Gandhi talked to Indians in South Africa, he learned that such experiences were common. Sitting in the cold depot that first night of his trip, Gandhi debated returning to India or fighting the discrimination. He decided that he couldn't ignore these injustices.

Gandhi spent 20 years bettering Indians' rights in South Africa, becoming a resilient, potent leader against discrimination. He learned about Indian grievances, studied the law, wrote letters to officials, and organized petitions. On May 22, 1894, Gandhi established the Natal Indian Congress (NIC). Although it began as an organization for wealthy Indians, Gandhi expanded it to all classes and castes. He became a leader of South Africa's Indian community, his activism covered by newspapers in England and India.

In 1896 after three years in South Africa, Gandhi sailed to India to bring his wife and two sons back with him, returning in November. Gandhi's ship was quarantined at the harbor for 23 days, but the real reason for the delay was an angry mob of whites at the dock who believed Gandhi was returning with Indians who would overrun South Africa.

Gandhi sent his family to safety, but he was assaulted with bricks, rotten eggs, and fists. Police escorted him away. Gandhi refuted the claims against him but refused to prosecute those involved. The violence stopped, strengthening Gandhi's prestige.

Influenced by the "Gita," Gandhi wanted to purify his life by following the concepts of aparigraha  (nonpossession) and  samabhava  (equitability). A friend gave him "Unto This Last" by  John Ruskin , which inspired Gandhi to establish Phoenix Settlement, a community outside Durban, in June 1904. The settlement focused on eliminating needless possessions and living in full equality. Gandhi moved his family and his newspaper, the  Indian Opinion , to the settlement.

In 1906, believing that family life was detracting from his potential as a public advocate, Gandhi took the vow of  brahmacharya  (abstinence from sex). He simplified his vegetarianism to unspiced, usually uncooked foods—mostly fruits and nuts, which he believed would help quiet his urges.

Gandhi believed that his vow of  brahmacharya  allowed him the focus to devise the concept of  satyagraha  in late 1906. In the simplest sense,  satyagraha  is passive resistance, but Gandhi described it as "truth force," or natural right. He believed exploitation was possible only if the exploited and the exploiter accepted it, so seeing beyond the current situation provided power to change it.

In practice,  satyagraha  is nonviolent resistance to injustice. A person using satyagraha could resist injustice by refusing to follow an unjust law or putting up with physical assaults and/or confiscation of his property without anger. There would be no winners or losers; all would understand the "truth" and agree to rescind the unjust law.

Gandhi first organized satyagraha  against the Asiatic Registration Law, or Black Act, which passed in March 1907. It required all Indians to be fingerprinted and carry registration documents at all times. Indians refused fingerprinting and picketed documentation offices. Protests were organized, miners went on strike, and Indians illegally traveled from Natal to the Transvaal in opposition to the act. Many protesters, including Gandhi, were beaten and arrested. After seven years of protest, the Black Act was repealed. The nonviolent protest had succeeded.

After 20 years in South Africa, Gandhi returned to India. By the time he arrived, press reports of his South African triumphs had made him a national hero. He traveled the country for a year before beginning reforms. Gandhi found that his fame conflicted with observing conditions of the poor, so he wore a loincloth ( dhoti ) and sandals, the garb of the masses, during this journey. In cold weather, he added a shawl. This became his lifetime wardrobe.

Gandhi founded another communal settlement in Ahmadabad called Sabarmati Ashram. For the next 16 years, Gandhi lived there with his family.

He was also given the honorary title of Mahatma, or "Great Soul." Many credit Indian poet Rabindranath Tagore, winner of the 1913 Nobel Prize for Literature, for awarding Gandhi this name. Peasants viewed Gandhi as a holy man, but he disliked the title because it implied he was special. He viewed himself as ordinary.

After the year ended, Gandhi still felt stifled because of World War I. As part of  satyagraha , Gandhi had vowed never to take advantage of an opponent's troubles. With the British in a major conflict, Gandhi couldn't fight them for Indian freedom. Instead, he used satyagraha  to erase inequities among Indians. Gandhi persuaded landlords to stop forcing tenant farmers to pay increased rent by appealing to their morals and fasted to convince mill owners to settle a strike. Because of Gandhi's prestige, people didn't want to be responsible for his death from fasting.

When the war ended, Gandhi focused on the fight for Indian self-rule ( swaraj ). In 1919, the British handed Gandhi a cause: the Rowlatt Act, which gave the British nearly free rein to detain "revolutionary" elements without trial. Gandhi organized a hartal (strike), which began on March 30, 1919. Unfortunately, the protest turned violent.

Gandhi ended the  hartal  once he heard about the violence, but more than 300 Indians had died and more than 1,100 were injured from British reprisals in the city of Amritsar.  Satyagraha  hadn't been achieved, but the Amritsar Massacre  fueled Indian opinions against the British. The violence showed Gandhi that the Indian people didn't fully believe in satyagraha . He spent much of the 1920s advocating for it and struggling to keep protests peaceful.

Gandhi also began advocating self-reliance as a path to freedom. Since the British established India as a colony, Indians had supplied Britain with raw fiber and then imported the resulting cloth from England. Gandhi advocated that Indians spin their own cloth, popularizing the idea by traveling with a spinning wheel, often spinning yarn while giving a speech. The image of the spinning wheel ( charkha ) became a symbol for independence.

In March 1922, Gandhi was arrested and sentenced to six years in prison for sedition. After two years, he was released following surgery to find his country embroiled in violence between Muslims and Hindus. When Gandhi began a 21-day fast still ill from surgery, many thought he would die, but he rallied. The fast created a temporary peace.

In December 1928, Gandhi and the Indian National Congress (INC) announced a challenge to the British government. If India wasn't granted Commonwealth status by December 31, 1929, they would organize a nationwide protest against British taxes. The deadline passed without change.

Gandhi chose to protest the British salt tax because salt was used in everyday cooking, even by the poorest. The Salt March began a nationwide boycott starting March 12, 1930, when Gandhi and 78 followers walked 200 miles from the Sabarmati Ashram to the sea. The group grew along the way, reaching 2,000 to 3,000. When they reached the coastal town of Dandi on April 5, they prayed all night. In the morning, Gandhi made a presentation of picking up a piece of sea salt from the beach. Technically, he had broken the law.

Thus began an endeavor for Indians to make salt. Some picked up loose salt on the beaches, while others evaporated saltwater. Indian-made salt soon was sold nationwide. Peaceful picketing and marches were conducted. The British responded with mass arrests.

Protesters Beaten

When Gandhi announced a march on the government-owned Dharasana Saltworks, the British imprisoned him without trial. Although they hoped Gandhi's arrest would stop the march, they underestimated his followers. The poet  Sarojini Naidu  led 2,500 marchers. As they reached the waiting police, the marchers were beaten with clubs. News of the brutal beating of peaceful protesters shocked the world.

British viceroy Lord Irwin met with Gandhi and they agreed on the Gandhi-Irwin Pact, which granted limited salt production and freedom for the protesters if Gandhi called off the protests. While many Indians believed that Gandhi hadn't gotten enough from the negotiations, he viewed it as a step toward independence.

Independence

After the success of the Salt March, Gandhi conducted another fast that enhanced his image as a holy man or prophet. Dismayed at the adulation, Gandhi retired from politics in 1934 at age 64. He came out of retirement five years later when the British viceroy announced, without consulting Indian leaders, that India would side with England during  World War II . This revitalized the Indian independence movement.

Many British parliamentarians realized they were facing mass protests and began discussing an independent India. Although Prime Minister  Winston Churchill  opposed losing India as a colony, the British announced in March 1941 that it would free India after World War II. Gandhi wanted independence sooner and organized a "Quit India" campaign in 1942. The British again jailed Gandhi.

Hindu-Muslim Conflict

When Gandhi was released in 1944, independence seemed near. Huge disagreements, however, arose between Hindus and Muslims. Because the majority of Indians were Hindu, Muslims feared losing political power if India became independent. The Muslims wanted six provinces in northwest India, where Muslims predominated, to become an independent country. Gandhi opposed partitioning India and tried to bring the sides together, but that proved too difficult even for the Mahatma.

Violence erupted; entire towns were burned. Gandhi toured India, hoping his presence could curb the violence. Although violence stopped where Gandhi visited, he couldn't be everywhere.

The British, seeing India headed for civil war, decided to leave in August 1947. Before leaving, they got the Hindus, against Gandhi's wishes, to agree to a  partition plan . On August 15, 1947, Britain granted independence to India and to the newly formed Muslim country of Pakistan.

Millions of Muslims marched from India to Pakistan, and millions of Hindus in Pakistan walked to India. Many refugees died from illness, exposure, and dehydration. As 15 million Indians became uprooted from their homes, Hindus and Muslims attacked each other.

Gandhi once again went on a fast. He would only eat again, he stated, once he saw clear plans to stop the violence. The fast began on January 13, 1948. Realizing that the frail, aged Gandhi couldn't withstand a long fast, the sides collaborated. On January 18, more than 100 representatives approached Gandhi with a promise for peace, ending his fast.

Not everyone approved of the plan. Some radical Hindu groups believed that India shouldn't have been partitioned, blaming Gandhi. On January 30, 1948, the 78-year-old Gandhi spent his day discussing issues. Just past 5 p.m., Gandhi began the walk, supported by two grandnieces, to the Birla House, where he was staying in New Delhi, for a prayer meeting. A crowd surrounded him. A young Hindu named Nathuram Godse stopped before him and bowed. Gandhi bowed back. Godse shot Gandhi three times. Although Gandhi had survived five other assassination attempts, he fell to the ground, dead.

Gandhi's concept of nonviolent protest attracted the organizers of numerous demonstrations and movements. Civil rights leaders, especially Martin Luther King Jr. , adopted Gandhi's model for their own struggles.

Research in the second half of the 20th century established Gandhi as a great mediator and reconciler, resolving conflicts between older moderate politicians and young radicals, political terrorists and parliamentarians, urban intelligentsia and rural masses, Hindus and Muslims, as well as Indians and British. He was the catalyst, if not the initiator, of three major revolutions of the 20th century: movements against colonialism, racism, and violence.

His deepest strivings were spiritual, but unlike many fellow Indians with such aspirations, he didn't retire to a Himalayan cave to meditate. Rather, he took his cave with him everywhere he went. And, he left his thoughts to posterity: His collected writings had reached 100 volumes by the early 21st century.

• " Mahatma Gandhi: Indian Leader ." Encyclopaedia Britannica.
• " Mahatma Gandhi ." History.com.
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‘African Gandhi’: The South African War and the Limits of Imperial Identity by Goolam Vahed

Mahatma Gandhi achieved greatness for the struggles that he fought on the political, economic, cultural and moral fronts. His ideas about love, truth, soul force (‘brahmacharya’) and Satyagraha have universal appeal beyond the Indian setting and mark him as one of the outstanding individuals of the twentieth century. Yet the twenty-one years that Gandhi spent in South Africa were critical in the ‘Making of the Mahatma’. The African experience impacted on Gandhi’s conception of Indian identity and nationhood, Hinduism, [1] and understanding of colonialism. These years also allowed him to develop his special technique of transforming society. The South African War marked an important crossroads in Gandhi’s South African experience. Prior to the war he had relied heavily on the politics of petitioning and placed great emphasis on being part of a British Empire. The war experiences forced Gandhi to reassess this strategy. Feeling betrayed by the British, Gandhi began to seriously question his beliefs and methods, and look for alternative means of redress for Indians. While this transition was not sudden, the war years marked the beginning of Gandhi’s transformation. This study of Gandhi’s response to the war has relevance beyond his personal transformation. It broaches the wider issues of the position of Western educated elites in the colonial structure and their impact in ‘imagining’, following Benedict Anderson [2] , nationhood and transforming colonial states into nation-states.

Gandhi Arrives in Natal

Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi was born in Porbander, Kathiawar, on the west coast of India in 1869. The youngest of six children, he completed his primary and secondary schooling in Rajcot where his family had moved in 1876. The opportunity that Gandhi had for a modern-style education must be seen in the context of Colonial states increasing their functions from the middle of the nineteenth century. This created a need for educated individuals for state and corporate bureaucracies. [3] In his famous Minute on education, Lord Macauly, architect of the new education system in India, alluded to this when he pointed out that:

It is impossible for us, with our limited means, to attempt to educate the body of the people. We must at present do our best to form a class who may be interpreters between us and the millions whom we govern; a class of persons, Indian in blood and colour but English in taste, in opinion, in morals and in intellect. [4]

The expansion of English-language education led to the emergence of a Western-oriented elite comprising of individuals like Gandhi. When asked why he had gone to London in September 1888 to study, Gandhi replied that it was because of ambition and a desire to take in the Motherland. ‘If I go to England not only shall I become a barrister … but I shall be able to see England, the land of philosophers and poets, the very center of civilization’. [5] Gandhi was not disappointed by London; on the contrary, he was ‘intoxicated’ by it and determined, in his words, to undertake ‘the all too important task becoming an English gentleman’. He took lessons in dancing, violin, elocution and French. [6] He bought the most elegant clothing and dressed as an English gentleman. This included a high silk hat, patent leather boots and carrying a silver-mounted stick. [7] Being a London-based barrister, Gandhi had hoped to secure a lucrative position when he returned to India in July 1891. These hopes proved futile. He was unable to get any briefs in Rajcot, was struck by shyness in his first court case in Bombay, and failed in his attempt to secure a teaching post. Struggling to earn a living as a barrister, he gladly accepted the offer from Dada Abdullah and Co. in 1893 to represent them in Natal. [8]

The Setting: Colonial Natal in the 1890s

Indians arrived in South Africa in two streams. Between 1860 and 1911, 152,641 workers were brought to Natal as indentured immigrants. They were followed by entrepreneurs from Gujarat on the west coast of India who began arriving from the mid-1870s. A third social group comprised of an educated elite that emerged by the 1890s as a result of opportunities provided by mission schools. This small elite included lawyers, teachers, civil servants and accountants. [9] Durban’s Indians comprised of an amalgam of ethno-linguistic groups with a high degree of internal differentiation. The main distinction was between higher caste Gujarati-speaking traders from northern India and Telegu and Tamil speaking indentured Indians from south India. In search of economic opportunities, Indians had expanded to other parts of South Africa. By the late 1890s there were at least 15,000 Indians in the Transvaal [10] , 700 to 1,000 at the Kimberley diamond fields [11] , and around 2,000 in Cape Town. [12] The attitude of the governments of the Boer republics was one of undisguised hostility towards Indians. While the Orange Free State (OFS) barred them totally, in the Transvaal Indians were denied citzenship, compelled to carry a pass, and unable to own fixed property outside locations. [13]

There were approximately 65,000 Indians in Natal in 1899. Traders and ex-indentured independent market gardeners and hawkers who threatened the exploitative relationship of whites with Africans and indentured Indians inflamed white hostility towards Indians. Whites desired the outright coercion of Indian labour and became increasingly hostile as Indians challenged their dominance of local trade. The 1885 Wragg Commission noted that Indian traders were the cause of ‘much of the irritating feelings existing in the minds of European Colonists’. [14] After self-government in 1893, whites came to view town planning, public health, trade arrangements and other public issues in terms of racial and ethnic distinctions. [15] The result was the passing of a spate of legislation in 1896 and 1897 to force Indians to re-indenture or return to India after completing their indenture and to legally subordinate non-indentured Indians so that whites would feel secure against the “Asiatic Menace”.

Merchants dominated Indian politics during this period. Gandhi was drawn into merchant politics because of his legal background and fluency in Gujarati and English. Although he had come on a twelve-month contract he eventually remained in Natal for twenty-one years. In 1894 merchants formed the Natal Indian Congress (NIC), with Gandhi as secretary, to protect their trade, franchise and residence rights. Each of the NIC’s six presidents between 1894 and 1913 was a prominent merchant. Since the vast majority of Indians could not afford the £3 annual membership fee, most members were merchants. [16] Until 1899 the strategy of Gandhi and the NIC was primarily one of writing letters to local newspapers and prominent individuals in Natal, India and Britain, circulating pamphlets, engaging in court cases, sending delegations to India and Britain, and sending petitions and memorials to the Natal and Indian governments. [17] The essence of trader politics was the insistence that as British subjects Indians should be treated equally with whites in terms of Queen Victoria’s 1858 proclamation. [18]

This demand was in vain. The battery of racist legislation in 1896 and 1897 was a clear indication of the intolerant attitude of whites. The depth of anti-Indian sentiment among ordinary whites is reflected in the demonstration against the landing of the Naderi and Courland in December 1896. The arrival of the ships, with 600 Indians aboard, including Gandhi, aroused mass hysteria. Working class whites believed that Indian artisans were being brought to take their jobs. The ships were quarantined for 27 days. A meeting of 2,000 working class whites on 30 December 1896 resolved that all passengers should be returned to India. A second meeting on 7 January 1897 called for a special sitting of parliament to return the passengers. There was a third demonstration by over 3,000 whites on 16 January1897 when a signal was received that the ships were coming to port. The crowd dispersed when the government promised to use public funds to induce Indians to repatriate. When passengers began disembarking, Gandhi was recognized. He was kicked and whipped and had fish thrown at him. Cut on his eyes and ears, he was taken to a nearby house, which was quickly surrounded by a large white mob. He escaped at night when he was taken to the police station dressed as a police constable. [19]

The Natal government’s handling of the Indian refugee problem provides further evidence of the second-class status of Indians. The outbreak of the South African war in October 1899 impacted severely on Indians in northern Natal and Transvaal. In northern Natal republican commandos had laid siege to major towns and Indians north of Colenso were ‘scattered in all directions’. [20] Gandhi reported in December 1899 that the ‘British Indians, merchants and others, leaving all their belongings, vacated those places with quiet resignation. All this shows intense attachment to the Throne’. [21] On 18 October the 'Natal Mercury’ reported that ‘two trains crowded with Natives and Indians’ had arrived from Dundee. [22] Most of the refugees made their way to Durban. Several thousand Indians from the Transvaal joined them. Despite the seriousness of the situation the Natal government was reluctant to remove restrictions on Indian entry into Natal. The Immigration Restriction Act required a deposit of £10 from those who had not been formerly domiciled in Natal and wished to visit temporarily. Gandhi asked the Government in July 1899 to suspend this proviso during the ‘period of tension’. The government refused, but was forced to reverse its decision by Alfred Milner, the British High Commissioner. The Natal Government also instructed shipping lines in Delagoa Bay not to carry Indian passengers to Natal. Again, it was forced to change its position as a result of pressure from Milner. [23] A frustrated Gandhi questioned why Natal was making special arrangements to receive white prostitutes and criminals from the Transvaal but ‘British [Indian] subjects could not find shelter on British soil’. [24]

Declaration of Loyalty

It is in this context of blatant racism that the Indian reaction to the war must be viewed. Shortly after the OFS and Transvaal declared war on Britain in October 1899, around 100 Indians attended a meeting in Durban to decide on a response. Several opinions were expressed. One view was that since the Boers, like Indians, were ‘oppressed’ by the British, Indians should not be party to the defeat of a fellow oppressed community. Another opinion was that Indians should remain neutral because the Boers would ‘wreak vengeance’ upon Indians if they were victorious. Gandhi felt that a man about to join a war could not think along these lines without ‘forfeiting his manhood’. [25] Gandhi acknowledged that the Boer cause was a just one. He wrote that ‘it must largely be conceded that justice is on the side of the Boers’. [26] Notwithstanding this, Gandhi believed that the views of individuals were immaterial since they owed allegiance to the nation-state:

Every single subject of a state must not hope to enforce his private opinion in all cases. The authorities may not always be right, but so long as the subjects own allegiance is to a state, it is their clear duty … to accord their support to acts of the state … Our ordinary duty as subjects is not to enter into the merits of the war but to render such assistance as we possibly can.’ [27]

Gandhi’s ‘own allegiance’ was clearly to the British Empire. He declared that ‘though in Natal, yet we are British subjects, in time of danger the enchanting phrase has not after all lost any of its tune’. [28] Gandhi felt that because Indians were ‘British subjects, and as such demanded rights, they ought to forget their domestic differences, and render some service’. [29] He pointed out that in every demand and memorial that they had presented to the authorities they had emphasised their British citizenship, giving ‘our rulers and the world to believe that we are so proud’ of this citizenship. Further, he pointed out, the ‘few’ rights that Indians enjoyed in Natal and Transvaal were due to the fact that they were British subjects; otherwise they would have been on the same footing as Africans and the Chinese. For Gandhi, the war presented a ‘golden opportunity’ to prove Indian loyalty and counter the accusation that they had come to South Africa ‘for money-grubbing and were merely a dead weight upon the British’. According to Gandhi, whites believed that Indians ‘were in South Africa only to fatten themselves upon them. The Indian would not render the slightest aid if the country were invaded’. [30] Gandhi believed that if Indians did not offer their services the flames of anti-Indianism would be fanned: ‘If we missed this opportunity, which had come to us unsought … we should stand self-condemned and it would be no matter for surprise if then the English treated us worse than before’. [31] For Gandhi, ‘it would be unbecoming to our dignity as a nation to look on with folded hands at a time when ruin stared the British in the face simply because they ill-treat us here’. [32] Local Indians had to take cognisance of the broader picture and consider that India was part of the British Empire:

‘We have tried to better our condition, continuing the while to remain in the Empire. That has been the policy of all our leaders in India, and ours too. And if we desire to win our freedom and achieve our welfare as members of the British Empire, here is a golden opportunity for us to do so by helping the British in the war by all means at our disposal’. [33]

Gandhi did not conceive of an India outside the British Empire. He saw ‘Empire’ and ‘nation’ as synonymous. This understanding of an Empire made up of coloniser and colonised was out of sync with developments at the heart of Empire itself where the formation of national identity was already underway. By the late nineteenth century, scientific and racial discourse in England equated nation with fixed territory and cultural identity. As Ruth Lindborg has shown, there was an ‘emerging structure of feeling that England possessed an unbroken history of cultural homogeneity and territorial integrity, tradition and boundaries that had to be protected from an alien threat’. [34] As far as Empire was concerned, Victorians had a clear sense of difference from the ‘”savages” of their colonies…. Thinking about colonial possessions certainly distinguished between different territories of the nation – its English “heart” and its British imperial outposts – and the different ways individuals or groups could be defined as British subjects’. [35] While Gandhi harboured the notion of an all-inclusive Empire its white members did not share this sentiment. On the contrary, there was a colonial contempt for the colonised. [36]

In Natal, Gandhi’s opinion carried the day. Indians resolved to ‘unreservedly and unconditionally’ offer their services ‘without pay’. Gandhi informed the Colonial Secretary that Indians displayed ‘extreme eagerness to serve our Sovereign’. For Gandhi the offer proved that Indians were ‘ready to do duty for their Sovereign on the battlefield. The offer is meant to be an earnest of the Indian loyalty’. [37] The 33 volunteers, comprising entirely of the educated elite, represented twenty per cent of adult Indian males in Durban with a ‘tolerably good English education’. Most of them went on to become important political, sporting and community leaders over the next three decades. [38] While Muslim merchants did not serve on the battlefield, they provided financially for the dependents of volunteers. [39] Officials thanked Gandhi for the offer and informed him that ‘should the occasion arise, the Government will be glad to avail itself of these services’. [40] Gandhi was disappointed that ‘our services cannot be accepted at present. We however earnestly hope that the authorities will see their way to command them’. [41] Gandhi also collected £62 from Indian merchants for the Durban Women’s Patriotic League which, ironically, was collecting money for wounded soldiers and volunteers, many of who were virulently anti-Indian. [42]

Indian Bearer Corps

The unfavourable course of events forced the Government to call on Indian assistance. The Boers invaded Natal with around 25,000 troops in October 1899 and captured Newcastle, Dundee, Colenso and Elaandslaagte in quick succession. The British retired to Ladysmith where the Boers surrounded them. The immediate focus of the British was to relieve Ladysmith. General Buller, responsible for the British campaign, asked the Natal Government to recruit Indian bearers because of the insufficient number of whites. [43] Percy Clarence was appointed superintendent of this Indian Ambulance Corps. In conjunction with the Protector of Indian Immigrants, Clarence recruited 1100 free and indentured Indians for the Corps. [44] Gandhi was concerned that the government did not call on the services of the volunteers. According to him, they ‘encountered formidable difficulties in getting our offer favourably entertained. How could we induce the Government to accept our offer? We had expressed our willingness even to do sweepers’ or scavengers’ work in hospitals’. [45] Dr Booth, who had been training the volunteers, informed the Government that he found the volunteers ‘intelligent about the work, light-handed and quick, and deeply in earnest about the whole matter’. [46] According to Gandhi, even though the men were eager to serve they harboured a nagging fear: ‘none of us knew how to march in step. It was no easy task to perform long marches with one’s baggage on one’s shoulders. Again, the whites would treat us all as ‘coolies’, insult us and look down on us. How was all this to be borne?’ [47]

Gandhi became pro-active when he failed to hear from the Government. He went with Dr Booth to Pietermaritzburg in early December where they met the Colonial Secretary, Chief Engineer Barnes and Colonel Johnston, the Senior Medical Officer. When Dr Booth explained the capabilities of the men, Colonel Johnston thought that they would make excellent leaders for the indentured Indians who were being engaged as bearers. [48] For Gandhi ‘it would be a great disappointment if after all arrangements government would not accept us.’ [49] The Government informed Gandhi a few days after the meeting that their services would be utilised. A Patriotic League Fund was started by Gandhi to equip volunteers and support their families. [50] Merchants contributed to the Fund in addition to supplying ‘large quantities’ of cigarettes, cigars, pipes and tobacco for the wounded, while Indian women prepared pillowcases and handkerchiefs out of cloth provided by merchants. [51] Prime Minister Harry Escombe invited the volunteers to his home before their departure. Escombe, the Mayor of Durban and other whites praised the volunteers and gave them words of encouragement. On behalf of the volunteers Gandhi thanked Escombe for the gesture and mentioned that Indians would have been able to show their worth as fighters had Ghukas or Sikhs been in Natal. However, he hoped that they would ‘discharge their duties well and prove their loyalty’. [52]

The Indian Ambulance Corps, as it became known, took part in three attempts to relieve Ladysmith between December 1899 and February 1900. These were the Battles of Colenso (15 December 1899), Spionskop (25 January 1900) and Vaalkrans (5-7 February 1900). All three attempts ended in defeat for the British who suffered heavy casualties. Despite the defeat, British officials complemented Indian bearers for their bravery. As a result of the British reverses, Indians volunteered to work within range of fire, which they were not expected to do. Colonel Gallwey was particularly pleased with their work and wrote that ‘this corps performed excellent service, carrying wounded to the hospitals and from hospitals to ambulance trains’. [53] Barnes praised the leaders who ‘took the place of, and to us are more useful than white officers’. [54] Gandhi found the experience difficult and tiring, especially because ‘the Chievely district is extremely dry, and there is hardly any water to be found within easy distances’. [55] There was continuous work during this period and bearers sometimes carried the wounded in excess of 40 kilometers in a single day. [56]

Gandhi’s reaction to the experience is remarkable. The regimented and disciplined army lifestyle resonated with Gandhi. It became an important part of his strategy of resistance, which was marked by an absence of collective consensus in decision making and reliance on a small group of leaders. [57] When the British were retreating from Chieveley to Estcourt at the Battle of Colenso, ‘it was wonderful to see how, with clockwork regularity, over 1500 men with heavy artillery and transport broke camp and marched off, leaving behind nothing but empty tins and broken cases’. [58] Gandhi compared war to a ‘Trappist Monastery and the holy stillness that pervades’. This seems anomalous since the austere reforms of the Cisterian order carried out by de Rance were based on strict seclusion from the world, silence and liturgical worship for seven hours daily. According to Gandhi, ‘strange though it may appear the same impression was created in those vast camps. Although the energy put forth was the greatest – not a minute was passed idly by anybody in those stirring times, - there was perfect order, perfect stillness. [59] Although Gandhi was opposed to war, he felt that ‘if anything can ever partially reconcile me to it, it was the rich experience we gained at the front. It was certainly not the thirst for blood that took thousands of men to the battlefield. Like Arjun [60] they went to the battlefield because it was their duty. And how many proud, rude, savage spirits has it not broken into gentle creatures of God?’ [61] Protest, for Gandhi, was as much an ethical and moral experience as it was political.

The Corps and ‘Indianness’

Gandhi believed that Indians were fully justified in being loyal to the British, and that this loyalty would result in more equitable treatment during the postwar period. He believed that the contribution of Indians had been ‘a complete revelation’ to whites. It showed them that Indians were not ‘like worms, which settle inside wood and eat it up hollow’. [62] Gandhi felt that white racism would diminish because Indians had proven that they deserved to remain in the country as their equals. In fact, Gandhi even detected a change in white attitudes during the war. He wrote that ‘although our Corps, including the indentured labourers, who might be supposed to be rather uncouth, often came into contact with European soldiers and temporary Ambulance Corps, none of us felt that Europeans treated us with contempt or even with discourtesy.’ The temporary Corps was composed of whites from Natal who had taken part in anti-Indian protest before the war. However, the ‘knowledge that the Indians, forgetful of their wrongs, were out to help them in their hour of need, had melted their hearts’. [63] As a result of this close contact and mutual dependence, ‘everyone believed that the Indians’ grievances were now sure to be redressed. At the moment the white man’s attitude seemed to be distinctly changed. The relations formed with the whites during the war were of the sweetest. We had come in close contact with the Tommies. They were friendly with us. And thankful for being there to serve them’. [64] Such thinking was forlorn, a mere delusion, as the postwar years would prove. However, this shows the genuine faith that Gandhi had in Empire. Reference to indentured Indians as ‘uncouth’ illustrates the prevailing caste and class attitudes amongst Indians. At this stage, Gandhi was clearly not thinking or writing as an Indian nationalist. His ideas were based on the moral good, a belief that good will be repaid with good.

A very important consequence of the Corps was that it brought Gandhi into sustained contact with indentured Indians. One of the criticisms against Gandhi has been that his constituency comprised of the upper strata on Indian society in Natal only and that he was oblivious to the plight of indentured Indians. [65] During these eight or nine weeks, from mid-December to February, Gandhi was in constant contact with Indians from diverse religious, class, caste, regional and ethnic backgrounds. This broadened his conception of what it meant to be Indian. Referring to the composition of his Corps, Gandhi wrote that there were ‘Hindus and Musalmans, Madrasis and upcountry men, all classes and creed were well represented.’ [66] This helped shape Gandhi’s conception of what it meant to be Indian. Had he remained in India, and practiced as a lawyer in Bombay, it is doubtful that he would have come into such close contact with Indians of lower castes. He himself noted that the Corps ‘brought me in close touch with suffering Indians, most of them indentured Tamil, Telegu or North Indian men’. [67] They did the same work: ‘the work for them was the same as for ourselves and as we were all to live together, they were highly pleased at the prospect, and the management of the entire Corps naturally passed into our hands.’ [68] The word ‘naturally’ points to another important feature of Gandhi’s politics, namely, that the masses had to rely on their leaders for guidance, a strategy that he implemented successfully in India. [69]

Gandhi went on to say that as a result of the Corps, the ‘Indian community became better organized. I got into closer touch with the indentured Indians. There came a greater awakening amongst them, and the feeling that Hindus, Musalmans, Christians, Tamilians, Gujaratis and Sindhis were all Indians and children of the same Motherland took deep root amongst them’. [70] As a result of his understanding that the plight of Indians was the same, and that those from different areas had to be brought together, a more mature Gandhi returned to India, alert to the plight of the underclasses, and one who abhorred communal differences. Thus, when Gandhi wrote that the ‘whole Corps was described as the Indian Corps, and the community received credit for its work,’ [71] he was expressing the view that at the micro level a sense of community had been achieved, a collectivity that he made every effort to build nationally when he returned to India. From this experience, and others in South Africa, Gandhi learned to be Indian. This was a significant development because there was nothing ‘originary’ or ‘authentic’ about ‘Indianness’ in this period given the fact that ‘India’ was not a ‘coherent political category’. [72] Gandhi was in a unique situation. He had what van der Veer refers to as a ‘vivid migration experience’. He was able to see his society ‘from the outside with the eyes of “the other,” yet still experience a marginality and strangeness that was enhanced by colonial discrimination’. This led to a ‘bold personal transformation’ in Gandhi, which had ‘paradigmatic significance for the society at large’. [73]

Loyalty Un-Rewarded

The blatantly racist attitude of the DTC in failing to assist Indian refugees did not dampen Gandhi’s faith in Empire. On the contrary, when the British relieved Ladysmith, Gandhi and the NIC held a public meeting to ‘demonstrate their loyalty to the Crown’. The sixty white guests included B W Greenacre, Member of the Natal Legislative Assembly, W Broome, borough magistrate, and J Nicol, mayor of Durban. Sir John Robinson, first Prime Minister of Natal, was guest speaker. According to Robinson the services of Gandhi and the volunteers ‘redounds to the credit and patriotism of all of you’. The NIC congratulated the British generals for their ‘brilliant victory in the face of insurmountable difficulties, thus vindicating the might of the British Empire and valour of the British soldier’. [74] For the NIC the distinguished ‘representatives of the West assembled on a common platform with the sons of the East to respond to a call of duty owed to a common Sovereign… showed that the proud boast of an Empire in which millions of Her Majesty’s subjects lived in harmony and contentment was being realized’. Gandhi added that Indians ‘would have failed in their duty to themselves if they had not given expression to their feelings. It was the Indians proudest boast that they were British subjects. If they were not, they would have had a footing in South Africa’. [75]

As far as Gandhi was concerned the hive of activity by whites and Indians during the war showed their ‘intense attachment to the Throne. There is no mistaking the sign of the wave of Imperial unity’. [76] Whites had to be made to see the error of their ways: ‘If only the European Colonists could be induced to see that their attachment would be incomplete unless justice was done to the Indian, they would not fail to respond’. [77] For Gandhi the signs were encouraging. During the first half of 1900 there was a famine in India. A Committee was formed in Durban to raise funds. It included the Governor as patron, the Mayor of Durban was chairman and the Protector of Indian Immigrants was honorary treasurer. An Indian was honorary secretary. The Committee raised around £2000. For Gandhi, such ‘a combination would have been impossible a year ago’. [78]

There was no basis for Gandhi’s optimism. Both the local state and the British remained anti-Indian. Between October 1899 and July 1900, a Durban Relief Committee under the chairmanship of Deputy Mayor J Ellis Brown spent £50,000 feeding and clothing 12,000 white refugees, while the Durban Town Council provided relief work for unemployed whites. Yet no relief was provided for 4,000 Indian refugees in Durban. [79] The responsibility of taking care of Indian refugees was left to their relatives and Indian merchants. Nicol, mayor of Durban, acknowledged their contribution when he wrote that ‘they [Indians] had taken the refugees ‘amongst themselves, and borne the burden of maintenance at their own expense’. [80] Another example of the anti-Indian sentiment is provided by the issue of the ‘Queen’s Chocolate’ that was given as a gift to soldiers. Gandhi wrote to the Colonial Secretary in February 1900 to request this item for leaders of the Ambulance Corp who had ‘volunteered without pay’ and who would ‘prize it as a treasure’. [81] The Colonial Secretary refused because the chocolate was for non-commissioned officers and men only. [82] When Gandhi wrote to the Government in June 1900 for 'discharges' for Indian bearers similar to those given to whites, Clarence refused because he felt that ‘political capital will be made of it, and business advantages accrue…. I am sure of one thing: It will be used as a lever’. [83] Volunteers were belatedly given silver medals, even then, around eight of them never received medals. [84]

The attitudes of whites had not changed towards Indians because of their participation in the war. Whites remained as determined as ever to maintain the race and class order. Although the British were in a position to end racist practices in Natal and Transvaal, and enable Indians to enter the OFS, the contrary was the case. British statesmen allowed the English in Natal and the Boers in the Transvaal and OFS to subjugate Indians politically and economically during the post-war period, a process that culminated in their exclusion from the polity when the Union of South Africa came into being in 1910. When he became embroiled in the struggle for redress in the Transvaal during the post-war period Gandhi attained a fuller understanding of Empire and the second-class status of the colonised. It was during this period that Gandhi developed his technique of satyagraha, a form of resistance to injustice that contained psychological liberation because it was intended to end people’s fear and make them see the right in their actions. [85]

Conclusion: The Limits of Victorian Britishness

The South African experience profoundly transformed Gandhi. The Gandhi who left South Africa in 1914 was very different to the Gandhi who had arrived in Natal in 1893. The most obvious difference was in his external appearance. He had shed his Western dress for a loincloth. From an ethico-religious point of view, he had renounced sex, began living communally as an ashram dweller and gave up all personal possessions. [86] There were changes in his politics and tactics of resistance as well. Gandhi lost faith in notion of an Empire embracing the coloniser and the colonised. He understood that there were clearly defined limits to Victorian Britishness as long as colonialism endured. E M Foster makes this point very lucidly in the closing paragraph of ‘A Passage to India’ when he writes that Fielding and Aziz, coloniser and colonized, could not be friends until the Indians had driven:

Every blasted Englishman in the sea… The horses didn’t want it  - they swerved apart; the earth didn’t want it, sending up rocks through which riders must pass single file; the temples, the tank, the jail, the palace, the birds, the carrion, the Guest House…: they didn’t want it, they said in their hundred voices, ‘No, not yet,’ and the sky said, ‘No, not there.’ [87]

As a result of unfair treatment by the British, Gandhi moved from petition politics to the politics of passive resistance. Unlike his outlook at the start of the war, when he was loyal to the British Empire, he came to see colonial rule as unjust and understood the limits to Britishness. Reflecting on this period during the 1920s, Gandhi wrote: ‘If I had today the faith in the British empire which I then entertained, and if I now cherished the hope, which I did at that time, of achieving our freedom under its aegis, I would advance the same arguments’, showing both the deep seated attachment to Empire and the shedding of that attachment. [88]

According to van der Veer colonialism and nationalism were closely intertwined, producing ‘reified national cultures both in the colonies and “at home”’. European colonial expansion stimulated nationalism and the idea of territorially bounded national communities among colonised peoples. [89] In colonial countries nationalism was premised on opposition to alien rule. As Benedict Anderson has pointed out, in the absence of big merchants, native agrarian magnates, industrial entrepreneurs and a significant professional class, the intelligentsia was central to the rise of nationalism in the colonies. [90] This bilingual educated class had access to the ‘models of nationalism, nation-ness, and nation-state produced elsewhere in the course of the nineteenth century’. [91] It allowed, according to Anthony Barnett, ‘the intellectuals to say to their fellow-speakers[of the indigenous vernaculars] that “we” can be like “them”’. [92] Although the British had intended to produce a class of docile civil servants, their policy of limited liberal assimilation had profound deleterious consequences for them. By ‘whetting’ the appetite of the educated elite for government service without satisfying it, the government ‘bred a class of seditious trouble-makers which was inclined to spread discontent and raise the standard of revolt’. [93] Gandhi represented this class of Indian, though his transition to ‘seditious trouble-maker’ was a long process. Gandhi’s education in England exposed him to ‘models of nationalism’ while the racist treatment that he endured firsthand in South Africa despite proclaiming his loyalty to the British Empire, made him understand that Indians were the ‘other’ of the British, and could only achieve independence outside of Empire.

[1] See J T F Jordens, Gandhi’s Religion. A Homespun Shawl, (New York: St. Martin’s Press Inc., 1998) ↵

[2] Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities. Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism, (London: Verso, 1983) ↵

[3] Anderson, Imagined Communities, 113 ↵

[4] H Woodrow ed., The Indian Educational Minute of Lord Macaulay, (Calcutta: Ajanta International, 1865), 6 ↵

[5] M K Gandhi, The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi, Vol. 1, (Government of India: Publication House, 1958), 53-4 ↵

[6] Jordens, Gandhi’s Religion, 9 ; For a full account of Gandhi’s London experience see James D Hunt, Gandhi in London, (New Delhi : Promilla & Co., 1993) ↵

[7] Judith M Brown, Gandhi. Prisoner of Hope, (London: Yale University Press, 1989), 23 ↵

[8] F Meer ed. The South African Gandhi. An Abstract of the Speeches and Writings of M. K. Gandhi, 1893-1914, (Durban : Madiba Publishers/Institute For Black Research, 1996), 32 ↵

[9] M Swan, Gandhi. The South African Experience, (Johannesburg: Ravan Press, 1985), 185 ↵

[10] S Bhana and J Brain, Setting Down Roots. Indian Migrants in South Africa, 1860-1911, (Johannesburg: Witwatersrand University Press, 1990), 78 ↵

[11]  Bhana and  Brain, Setting Down Roots, 99 ↵

[12] Bhana and Brain, Setting Down Roots, 123 ↵

[13] For details see Bhana and Brain, Setting Down Roots; B Pillay, British Indians in the Transvaal: Trade, Race Relations and Imperial Policy in the Republican and Colonial Transvaal (London: Longman, 1977) and B Pachai, The International Aspects of the South African Indian Question, 1860-1971 (Cape Town: Struik, 1971) ↵

[14] The Wragg Commission of 1885,  in Y S Meer et al, Documents of Indentured Labour in Natal 1851-1917, (Durban: Institute for Black Research, 1980), 131 ↵

[15] M W Swanson, ‘The Asiatic Menace: Creating Segregation in Durban, 1870-1900’, in International Journal of African Historical Studies, 16, 3 (1983): 401-421, 421 ↵

[16] See S Bhana, Gandhi’s Legacy. The Natal Indian Congress, 1894-1994, (Pietermaritzburg: University of Natal Press, 1997), Chapter One ↵

[17] Swan, Gandhi, 76 ↵

[18] This proclamation guaranteed to safeguard the interests of the ‘natives’ of India in the same manner that white subjects of the British Empire were protected.  Swan, Gandhi, 84 ↵

[19] Meer, South African Gandhi, 207-220 ↵

[20] Report of the Indian Immigration Trust Board of Natal, 1900, 1 ↵

[21] “Times of India”, 9 December 1899, in Collected Works, Vol. III,  (hereafter CW), 119 ↵

[22] “Natal Mercury”, 18 October 1899 ↵

[23] Letter from Gandhi to Select persons, 16 September 1899, CW, 111 ↵

[24] “Times of India”, 9 December 1899, CW, 120 ↵

[25] M K Gandhi, Satyagraha in South Africa. Translated by Valji Govindji Desai (Ahmedabad: Navajivan Publishing House, 1928), 73 ↵

[26] Gandhi, Satyagraha, 72 ↵

[27] Gandhi, Satyagraha, 72 ↵

[28] Letter from Gandhi to select persons, 16 September 1899. In  Gandhi, CW, 111 ↵

[29] “Times of India”, 9 December 1899, in Gandhi, CW, 120 ↵

[30] Gandhi, Satyagraha, 71 ↵

[31] Gandhi, Satyagraha, 72 ↵

[32] Gandhi, Satyagraha, 72 ↵

[33] Gandhi, Satygraha, 72 ↵

[34] Ruth Lindborg, ‘The “Asiatic” and the Boundaries of Victorian Englishness’, in Victorian Studies, (Spring 1994), 381-404: 401 ↵

[35] Lindborg, ‘Boundaries of Victorian Englishness’, 383 ↵

[36] See Ranajit Guha, ‘Dominance Without Hegemony and Its Historiography,’ Subaltern Studies 6, (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1989). ↵

[37] Natal Archives Repository (hereafter NAR), Colonial Secretary’s Office (hereafter CSO), Vol. 1632, 8047/1899, Gandhi to Colonial Secretary, 19 October 1899 ↵

[38] NAR, CSO, Vol. 1632, 8047/1899, Gandhi to Colonial Secretary, 19 October 1899 ↵

[39] “Times of India”, 9 December 1899, CW, 120 ↵

[40] NAR, CSO, Vol. 1632, 8047/1899, Principal Under-Secretary to Gandhi, 23 October 1899 ↵

[41] NAR, CSO, Vol. 1632, 8047/1899, Gandhi to Colonial Secretary, 24 October 1899 ↵

[42] Gandhi to William Palmer, Secretary, Durban Women’s Patriotic League, 17 November 1899, CW, 121. ↵

[43] “Times of India”, 14 March, 1900, in CW, 140 ↵

[44] NAR,  (Public Works Department (hereafter PWD), Vol. 1633, 4964/1900, Barnes, Chief Engineer, to Griffin, Accounting Department, 30 January 1900 ↵

[45] Gandhi, Satyagraha, 71 ↵

[46] NAR, CSO, Vol. 1632, 9294/99, L Booth to Principal Under-Secretary, 4 December 1899 ↵

[47] Gandhi, Satyagraha, 74 ↵

[48] NAR, CSO, Vol. 1633, 9588/1899, Gandhi to Colonial Secretary, 15 December 1899 ↵

[49] Gandhi to Colonial Secretary, 4 December 1899, CW, 127 ↵

[50] “Times of India”, 16 June 1900, CW, 141 ↵

[51] “Times of India”, 14 March 1900, CW, 140 ↵

[52] “Natal Mercury”, 14 December 1899 ↵

[53] NAR, PWD, Vol. 2/71, 4694/99, Gallwey to Barnes, 22 December 1899 ↵

[54] NAR, PWD, Vol. 2/71, 5117/1899, Barnes to Gallwey, 23 December 1899 ↵

[55] “Times of India”, 16 June 1900, in CW, 138-139 ↵

[56] “Times of India”, 16 June 1900, in CW, 140 ↵

[57] Partha Chatterjee, ‘Gandhi and the Critique of Civil Society’, in Ranjit Guha ed., Subaltern Studies III, (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1984), 153-195, 186 ↵

[58] “Times of India”, 16 June 1900, in CW, 188 ↵

[59] “The Englishman”, 28 January 1902, CW, 223 ↵

[60] Third of the Pandava princes to whom Lord Krishna expounded the Gita ↵

[61] “The Englishman”, 28 January 1902, CW, 223 ↵

[62] Gandhi, Satyagraha, 71 ↵

[63] Gandhi, Satyagraha, 74 ↵

[64] Narayan, Selected Works, 301 ↵

[65] This is Swan’s hypothesis in her study of Gandhi ↵

[66] Gandhi, Satyagraha, 76 ↵

[67] Narayan, Selected Works, 301 ↵

[68] Gandhi, Satyagraha, 76 ↵

[69] For example, after agitation against the Rowlatt Bill in 1919, Gandhi was asked by the Disorders Inquiry Committee whether the masses should accept the judgement of others equipped with better intellectual faculties. He replied: ‘Naturally, but I think that this is human nature… Certainly, he would have to follow somebody. The masses will have to choose their leaders most decidedly.’ In Chatterjee, ‘Critique of Civil Society’, 184 ↵

[70] Narayan, Selected Works, 301 ↵

[71] Gandhi, Satyagraha, 76 ↵

[72] Antoinette M Burton, At the Heart of Empire. Indians and the Colonial Encounter in Late Victorian Britain, (Berkeley : University of California Press, 1998), 19-20 ↵

[73] van der Veer, Nations and Migrants, 5 ↵

[74] “Natal Mercury”, 15 March 1900 ↵

[75] “Natal Advertiser”, 15 March 1900 ↵

[76] “Times of India”, 9 December 1899, CW, 119 ↵

[77] “Times of India”, 9 December 1899, CW, 119 ↵

[78] “Times of India”, 16 September 1900, in CW, 161 ↵

[79] Mayor’s Minute, 1899, 28 ↵

[80] “Natal Mercury”, 15 March 1900 ↵

[81] NAR, CSO, Vol. 1641, 1462/1900, Gandhi to Colonial Secretary, 22 February 1900 ↵

[82] NAR, CSO, Vol. 1641, 1462/1900, Colonial Secretary to Gandhi, 9 March 1900 ↵

[83] NAR, PWD, Vol. 2179, 2458/1900, Clarence to Barnes, 14 July 1900 ↵

[84] Nazar to Gandhi, 13 May 1903, in S Bhana and J Hunt, Gandhi’s Editor. The Letters of M. H. Nazar, 1902-1903, (New Delhi: Pomilla & Co., 1989), 36 ↵

[85] A J Parel, ‘The Origins of Hind Swaraj’, in J M Brown and M Pruzesky eds, Gandhi and South Africa: Principles and Politics, (Pietermaritzburg: University of Natal Press, 1996, 35-68), 41 ↵

[86] Jordens, Gandhi’s Religion, 24 ↵

[87] Quoted in Nicholas B Dirks ed, Colonialism and Culture, (Ann Arbor: Michigan, 1992), 2 ↵

[88] Gandhi, Satyagraha, 73 ↵

[89] P van der Veer, Nation and Migration. The Politics of Space in the South Asian Diaspora, (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania, 1995), 3 ↵

[90] Anderson, Imagined Communities, (London: Verso, 1991) 116 ↵

[91] Anderson, Imagined Communities, 116 ↵

[92] In Anderson, Imagined Communities, 116 ↵

[93] T V Sathyamurthi, ‘Victorians, socialization and imperialism: consequences for post-imperial India’, in J A Mangan ed., Making Imperial Mentalities. Socialisatin and British Imperialism, (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1990), 110-126, 116 ↵

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Mahatma Gandhi

By: History.com Editors

Updated: June 6, 2019 | Original: July 30, 2010

Revered the world over for his nonviolent philosophy of passive resistance, Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi was known to his many followers as Mahatma, or “the great-souled one.” He began his activism as an Indian immigrant in South Africa in the early 1900s, and in the years following World War I became the leading figure in India’s struggle to gain independence from Great Britain. Known for his ascetic lifestyle–he often dressed only in a loincloth and shawl–and devout Hindu faith, Gandhi was imprisoned several times during his pursuit of non-cooperation, and undertook a number of hunger strikes to protest the oppression of India’s poorest classes, among other injustices. After Partition in 1947, he continued to work toward peace between Hindus and Muslims. Gandhi was shot to death in Delhi in January 1948 by a Hindu fundamentalist.

Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi was born on October 2, 1869, at Porbandar, in the present-day Indian state of Gujarat. His father was the dewan (chief minister) of Porbandar; his deeply religious mother was a devoted practitioner of Vaishnavism (worship of the Hindu god Vishnu), influenced by Jainism, an ascetic religion governed by tenets of self-discipline and nonviolence. At the age of 19, Mohandas left home to study law in London at the Inner Temple, one of the city’s four law colleges. Upon returning to India in mid-1891, he set up a law practice in Bombay, but met with little success. He soon accepted a position with an Indian firm that sent him to its office in South Africa. Along with his wife, Kasturbai, and their children, Gandhi remained in South Africa for nearly 20 years.

Did you know? In the famous Salt March of April-May 1930, thousands of Indians followed Gandhi from Ahmadabad to the Arabian Sea. The march resulted in the arrest of nearly 60,000 people, including Gandhi himself.

Gandhi was appalled by the discrimination he experienced as an Indian immigrant in South Africa. When a European magistrate in Durban asked him to take off his turban, he refused and left the courtroom. On a train voyage to Pretoria, he was thrown out of a first-class railway compartment and beaten up by a white stagecoach driver after refusing to give up his seat for a European passenger. That train journey served as a turning point for Gandhi, and he soon began developing and teaching the concept of satyagraha (“truth and firmness”), or passive resistance, as a way of non-cooperation with authorities.

The Birth of Passive Resistance

In 1906, after the Transvaal government passed an ordinance regarding the registration of its Indian population, Gandhi led a campaign of civil disobedience that would last for the next eight years. During its final phase in 1913, hundreds of Indians living in South Africa, including women, went to jail, and thousands of striking Indian miners were imprisoned, flogged and even shot. Finally, under pressure from the British and Indian governments, the government of South Africa accepted a compromise negotiated by Gandhi and General Jan Christian Smuts, which included important concessions such as the recognition of Indian marriages and the abolition of the existing poll tax for Indians.

In July 1914, Gandhi left South Africa to return to India. He supported the British war effort in World War I but remained critical of colonial authorities for measures he felt were unjust. In 1919, Gandhi launched an organized campaign of passive resistance in response to Parliament’s passage of the Rowlatt Acts, which gave colonial authorities emergency powers to suppress subversive activities. He backed off after violence broke out–including the massacre by British-led soldiers of some 400 Indians attending a meeting at Amritsar–but only temporarily, and by 1920 he was the most visible figure in the movement for Indian independence.

Leader of a Movement

As part of his nonviolent non-cooperation campaign for home rule, Gandhi stressed the importance of economic independence for India. He particularly advocated the manufacture of khaddar, or homespun cloth, in order to replace imported textiles from Britain. Gandhi’s eloquence and embrace of an ascetic lifestyle based on prayer, fasting and meditation earned him the reverence of his followers, who called him Mahatma (Sanskrit for “the great-souled one”). Invested with all the authority of the Indian National Congress (INC or Congress Party), Gandhi turned the independence movement into a massive organization, leading boycotts of British manufacturers and institutions representing British influence in India, including legislatures and schools.

After sporadic violence broke out, Gandhi announced the end of the resistance movement, to the dismay of his followers. British authorities arrested Gandhi in March 1922 and tried him for sedition; he was sentenced to six years in prison but was released in 1924 after undergoing an operation for appendicitis. He refrained from active participation in politics for the next several years, but in 1930 launched a new civil disobedience campaign against the colonial government’s tax on salt, which greatly affected Indian’s poorest citizens.

A Divided Movement

In 1931, after British authorities made some concessions, Gandhi again called off the resistance movement and agreed to represent the Congress Party at the Round Table Conference in London. Meanwhile, some of his party colleagues–particularly Mohammed Ali Jinnah, a leading voice for India’s Muslim minority–grew frustrated with Gandhi’s methods, and what they saw as a lack of concrete gains. Arrested upon his return by a newly aggressive colonial government, Gandhi began a series of hunger strikes in protest of the treatment of India’s so-called “untouchables” (the poorer classes), whom he renamed Harijans, or “children of God.” The fasting caused an uproar among his followers and resulted in swift reforms by the Hindu community and the government.

In 1934, Gandhi announced his retirement from politics in, as well as his resignation from the Congress Party, in order to concentrate his efforts on working within rural communities. Drawn back into the political fray by the outbreak of World War II , Gandhi again took control of the INC, demanding a British withdrawal from India in return for Indian cooperation with the war effort. Instead, British forces imprisoned the entire Congress leadership, bringing Anglo-Indian relations to a new low point.

Partition and Death of Gandhi

After the Labor Party took power in Britain in 1947, negotiations over Indian home rule began between the British, the Congress Party and the Muslim League (now led by Jinnah). Later that year, Britain granted India its independence but split the country into two dominions: India and Pakistan. Gandhi strongly opposed Partition, but he agreed to it in hopes that after independence Hindus and Muslims could achieve peace internally. Amid the massive riots that followed Partition, Gandhi urged Hindus and Muslims to live peacefully together, and undertook a hunger strike until riots in Calcutta ceased.

In January 1948, Gandhi carried out yet another fast, this time to bring about peace in the city of Delhi. On January 30, 12 days after that fast ended, Gandhi was on his way to an evening prayer meeting in Delhi when he was shot to death by Nathuram Godse, a Hindu fanatic enraged by Mahatma’s efforts to negotiate with Jinnah and other Muslims. The next day, roughly 1 million people followed the procession as Gandhi’s body was carried in state through the streets of the city and cremated on the banks of the holy Jumna River.

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Three Gandhi in South Africa

• Published: October 2004
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This essay examines the influence of Mahatma Gandhi’s travel to South Africa on his beliefs and career. His days in South Africa were ‘the best part of his life’; this was also the most formative period of his career. The essay suggests that without his South African experience, it is unlikely that Gandhi’s personality and politics could have been cast in the unique mould which made him one of the most charismatic and creative leaders of the twentieth century. It argues that it was not only Gandhi’s politics, but also his personality that was shaped in South Africa because without the inner transformation he underwent there, he could scarcely have acquired the remarkable qualities of leadership that made him the dominant figure in Indian politics.

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Biography Online

Mahatma Gandhi Biography

Mahatma Gandhi was a prominent Indian political leader who was a leading figure in the campaign for Indian independence. He employed non-violent principles and peaceful disobedience as a means to achieve his goal. He was assassinated in 1948, shortly after achieving his life goal of Indian independence. In India, he is known as ‘Father of the Nation’.

“When I despair, I remember that all through history the ways of truth and love have always won. There have been tyrants, and murderers, and for a time they can seem invincible, but in the end they always fall. Think of it–always.”

Short Biography of Mahatma Gandhi

Around this time, he also studied the Bible and was struck by the teachings of Jesus Christ  – especially the emphasis on humility and forgiveness. He remained committed to the Bible and Bhagavad Gita throughout his life, though he was critical of aspects of both religions.

Gandhi in South Africa

On completing his degree in Law, Gandhi returned to India, where he was soon sent to South Africa to practise law. In South Africa, Gandhi was struck by the level of racial discrimination and injustice often experienced by Indians. In 1893, he was thrown off a train at the railway station in Pietermaritzburg after a white man complained about Gandhi travelling in first class. This experience was a pivotal moment for Gandhi and he began to represent other Indias who experienced discrimination. As a lawyer he was in high demand and soon he became the unofficial leader for Indians in South Africa. It was in South Africa that Gandhi first experimented with campaigns of civil disobedience and protest; he called his non-violent protests satyagraha . Despite being imprisoned for short periods of time, he also supported the British under certain conditions. During the Boer war, he served as a medic and stretcher-bearer. He felt that by doing his patriotic duty it would make the government more amenable to demands for fair treatment. Gandhi was at the Battle of Spion serving as a medic. An interesting historical anecdote, is that at this battle was also Winston Churchill and Louis Botha (future head of South Africa) He was decorated by the British for his efforts during the Boer War and Zulu rebellion.

Gandhi and Indian Independence

After 21 years in South Africa, Gandhi returned to India in 1915. He became the leader of the Indian nationalist movement campaigning for home rule or Swaraj .

Gandhi also encouraged his followers to practise inner discipline to get ready for independence. Gandhi said the Indians had to prove they were deserving of independence. This is in contrast to independence leaders such as Aurobindo Ghose , who argued that Indian independence was not about whether India would offer better or worse government, but that it was the right for India to have self-government.

Gandhi also clashed with others in the Indian independence movement such as Subhas Chandra Bose who advocated direct action to overthrow the British.

Gandhi frequently called off strikes and non-violent protest if he heard people were rioting or violence was involved.

In 1930, Gandhi led a famous march to the sea in protest at the new Salt Acts. In the sea, they made their own salt, in violation of British regulations. Many hundreds were arrested and Indian jails were full of Indian independence followers.

“With this I’m shaking the foundations of the British Empire.”

– Gandhi – after holding up a cup of salt at the end of the salt march.

However, whilst the campaign was at its peak some Indian protesters killed some British civilians, and as a result, Gandhi called off the independence movement saying that India was not ready. This broke the heart of many Indians committed to independence. It led to radicals like Bhagat Singh carrying on the campaign for independence, which was particularly strong in Bengal.

In 1931, Gandhi was invited to London to begin talks with the British government on greater self-government for India, but remaining a British colony. During his three month stay, he declined the government’s offer of a free hotel room, preferring to stay with the poor in the East End of London. During the talks, Gandhi opposed the British suggestions of dividing India along communal lines as he felt this would divide a nation which was ethnically mixed. However, at the summit, the British also invited other leaders of India, such as BR Ambedkar and representatives of the Sikhs and Muslims. Although the dominant personality of Indian independence, he could not always speak for the entire nation.

Gandhi’s humour and wit

During this trip, he visited King George in Buckingham Palace, one apocryphal story which illustrates Gandhi’s wit was the question by the king – what do you think of Western civilisation? To which Gandhi replied

“It would be a good idea.”

Gandhi wore a traditional Indian dress, even whilst visiting the king. It led Winston Churchill to make the disparaging remark about the half naked fakir. When Gandhi was asked if was sufficiently dressed to meet the king, Gandhi replied

“The king was wearing clothes enough for both of us.”

Gandhi once said he if did not have a sense of humour he would have committed suicide along time ago.

Gandhi and the Partition of India

After the war, Britain indicated that they would give India independence. However, with the support of the Muslims led by Jinnah, the British planned to partition India into two: India and Pakistan. Ideologically Gandhi was opposed to partition. He worked vigorously to show that Muslims and Hindus could live together peacefully. At his prayer meetings, Muslim prayers were read out alongside Hindu and Christian prayers. However, Gandhi agreed to the partition and spent the day of Independence in prayer mourning the partition. Even Gandhi’s fasts and appeals were insufficient to prevent the wave of sectarian violence and killing that followed the partition.

Away from the politics of Indian independence, Gandhi was harshly critical of the Hindu Caste system. In particular, he inveighed against the ‘untouchable’ caste, who were treated abysmally by society. He launched many campaigns to change the status of untouchables. Although his campaigns were met with much resistance, they did go a long way to changing century-old prejudices.

At the age of 78, Gandhi undertook another fast to try and prevent the sectarian killing. After 5 days, the leaders agreed to stop killing. But ten days later Gandhi was shot dead by a Hindu Brahmin opposed to Gandhi’s support for Muslims and the untouchables.

Gandhi and Religion

Gandhi was a seeker of the truth.

“In the attitude of silence the soul finds the path in a clearer light, and what is elusive and deceptive resolves itself into crystal clearness. Our life is a long and arduous quest after Truth.”

Gandhi said his great aim in life was to have a vision of God. He sought to worship God and promote religious understanding. He sought inspiration from many different religions: Jainism, Islam, Christianity, Hinduism, Buddhism and incorporated them into his own philosophy.

On several occasions, he used religious practices and fasting as part of his political approach. Gandhi felt that personal example could influence public opinion.

“When every hope is gone, ‘when helpers fail and comforts flee,’ I find that help arrives somehow, from I know not where. Supplication, worship, prayer are no superstition; they are acts more real than the acts of eating, drinking, sitting or walking. It is no exaggeration to say that they alone are real, all else is unreal.”

– Gandhi Autobiography – The Story of My Experiments with Truth

Citation: Pettinger, Tejvan . “ Biography of Mahatma Gandhi” , Oxford, UK.  www.biographyonline.net 12th Jan 2011. Last updated 1 Feb 2020.

The Essential Gandhi

The Essential Gandhi: An Anthology of His Writings on His Life, Work, and Ideas at Amazon

Gandhi: An Autobiography – The Story of My Experiments With Truth at Amazon

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He stood out in his time in history. Non violence as he practised it was part of his spiritual learning usedvas a political tool. How can one say he wasn’t a good lawyer or he wasn’t a good leader when he had such a following and he was part of the negotiations thar brought about Indian Independance? I just dipped into this ti find out about the salt march.:)

• February 09, 2019 9:31 AM
• By Lakmali Gunawardena

mahatma gandhi was a good person but he wasn’t all good because when he freed the indian empire the partition grew between the muslims and they fought .this didn’t happen much when the british empire was in control because muslims and hindus had a common enemy to unite against.

I am not saying the british empire was a good thing.

• January 01, 2019 3:24 PM
• By marcus carpenter

Dear very nice information Gandhi ji always inspired us thanks a lot.

• October 01, 2018 1:40 PM

FATHER OF NATION

• June 03, 2018 8:34 AM

Gandhi was a lawyer who did not make a good impression as a lawyer. His success and influence was mediocre in law religion and politics. He rose to prominence by chance. He was neither a good lawyer or a leader circumstances conspired at a time in history for him to stand out as an astute leader both in South Africa and in India. The British were unable to control the tidal wave of independence in all the countries they ruled at that time. Gandhi was astute enough to seize the opportunity and used non violence as a tool which had no teeth but caused sufficient concern for the British to negotiate and hand over territories which they had milked dry.

• February 09, 2018 2:30 PM
• By A S Cassim

By being “astute enough to seize the opportunity” and not being pushed down/ defeated by an Empire, would you agree this is actually the reason why Gandhi made a good impression as a leader? Also, despite his mediocre success and influence as you mentioned, would you agree the outcome of his accomplishments are clearly a demonstration he actually was relevant to law, religion and politics?

• November 23, 2018 12:45 AM

Mahatma Gandhi

Mahatma Gandhi was the primary leader of India’s independence movement and also the architect of a form of non-violent civil disobedience that would influence the world. He was assassinated by Hindu extremist Nathuram Godse.

(1869-1948)

Who Was Mahatma Gandhi?

Mahatma Gandhi was the leader of India’s non-violent independence movement against British rule and in South Africa who advocated for the civil rights of Indians. Born in Porbandar, India, Gandhi studied law and organized boycotts against British institutions in peaceful forms of civil disobedience. He was killed by a fanatic in 1948.

Early Life and Education

Indian nationalist leader Gandhi (born Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi) was born on October 2, 1869, in Porbandar, Kathiawar, India, which was then part of the British Empire.

Gandhi’s father, Karamchand Gandhi, served as a chief minister in Porbandar and other states in western India. His mother, Putlibai, was a deeply religious woman who fasted regularly.

Young Gandhi was a shy, unremarkable student who was so timid that he slept with the lights on even as a teenager. In the ensuing years, the teenager rebelled by smoking, eating meat and stealing change from household servants.

Although Gandhi was interested in becoming a doctor, his father hoped he would also become a government minister and steered him to enter the legal profession. In 1888, 18-year-old Gandhi sailed for London, England, to study law. The young Indian struggled with the transition to Western culture.

Upon returning to India in 1891, Gandhi learned that his mother had died just weeks earlier. He struggled to gain his footing as a lawyer. In his first courtroom case, a nervous Gandhi blanked when the time came to cross-examine a witness. He immediately fled the courtroom after reimbursing his client for his legal fees.

Gandhi’s Religion and Beliefs

Gandhi grew up worshiping the Hindu god Vishnu and following Jainism, a morally rigorous ancient Indian religion that espoused non-violence, fasting, meditation and vegetarianism.

During Gandhi’s first stay in London, from 1888 to 1891, he became more committed to a meatless diet, joining the executive committee of the London Vegetarian Society, and started to read a variety of sacred texts to learn more about world religions.

Living in South Africa, Gandhi continued to study world religions. “The religious spirit within me became a living force,” he wrote of his time there. He immersed himself in sacred Hindu spiritual texts and adopted a life of simplicity, austerity, fasting and celibacy that was free of material goods.

Gandhi in South Africa

After struggling to find work as a lawyer in India, Gandhi obtained a one-year contract to perform legal services in South Africa. In April 1893, he sailed for Durban in the South African state of Natal.

When Gandhi arrived in South Africa, he was quickly appalled by the discrimination and racial segregation faced by Indian immigrants at the hands of white British and Boer authorities. Upon his first appearance in a Durban courtroom, Gandhi was asked to remove his turban. He refused and left the court instead. The Natal Advertiser mocked him in print as “an unwelcome visitor.”

Nonviolent Civil Disobedience

A seminal moment occurred on June 7, 1893, during a train trip to Pretoria, South Africa, when a white man objected to Gandhi’s presence in the first-class railway compartment, although he had a ticket. Refusing to move to the back of the train, Gandhi was forcibly removed and thrown off the train at a station in Pietermaritzburg.

Gandhi’s act of civil disobedience awoke in him a determination to devote himself to fighting the “deep disease of color prejudice.” He vowed that night to “try, if possible, to root out the disease and suffer hardships in the process.”

From that night forward, the small, unassuming man would grow into a giant force for civil rights. Gandhi formed the Natal Indian Congress in 1894 to fight discrimination.

Gandhi prepared to return to India at the end of his year-long contract until he learned, at his farewell party, of a bill before the Natal Legislative Assembly that would deprive Indians of the right to vote. Fellow immigrants convinced Gandhi to stay and lead the fight against the legislation. Although Gandhi could not prevent the law’s passage, he drew international attention to the injustice.

After a brief trip to India in late 1896 and early 1897, Gandhi returned to South Africa with his wife and children. Gandhi ran a thriving legal practice, and at the outbreak of the Boer War, he raised an all-Indian ambulance corps of 1,100 volunteers to support the British cause, arguing that if Indians expected to have full rights of citizenship in the British Empire, they also needed to shoulder their responsibilities.

In 1906, Gandhi organized his first mass civil-disobedience campaign, which he called “Satyagraha” (“truth and firmness”), in reaction to the South African Transvaal government’s new restrictions on the rights of Indians, including the refusal to recognize Hindu marriages.

After years of protests, the government imprisoned hundreds of Indians in 1913, including Gandhi. Under pressure, the South African government accepted a compromise negotiated by Gandhi and General Jan Christian Smuts that included recognition of Hindu marriages and the abolition of a poll tax for Indians.

Return to India

In 1915 Gandhi founded an ashram in Ahmedabad, India, that was open to all castes. Wearing a simple loincloth and shawl, Gandhi lived an austere life devoted to prayer, fasting and meditation. He became known as “Mahatma,” which means “great soul.”

Opposition to British Rule in India

In 1919, with India still under the firm control of the British, Gandhi had a political reawakening when the newly enacted Rowlatt Act authorized British authorities to imprison people suspected of sedition without trial. In response, Gandhi called for a Satyagraha campaign of peaceful protests and strikes.

Violence broke out instead, which culminated on April 13, 1919, in the Massacre of Amritsar. Troops led by British Brigadier General Reginald Dyer fired machine guns into a crowd of unarmed demonstrators and killed nearly 400 people.

No longer able to pledge allegiance to the British government, Gandhi returned the medals he earned for his military service in South Africa and opposed Britain’s mandatory military draft of Indians to serve in World War I.

Gandhi became a leading figure in the Indian home-rule movement. Calling for mass boycotts, he urged government officials to stop working for the Crown, students to stop attending government schools, soldiers to leave their posts and citizens to stop paying taxes and purchasing British goods.

Rather than buy British-manufactured clothes, he began to use a portable spinning wheel to produce his own cloth. The spinning wheel soon became a symbol of Indian independence and self-reliance.

Gandhi assumed the leadership of the Indian National Congress and advocated a policy of non-violence and non-cooperation to achieve home rule.

After British authorities arrested Gandhi in 1922, he pleaded guilty to three counts of sedition. Although sentenced to a six-year imprisonment, Gandhi was released in February 1924 after appendicitis surgery.

He discovered upon his release that relations between India’s Hindus and Muslims devolved during his time in jail. When violence between the two religious groups flared again, Gandhi began a three-week fast in the autumn of 1924 to urge unity. He remained away from active politics during much of the latter 1920s.

Gandhi and the Salt March

Gandhi returned to active politics in 1930 to protest Britain’s Salt Acts, which not only prohibited Indians from collecting or selling salt—a dietary staple—but imposed a heavy tax that hit the country’s poorest particularly hard. Gandhi planned a new Satyagraha campaign, The Salt March , that entailed a 390-kilometer/240-mile march to the Arabian Sea, where he would collect salt in symbolic defiance of the government monopoly.

“My ambition is no less than to convert the British people through non-violence and thus make them see the wrong they have done to India,” he wrote days before the march to the British viceroy, Lord Irwin.

Wearing a homespun white shawl and sandals and carrying a walking stick, Gandhi set out from his religious retreat in Sabarmati on March 12, 1930, with a few dozen followers. By the time he arrived 24 days later in the coastal town of Dandi, the ranks of the marchers swelled, and Gandhi broke the law by making salt from evaporated seawater.

The Salt March sparked similar protests, and mass civil disobedience swept across India. Approximately 60,000 Indians were jailed for breaking the Salt Acts, including Gandhi, who was imprisoned in May 1930.

Still, the protests against the Salt Acts elevated Gandhi into a transcendent figure around the world. He was named Time magazine’s “Man of the Year” for 1930.

Gandhi was released from prison in January 1931, and two months later he made an agreement with Lord Irwin to end the Salt Satyagraha in exchange for concessions that included the release of thousands of political prisoners. The agreement, however, largely kept the Salt Acts intact. But it did give those who lived on the coasts the right to harvest salt from the sea.

Hoping that the agreement would be a stepping-stone to home rule, Gandhi attended the London Round Table Conference on Indian constitutional reform in August 1931 as the sole representative of the Indian National Congress. The conference, however, proved fruitless.

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Protesting "Untouchables" Segregation

Gandhi returned to India to find himself imprisoned once again in January 1932 during a crackdown by India’s new viceroy, Lord Willingdon. He embarked on a six-day fast to protest the British decision to segregate the “untouchables,” those on the lowest rung of India’s caste system, by allotting them separate electorates. The public outcry forced the British to amend the proposal.

After his eventual release, Gandhi left the Indian National Congress in 1934, and leadership passed to his protégé Jawaharlal Nehru . He again stepped away from politics to focus on education, poverty and the problems afflicting India’s rural areas.

India’s Independence from Great Britain

As Great Britain found itself engulfed in World War II in 1942, Gandhi launched the “Quit India” movement that called for the immediate British withdrawal from the country. In August 1942, the British arrested Gandhi, his wife and other leaders of the Indian National Congress and detained them in the Aga Khan Palace in present-day Pune.

“I have not become the King’s First Minister in order to preside at the liquidation of the British Empire,” Prime Minister Winston Churchill told Parliament in support of the crackdown.

With his health failing, Gandhi was released after a 19-month detainment in 1944.

After the Labour Party defeated Churchill’s Conservatives in the British general election of 1945, it began negotiations for Indian independence with the Indian National Congress and Mohammad Ali Jinnah’s Muslim League. Gandhi played an active role in the negotiations, but he could not prevail in his hope for a unified India. Instead, the final plan called for the partition of the subcontinent along religious lines into two independent states—predominantly Hindu India and predominantly Muslim Pakistan.

Violence between Hindus and Muslims flared even before independence took effect on August 15, 1947. Afterwards, the killings multiplied. Gandhi toured riot-torn areas in an appeal for peace and fasted in an attempt to end the bloodshed. Some Hindus, however, increasingly viewed Gandhi as a traitor for expressing sympathy toward Muslims.

Gandhi’s Wife and Kids

At the age of 13, Gandhi wed Kasturba Makanji, a merchant’s daughter, in an arranged marriage. She died in Gandhi’s arms in February 1944 at the age of 74.

In 1885, Gandhi endured the passing of his father and shortly after that the death of his young baby.

In 1888, Gandhi’s wife gave birth to the first of four surviving sons. A second son was born in India 1893. Kasturba gave birth to two more sons while living in South Africa, one in 1897 and one in 1900.

Assassination of Mahatma Gandhi

On January 30, 1948, 78-year-old Gandhi was shot and killed by Hindu extremist Nathuram Godse, who was upset at Gandhi’s tolerance of Muslims.

Weakened from repeated hunger strikes, Gandhi clung to his two grandnieces as they led him from his living quarters in New Delhi’s Birla House to a late-afternoon prayer meeting. Godse knelt before the Mahatma before pulling out a semiautomatic pistol and shooting him three times at point-blank range. The violent act took the life of a pacifist who spent his life preaching nonviolence.

Godse and a co-conspirator were executed by hanging in November 1949. Additional conspirators were sentenced to life in prison.

Even after Gandhi’s assassination, his commitment to nonviolence and his belief in simple living — making his own clothes, eating a vegetarian diet and using fasts for self-purification as well as a means of protest — have been a beacon of hope for oppressed and marginalized people throughout the world.

Satyagraha remains one of the most potent philosophies in freedom struggles throughout the world today. Gandhi’s actions inspired future human rights movements around the globe, including those of civil rights leader Martin Luther King Jr. in the United States and Nelson Mandela in South Africa.

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QUICK FACTS

• Name: Mahatma Gandhi
• Birth Year: 1869
• Birth date: October 2, 1869
• Birth City: Porbandar, Kathiawar
• Birth Country: India
• Gender: Male
• Best Known For: Mahatma Gandhi was the primary leader of India’s independence movement and also the architect of a form of non-violent civil disobedience that would influence the world. Until Gandhi was assassinated in 1948, his life and teachings inspired activists including Martin Luther King Jr. and Nelson Mandela.
• Civil Rights
• Astrological Sign: Libra
• University College London
• Samaldas College at Bhavnagar, Gujarat
• Nacionalities
• Interesting Facts
• As a young man, Mahatma Gandhi was a poor student and was terrified of public speaking.
• Gandhi formed the Natal Indian Congress in 1894 to fight discrimination.
• Gandhi was assassinated by Hindu extremist Nathuram Godse, who was upset at Gandhi’s tolerance of Muslims.
• Gandhi's non-violent civil disobedience inspired future world leaders like Martin Luther King Jr. and Nelson Mandela.
• Death Year: 1948
• Death date: January 30, 1948
• Death City: New Delhi
• Death Country: India

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CITATION INFORMATION

• Article Title: Mahatma Gandhi Biography
• Author: Biography.com Editors
• Website Name: The Biography.com website
• Url: https://www.biography.com/political-figures/mahatma-gandhi
• Access Date:
• Publisher: A&E; Television Networks
• Last Updated: September 4, 2019
• Original Published Date: April 3, 2014
• An eye for an eye only ends up making the whole world blind.
• Victory attained by violence is tantamount to a defeat, for it is momentary.
• Religions are different roads converging to the same point. What does it matter that we take different roads, so long as we reach the same goal? In reality, there are as many religions as there are individuals.
• The weak can never forgive. Forgiveness is the attribute of the strong.
• To call woman the weaker sex is a libel; it is man's injustice to woman.
• Truth alone will endure, all the rest will be swept away before the tide of time.
• A man is but the product of his thoughts. What he thinks, he becomes.
• There are many things to do. Let each one of us choose our task and stick to it through thick and thin. Let us not think of the vastness. But let us pick up that portion which we can handle best.
• An error does not become truth by reason of multiplied propagation, nor does truth become error because nobody sees it.
• For one man cannot do right in one department of life whilst he is occupied in doing wrong in any other department. Life is one indivisible whole.
• If we are to reach real peace in this world and if we are to carry on a real war against war, we shall have to begin with children.

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Culture History

Mahatma Gandhi

Mahatma Gandhi (1869-1948) was a key leader in India’s struggle for independence against British rule. He is renowned for his philosophy of nonviolent resistance, advocating civil disobedience as a powerful force for social and political change. Gandhi’s efforts played a pivotal role in India gaining independence in 1947. He is often referred to as the “Father of the Nation” in India.

Early Life and Education

Mahatma Gandhi’s early life and education laid the foundation for his transformative journey as a leader of India’s struggle for independence. Born on October 2, 1869, in Porbandar, a coastal town in the state of Gujarat, India, Gandhi was named Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi. His birth into a modest family of the Vaishya, or business caste, was characterized by a strong influence of religious and moral values.

Gandhi’s father, Karamchand Gandhi, served as the diwan, or chief minister, of Porbandar. Despite his official position, Karamchand was known for his simplicity and integrity. These traits left a lasting impression on the young Gandhi, instilling in him a sense of duty and a commitment to truthfulness from an early age. Gandhi’s mother, Putlibai, was deeply religious and played a significant role in shaping his spiritual development.

Growing up in a devout Hindu household, Gandhi was exposed to the teachings of the Bhagavad Gita, the Ramayana, and other religious texts. The concept of ahimsa, or nonviolence, was ingrained in his upbringing, setting the stage for the principles that would later define his philosophy of resistance. His early exposure to the Jain principle of ‘live and let live’ also contributed to the formation of his nonviolent worldview.

In 1876, at the age of six, Gandhi entered primary school. A reserved and somewhat timid child, he struggled with the early years of formal education. His difficulties in expressing himself verbally and his fear of public speaking marked the beginning of a personal journey to overcome these challenges, ultimately leading him to become one of the most influential communicators in history.

At the age of thirteen, Gandhi was married to Kasturba Makhanji, also known as Ba. This early marriage was a common practice in his community, and Gandhi and Kasturba would go on to have four children together. This aspect of Gandhi’s life reflected the traditions and societal norms prevalent in 19th-century India.

In 1888, at the age of 18, Gandhi left India to pursue legal studies in London. This marked a significant departure from his cultural and familial environment, exposing him to Western thought and lifestyle. Studying law was not merely a career choice for Gandhi; it was a means to gain a deeper understanding of justice and to empower himself to address the injustices he would later encounter.

His time in London was transformative, not only academically but also culturally and spiritually. Gandhi embraced vegetarianism and delved into various religious and philosophical texts, including the Bible and works by Tolstoy and Thoreau. It was during this period that he developed a keen interest in social and political issues, setting the stage for his future activism.

After completing his legal studies, Gandhi faced a dilemma. He was offered a position to practice law in London, but he chose a different path. In 1893, Gandhi accepted an offer to work in South Africa, setting the stage for a pivotal chapter in his life. Little did he know that his experiences in South Africa would shape his philosophy of resistance and pave the way for his leadership in India’s struggle for independence.

Gandhi’s experiences in South Africa were marked by the harsh realities of racial discrimination. His confrontation with the deeply entrenched prejudices against Indians, particularly in the province of Natal, became a catalyst for his activism. The incident on a train journey from Durban to Pretoria, where he was ejected from a first-class compartment due to his skin color, became a turning point. This injustice fueled Gandhi’s resolve to fight against racial discrimination through nonviolent means.

In 1894, Gandhi founded the Natal Indian Congress in South Africa, aimed at addressing the rights and grievances of the Indian community. Over the next two decades, he led numerous campaigns against discriminatory laws such as the Asiatic Registration Act, which required all Indians to register and carry passes. These early struggles in South Africa laid the groundwork for the development of his philosophy of Satyagraha, or truth-force.

The concept of Satyagraha emphasized the power of truth and nonviolence in confronting injustice. It was not merely a political strategy but a way of life for Gandhi. This philosophy, influenced by his deep spiritual convictions, formed the core of his approach to social and political change.

Gandhi’s early activism in South Africa brought him into contact with a diverse array of people, both Indian and non-Indian, who would become instrumental in shaping his understanding of humanity and justice. The struggles in South Africa also honed his skills as a leader and strategist, setting the stage for his return to India in 1915 as a seasoned activist and leader.

South Africa Years

Mahatma Gandhi’s years in South Africa were transformative, laying the groundwork for his philosophy of nonviolent resistance and shaping his identity as a leader. Arriving in South Africa in 1893 to work as a lawyer, Gandhi’s initial experiences were marked by the harsh realities of racial discrimination, sparking a personal and political awakening.

Gandhi’s first significant confrontation with discrimination occurred during a train journey from Durban to Pretoria in 1893. Despite holding a first-class ticket, he was ejected from the compartment due to his Indian heritage. This incident became a catalyst for his activism, prompting him to challenge the unjust treatment of Indians in South Africa.

In response to the discriminatory laws targeting the Indian community, Gandhi founded the Natal Indian Congress in 1894. This organization became a platform for advocating the rights of Indians and opposing oppressive legislation. One of the early campaigns led by Gandhi was against the Asiatic Registration Act of 1906, which required all Indians, including women and children, to register and carry passes at all times. This marked the beginning of Gandhi’s engagement in civil disobedience and nonviolent resistance.

Gandhi’s approach to activism in South Africa was rooted in his evolving philosophy of Satyagraha. The term, meaning “truth-force” or “soul-force,” encapsulated his belief in the transformative power of nonviolence and the pursuit of truth. Satyagraha became more than a political tool; it was a way of life for Gandhi, emphasizing moral courage, self-discipline, and a commitment to justice.

The year 1906 proved to be a pivotal moment in Gandhi’s South African journey. In protest against the oppressive Asiatic Registration Act, he organized a gathering of Indians in Johannesburg. During this meeting, he introduced the practice of taking a collective vow to resist unjust laws through nonviolent means. This marked the formal inception of Satyagraha as a method of protest.

Gandhi’s commitment to nonviolence was further tested during the Bambatha Rebellion in 1906. The British colonial authorities called on Indians to assist in suppressing the Zulu uprising, a request that Gandhi initially supported. However, as the violence escalated, he realized the contradiction between advocating nonviolence and participating in armed conflict. This realization deepened his commitment to the principles of Satyagraha.

The years in South Africa also saw Gandhi’s emergence as a leader who transcended narrow communal boundaries. He recognized the need for unity among different racial and religious groups facing oppression. Gandhi’s efforts extended beyond the Indian community, as he sought alliances with other marginalized groups, including black South Africans. His engagement with various communities laid the foundation for his later endeavors to bridge religious and ethnic divides in India.

Gandhi’s philosophy of Satyagraha gained international attention during the Indian community’s struggle against the repressive Transvaal Asiatic Ordinance in 1908. Through nonviolent resistance and civil disobedience, Gandhi and his followers protested the imposition of fingerprinting and registration. The campaign garnered support not only within South Africa but also from sympathizers worldwide, marking Gandhi’s emergence as a global figure.

As Gandhi’s influence grew, he faced challenges and opposition from both the British authorities and some members of the Indian community. His commitment to nonviolence and truth often clashed with the prevailing attitudes and expectations. However, Gandhi’s unwavering conviction and personal sacrifices, including imprisonment, solidified his position as a symbol of resistance.

The culmination of Gandhi’s efforts in South Africa was the conclusion of negotiations with the British government in 1914. The agreement, known as the Gandhi–Smuts Agreement, marked a significant victory for the Indian community, securing certain rights and recognition. Having achieved his objectives, Gandhi decided to return to India in 1915, bringing with him the lessons and principles forged during his years in South Africa.

Philosophy of Nonviolence (Ahimsa)

Mahatma Gandhi’s philosophy of nonviolence, or Ahimsa, stands as one of the most influential and enduring contributions to the principles of social and political change. Rooted in ancient Indian philosophies, particularly Jainism and Hinduism, Gandhi elevated Ahimsa to a guiding force in his life and activism. This philosophy went beyond mere abstention from physical violence; it encompassed a profound commitment to truth, love, and the pursuit of justice.

Ahimsa, in its broadest sense, is the principle of avoiding harm or violence to any living being, both in thought and action. For Gandhi, it was not just a moral principle but a dynamic force capable of transforming individuals and societies. His interpretation of Ahimsa went beyond the passive avoidance of violence; it involved active engagement in the pursuit of justice through nonviolent means.

The roots of Gandhi’s commitment to nonviolence can be traced back to his childhood and upbringing. Growing up in a devout Hindu household, he was exposed to the teachings of the Bhagavad Gita, which extolled the virtues of selfless action and the renunciation of the fruits of one’s actions. The Gita also emphasized the concept of Dharma, or righteous duty, which played a pivotal role in shaping Gandhi’s understanding of ethical behavior.

Gandhi’s engagement with Jainism, particularly its emphasis on nonviolence and the interconnectedness of all life, further deepened his commitment to Ahimsa. The Jain principle of ‘live and let live’ resonated with him, laying the groundwork for the expansive scope of his philosophy. Gandhi’s interpretation of Ahimsa was not limited to personal conduct; it extended to social, economic, and political realms.

The practical application of Gandhi’s philosophy began during his years in South Africa, where he confronted racial discrimination and injustice. The incident on a train in 1893, when he was forcibly removed from a first-class compartment due to his Indian heritage, marked a turning point. Instead of responding with violence or hatred, Gandhi chose to resist the injustice through nonviolent means. This event planted the seed of his philosophy of Satyagraha, which became synonymous with his broader commitment to Ahimsa.

Satyagraha, meaning “truth-force” or “soul-force,” was Gandhi’s method of nonviolent resistance. It involved the pursuit of truth through nonviolence, emphasizing the transformative power of love and compassion. Central to Satyagraha was the idea that the opponent is not an enemy to be defeated but a person with whom one seeks understanding and reconciliation.

Gandhi’s philosophy of nonviolence manifested in various campaigns and movements, each designed to challenge oppressive systems and bring about positive change. The Champaran and Kheda movements in India, where he championed the cause of indigo farmers and peasants affected by crop failure, respectively, showcased his commitment to social justice through nonviolent action. In both cases, he urged the people to resist injustice peacefully, promoting the idea that the power of truth and nonviolence could overcome the might of oppressive regimes.

The Salt March of 1930 became an iconic demonstration of Gandhi’s philosophy in action. In protest against the British monopoly on salt, Gandhi led a 240-mile march to the Arabian Sea, symbolically producing salt from seawater. The act, while seemingly minor, highlighted the broader issues of colonial exploitation and economic injustice. The Salt March exemplified the power of nonviolent resistance to mobilize people, capture global attention, and inspire similar movements worldwide.

Gandhi’s philosophy of nonviolence extended beyond the political sphere to encompass personal and interpersonal relationships. His commitment to Ahimsa influenced his lifestyle choices, including vegetarianism, and his advocacy for simplicity and self-sufficiency. Gandhi believed that individuals should strive to align their lives with the principles of nonviolence, fostering harmony with both humanity and the natural world.

The concept of “Sarvodaya,” meaning the welfare of all, was another expression of Gandhi’s commitment to nonviolence. He envisioned a society where the well-being of every individual was considered, emphasizing social and economic equality. The pursuit of Sarvodaya required a rejection of violence and exploitation in all its forms, urging people to live in harmony and mutual respect.

Gandhi’s philosophy of nonviolence faced challenges and criticisms, both from within and outside the independence movement. Some questioned the efficacy of nonviolence in the face of brutal repression, while others argued that it was an impractical ideal. Gandhi acknowledged the difficulties but remained steadfast in his belief that nonviolence was not a sign of weakness but a potent force capable of transforming societies.

The Quit India movement of 1942 marked another crucial moment for Gandhi’s philosophy. As the call for immediate independence echoed, he emphasized nonviolent non-cooperation as the means to achieve it. The movement faced severe repression from the British authorities, leading to the arrest of Gandhi and many other Congress leaders. The sacrifices made during this period underscored the resilience and enduring power of nonviolence as a force for change.

Gandhi’s philosophy of nonviolence was not limited to political activism; it sought to address the root causes of conflict and injustice. His efforts to unite Hindus and Muslims, as well as his advocacy for the rights of the untouchables (Dalits), demonstrated a commitment to social harmony and inclusivity. Gandhi believed that true nonviolence required addressing the underlying prejudices and inequalities within society.

In the aftermath of India’s independence in 1947, Gandhi continued to advocate for communal harmony and worked towards preventing the violence that accompanied the partition. His commitment to nonviolence was tested in the face of deep-rooted religious animosities, and he resorted to fasting as a means of urging people to embrace peace and unity.

On January 30, 1948, Mahatma Gandhi was assassinated by Nathuram Godse, a Hindu nationalist who opposed Gandhi’s conciliatory stance towards Muslims. Gandhi’s death was a tragic irony, as the apostle of nonviolence fell victim to violence. However, his legacy endured, inspiring subsequent generations of leaders and movements committed to nonviolent resistance.

Return to India and Nationalist Movement

Mahatma Gandhi’s return to India in 1915 marked a pivotal moment in the country’s struggle for independence and set the stage for his leadership in the nationalist movement. Having honed his skills and philosophy of nonviolence in South Africa, Gandhi brought a unique perspective and a steadfast commitment to Satyagraha, or truth-force, to the Indian political landscape. His return coincided with a time of heightened nationalist fervor, and Gandhi quickly emerged as a central figure in shaping the course of India’s fight against British colonial rule.

Upon his return, Gandhi was greeted by a country grappling with socio-economic challenges and aspirations for self-governance. The First World War had created economic hardships, and the demands for greater Indian participation in governance were growing louder. Gandhi’s initial foray into Indian politics involved addressing the issues of indigo farmers in Champaran and peasants in Kheda, where he applied his philosophy of nonviolent resistance to champion the causes of the oppressed.

The Champaran Satyagraha of 1917 saw Gandhi leading a campaign against the exploitative practices of British indigo planters. Through nonviolent protests and civil disobedience, he sought justice for the indigo farmers who were burdened with unfair taxation. The success of this movement not only improved the conditions of the farmers but also showcased the potential of nonviolent resistance in achieving social and economic justice.

Gandhi’s involvement in the Kheda Satyagraha later in 1918 further solidified his position as a leader committed to the welfare of the common people. In Kheda, he supported the peasants who were facing crop failures due to floods. Advocating for the waiver of land revenue, he used nonviolent means to draw attention to the plight of the farmers. The British administration, under the influence of his principled resistance, eventually relented, granting relief to the affected peasants.

The Jallianwala Bagh massacre of 1919 became a turning point that galvanized the Indian populace against British rule. The brutal killing of hundreds of unarmed civilians by British troops in Amritsar on April 13, 1919, shocked the nation and intensified the demand for self-rule. Gandhi, deeply disturbed by the massacre, called for a nationwide protest and non-cooperation with the British government.

The Non-Cooperation Movement launched by Gandhi in 1920 aimed at boycotting British institutions, courts, schools, and products. It represented a significant departure from conventional forms of political agitation, emphasizing nonviolence and non-cooperation as the means to achieve political objectives. Millions of Indians participated in the movement, making it a powerful expression of the collective will for independence.

However, in 1922, the Non-Cooperation Movement faced an abrupt end when a violent incident occurred in the town of Chauri Chaura. A group of protestors turned violent, resulting in the death of police officers. In response to the escalation of violence, Gandhi, true to his commitment to nonviolence, decided to call off the movement, acknowledging that the people were not yet fully prepared for the path of nonviolent resistance.

The suspension of the Non-Cooperation Movement led to a period of reflection and strategic reevaluation for Gandhi. During this time, he delved into constructive programs aimed at socio-economic upliftment. He advocated for self-reliance, Khadi (hand-spun cloth), and the removal of untouchability. The emphasis on constructive work was not only a response to the setbacks in political agitation but also a reflection of Gandhi’s belief that true independence required the transformation of individuals and society.

In 1930, Gandhi launched one of the most iconic episodes of the nationalist movement—the Salt March. In protest against the British monopoly on salt, he embarked on a 240-mile march from Sabarmati Ashram to the Arabian Sea, symbolically producing salt from seawater. The Salt March captured the imagination of the nation and the world, becoming a symbol of nonviolent resistance against unjust colonial laws.

The civil disobedience that accompanied the Salt March marked the beginning of the broader Civil Disobedience Movement. Indians across the country defied the salt laws, boycotted British goods, and refused to pay taxes. The movement, characterized by its nonviolent nature, aimed to exert economic and political pressure on the British government. Although it led to mass arrests, including that of Gandhi, and widespread repression, it significantly intensified the demand for independence.

The Round Table Conferences in London, held in 1930-1932, provided a platform for negotiations between Indian leaders and the British government. Gandhi, representing the Indian National Congress, attended the conferences with the hope of finding a constitutional solution for India’s future. However, the discussions failed to produce a consensus, and the gap between the Indian National Congress and the British government widened.

The Quit India movement of 1942 marked another crucial chapter in the nationalist movement. Frustrated by the failure of negotiations and inspired by the global context of World War II, Gandhi called for the immediate withdrawal of British colonial rule. The movement received widespread support, with millions participating in strikes, protests, and acts of civil disobedience. The British response was harsh, leading to the arrest of Gandhi and other Congress leaders.

The Quit India movement, while facing severe repression, demonstrated the resilience of the Indian people’s desire for freedom. It also highlighted the changing dynamics of global politics, with the British government recognizing the need for post-war reforms. The post-war period witnessed a weakened British Empire and a recognition that continued colonial rule was unsustainable.

India’s independence in 1947 was a culmination of decades of struggle, sacrifice, and determination. The partition of India into two independent nations, India and Pakistan, brought about communal tensions and mass migrations. Gandhi, deeply distressed by the communal violence, undertook fasts and walked through riot-torn areas, urging people to embrace peace and unity. His efforts were a testament to his commitment to inter-religious harmony and his belief in nonviolence as a means of resolving conflicts.

On January 30, 1948, Mahatma Gandhi was assassinated by Nathuram Godse, a Hindu nationalist who opposed Gandhi’s conciliatory stance towards Muslims. His death was a tragic end to a life dedicated to nonviolence and the pursuit of truth. However, Gandhi’s legacy endured, influencing global movements for civil rights and inspiring leaders committed to justice through peaceful means.

Champaran and Kheda Satyagraha

Mahatma Gandhi’s involvement in the Champaran and Kheda Satyagrahas during the early years of his return to India marked the beginning of his leadership in the country’s struggle for independence. These two movements were pivotal in shaping Gandhi’s approach to nonviolent resistance and establishing the foundations of Satyagraha as a potent force for social and economic justice.

The Champaran Satyagraha of 1917 was Gandhi’s first major campaign in India. It unfolded in the Champaran district of Bihar, where indigo farmers faced oppressive conditions imposed by British indigo planters. The farmers were compelled to cultivate indigo on a portion of their land, a crop that yielded significant profits for the planters but left the farmers in abject poverty.

Gandhi’s involvement in Champaran was a response to the plight of these farmers, who were burdened with exorbitant taxes and forced labor. The British authorities had imposed the ‘Tinkathia’ system, requiring a certain portion of land to be dedicated to indigo cultivation. This system left the farmers with minimal land for their own sustenance, and they were often forced to grow indigo against their will.

Upon arriving in Champaran, Gandhi immersed himself in understanding the grievances of the indigo farmers. His approach was not confrontational but investigative, seeking to comprehend the issues at the grassroots level. He held meetings with the farmers, heard their stories, and documented the injustices they faced.

The Champaran Satyagraha, unlike conventional agitations, was characterized by its nonviolent and cooperative nature. Gandhi emphasized the importance of truth and nonviolence in confronting oppression. He urged the farmers to withhold payment of taxes and to resist the unjust demands peacefully. This approach was a precursor to Gandhi’s philosophy of Satyagraha, where the pursuit of truth through nonviolent means became a powerful tool for social and political change.

Gandhi’s call for nonviolent resistance in Champaran resonated with the masses. The farmers, inspired by his leadership and philosophy, began to withhold payments to the planters. The British authorities responded with arrests and legal action against Gandhi, but he remained steadfast in his commitment to nonviolence and the pursuit of justice.

The success of the Champaran Satyagraha was multi-faceted. Through negotiations and legal battles, Gandhi was able to secure concessions for the indigo farmers. The ‘Tinkathia’ system was abolished, and the farmers gained more control over their land. The Champaran movement showcased the effectiveness of nonviolent resistance in challenging oppressive policies and was a harbinger of Gandhi’s future campaigns.

Following the triumph in Champaran, Gandhi turned his attention to the Kheda district in Gujarat. The Kheda Satyagraha of 1918 was prompted by the economic distress faced by peasants due to crop failures and a devastating famine. The British administration, insensitive to the plight of the farmers, insisted on the collection of land revenue, exacerbating the suffering of the already distressed population.

In Kheda, Gandhi applied the lessons learned from Champaran, emphasizing nonviolent resistance and the power of collective action. He called for a boycott of the payment of land revenue as a form of protest against the unjust policies of the British government. The movement gained momentum as peasants, both Hindu and Muslim, united under the banner of nonviolent resistance.

Gandhi’s approach in Kheda was characterized by constructive work alongside the Satyagraha. He encouraged villagers to focus on self-reliance, urging them to cultivate their own food and adopt measures to withstand the economic hardships imposed by the British policies. This emphasis on constructive work became a recurring theme in Gandhi’s philosophy, reflecting his belief that true independence required socio-economic transformation at the grassroots level.

The British administration, faced with the resilience of the Kheda Satyagrahis, entered into negotiations with Gandhi. Despite the severe economic conditions, the peasants stood firm in their commitment to nonviolence. Eventually, a settlement known as the ‘Kheda Pact’ was reached. The British agreed to suspend the collection of land revenue in Kheda for a year, providing much-needed relief to the distressed farmers.

The Champaran and Kheda Satyagrahas were instrumental in shaping Gandhi’s evolving philosophy of nonviolent resistance. These movements were not merely protests against specific grievances; they were experiments in the application of Satyagraha as a method of social and economic change. Gandhi’s emphasis on nonviolence, truth, and the empowerment of the oppressed became defining features of his leadership style.

The success of Champaran and Kheda also demonstrated the potential of nonviolent resistance in awakening the collective conscience of the masses. The movements were not driven by a desire for revenge or retaliation; rather, they sought to transform the oppressor by appealing to a shared sense of humanity and justice. This approach marked a departure from conventional forms of political agitation, setting Gandhi apart as a leader committed to principles that transcended mere political objectives.

The Champaran and Kheda Satyagrahas laid the groundwork for Gandhi’s subsequent involvement in larger national movements. The lessons learned from these early campaigns informed his strategies during the Non-Cooperation Movement, the Civil Disobedience Movement, and the Quit India movement. The emphasis on nonviolence, constructive work, and the pursuit of truth became integral components of the broader struggle for India’s independence.

Non-Cooperation Movement

The Non-Cooperation Movement, launched by Mahatma Gandhi in 1920, was a watershed moment in India’s struggle for independence. This movement marked a departure from conventional forms of political agitation, as it advocated nonviolent non-cooperation with British authorities as a means to achieve political objectives. The Non-Cooperation Movement, with its emphasis on nonviolence, mass participation, and constructive work, reshaped the dynamics of India’s fight against colonial rule.

The backdrop of the Non-Cooperation Movement was a nation disillusioned by the aftermath of World War I and seeking avenues for greater participation in governance. The Jallianwala Bagh massacre of 1919, where British troops killed hundreds of unarmed civilians in Amritsar, had intensified the demand for self-rule. The oppressive Rowlatt Act, enacted by the British government, further fueled resentment and discontent among Indians.

Mahatma Gandhi, who had already established himself as a leader during the Champaran and Kheda Satyagrahas, recognized the need for a more expansive and inclusive movement. The Non-Cooperation Movement was conceived as a response to the growing discontent and the desire for Indians to assert their rights. Gandhi believed that nonviolent non-cooperation would be a potent weapon to express popular discontent and compel the British government to address Indian demands for self-governance.

Launched on August 1, 1920, the Non-Cooperation Movement had a broad agenda. It called for the non-cooperation with British institutions, including educational, legislative, and administrative bodies. Indians were urged to boycott government schools, colleges, and offices. The movement also advocated the surrender of titles and honors bestowed by the British government, encouraging Indians to resign from government jobs and the army.

One of the central elements of the Non-Cooperation Movement was the boycott of foreign goods. Indians were asked to discard foreign-made clothes, especially British textiles, and embrace Khadi—the hand-spun, handwoven fabric symbolizing self-reliance and resistance to economic exploitation. The spinning wheel, or charkha, became an iconic symbol of the movement, representing the economic independence and self-sufficiency that Gandhi envisioned.

The call for nonviolent non-cooperation resonated across the length and breadth of the country. The movement garnered widespread support from various sections of society, cutting across religious, caste, and economic lines. The participation of women in large numbers also added a new dimension to the struggle for independence. The involvement of all segments of society reflected the inclusive nature of the Non-Cooperation Movement.

The mass participation in the Non-Cooperation Movement was particularly evident in the large-scale protests and demonstrations that swept across India. Millions took to the streets, expressing their refusal to cooperate with the British authorities. The movement provided a platform for ordinary Indians to voice their grievances and aspirations for self-rule. It demonstrated the power of collective nonviolent action in challenging the might of the British Empire.

One of the notable aspects of the Non-Cooperation Movement was its emphasis on nonviolence. Gandhi, committed to the philosophy of Satyagraha, believed that true freedom could only be achieved through nonviolent means. The movement aimed at transforming not just the political landscape but also the hearts and minds of the people. Nonviolence was not merely a tactical choice but a moral and spiritual imperative.

The movement faced its share of challenges and opposition. The British government responded with repression, arrests, and punitive measures. Despite the peaceful nature of the protests, instances of violence did occur in some places, and clashes with the authorities took place. Gandhi, true to his commitment to nonviolence, would call off the movement if it deviated from its nonviolent principles.

One of the defining moments of the Non-Cooperation Movement was the incident at Chauri Chaura in 1922. A peaceful protest in the town turned violent, resulting in the death of police officers. Distraught by the violence, Gandhi decided to suspend the movement, realizing that the people were not yet fully prepared for the path of nonviolent resistance. This decision demonstrated Gandhi’s unwavering commitment to nonviolence and his refusal to compromise on its principles.

The suspension of the Non-Cooperation Movement led to a period of reflection and strategic reevaluation for Gandhi. During this time, he focused on constructive programs aimed at socio-economic upliftment. The emphasis on Khadi, village industries, and self-reliance became integral components of Gandhi’s vision for an independent India. The constructive work aimed at transforming the lives of ordinary Indians and fostering a sense of self-respect and dignity.

While the Non-Cooperation Movement did not achieve its immediate political objectives, it had far-reaching consequences. The widespread participation in the movement brought Indians together across different regions and communities, fostering a sense of national unity. It laid the groundwork for future mass movements and instilled a spirit of self-confidence and empowerment among the people.

The Non-Cooperation Movement also left a lasting impact on the international stage. The sight of millions of Indians peacefully resisting colonial rule captured the attention of the global community. It inspired movements for independence and civil rights in various parts of the world. The principles of nonviolence and non-cooperation, championed by Gandhi, became a source of inspiration for leaders like Martin Luther King Jr. and Nelson Mandela.

The Non-Cooperation Movement, though suspended, paved the way for subsequent phases of the independence struggle. It laid the foundation for the Civil Disobedience Movement and the Quit India movement, both of which would further test the resilience of nonviolent resistance against British colonialism. The lessons learned from the Non-Cooperation Movement remained embedded in the ethos of India’s struggle for freedom.

Salt March and Civil Disobedience

The Salt March and the subsequent Civil Disobedience Movement, initiated by Mahatma Gandhi in the early 1930s, stand as powerful episodes in India’s struggle for independence. These movements were characterized by their commitment to nonviolent resistance and their ability to mobilize mass participation. The Salt March, in particular, became an iconic symbol of defiance against British colonial rule, while the Civil Disobedience Movement expanded the scope of nonviolent protest, challenging oppressive laws and policies.

The Salt March, which commenced on March 12, 1930, was a response to the British monopoly on salt production and distribution. Salt was a basic commodity, and the British levied a heavy tax on its production and sale, disproportionately affecting the poorest sections of Indian society. Gandhi saw the salt tax as a symbol of economic exploitation and a clear instance of an unjust law that could be challenged through nonviolent means.

Gandhi, along with a small group of followers, embarked on a 240-mile journey from Sabarmati Ashram to the Arabian Sea in the coastal town of Dandi. The march itself was a deliberate and strategic act of civil disobedience, symbolizing the defiance of British laws. Along the way, the group grew in numbers as people joined the march, transforming it into a mass movement.

The Salt March was a visual spectacle that captured the imagination of the nation and the world. Gandhi, dressed in his simple loincloth and shawl, led a diverse group of marchers, including men and women from various backgrounds and regions. The march drew attention to the injustices faced by ordinary Indians and exemplified the power of nonviolent resistance.

Upon reaching Dandi on April 6, 1930, Gandhi and his followers ceremoniously defied the salt laws by picking up salt from the shores of the Arabian Sea. This symbolic act was replicated across the country as people began to make salt in violation of the British monopoly. The campaign urged Indians to reject British-made salt, boycott foreign goods, and participate in mass civil disobedience.

The Salt March and the subsequent salt-making protests had a profound impact on the Indian psyche. It united people from different walks of life, transcending barriers of caste, religion, and region. The British response was one of repression, with arrests and police action, but the movement continued to gather momentum.

The international community, too, took notice of the Salt March. The march and the civil disobedience campaign garnered sympathy and support from around the world. The simple act of making salt became a powerful symbol of resistance against colonial oppression, inspiring similar movements for civil rights and independence in other parts of the world.

The success of the Salt March lay not only in its ability to mobilize mass participation but also in its impact on the British administration. The campaign exposed the vulnerability of the colonial system to nonviolent resistance. The defiance of the salt laws, coupled with the widespread boycott of British goods, led to a significant economic impact. The British government, facing global scrutiny and internal dissent, was compelled to negotiate with Indian leaders.

The Round Table Conferences held in London between 1930 and 1932 provided a platform for discussions between Indian leaders and the British government. However, the negotiations did not yield substantial results, and the impasse intensified the demand for a more radical form of protest. The failure of the conferences laid the groundwork for the next phase of the independence movement—the Civil Disobedience Movement.

In 1932, Gandhi, along with other leaders, launched the Civil Disobedience Movement, which aimed to challenge specific laws and policies through nonviolent resistance. The movement urged Indians to refuse to obey certain laws, withhold taxes, and participate in acts of civil disobedience. Unlike the Non-Cooperation Movement of the early 1920s, the Civil Disobedience Movement targeted specific laws and policies rather than rejecting all cooperation with the British administration.

One of the prominent aspects of the Civil Disobedience Movement was the widespread defiance of the salt laws, reminiscent of the Salt March. Indians across the country violated the salt laws by making salt or buying contraband salt, leading to mass arrests. The movement also targeted other unjust laws, including those related to land revenue, forest laws, and taxes.

The Civil Disobedience Movement witnessed the active participation of various sections of society, including women. Women played a crucial role in the movement, breaking social norms and actively participating in acts of civil disobedience. The movement also emphasized the importance of constructive work, with an emphasis on Khadi and the promotion of village industries.

One of the most notable incidents during the Civil Disobedience Movement was the historic Dharasana Salt Satyagraha of 1930. Led by Sarojini Naidu and other leaders, a group of nonviolent protesters marched towards the Dharasana salt works in Gujarat. Despite facing brutal police baton charges, the marchers remained nonviolent, highlighting the moral force of their resistance. The incident drew global attention and intensified the pressure on the British government.

The Civil Disobedience Movement, like its predecessor, faced repression from the British authorities. Thousands were arrested, including prominent leaders. The movement also brought about internal debates within the Indian National Congress, with differing views on the extent of civil disobedience and the use of nonviolent methods. Despite these challenges, the movement continued to challenge the legitimacy of British rule.

In 1931, the Gandhi-Irwin Pact was signed between Mahatma Gandhi and Lord Irwin, the Viceroy of India. The pact marked a temporary truce, with the British agreeing to release political prisoners and Indians agreeing to suspend civil disobedience. Gandhi attended the Second Round Table Conference in London but returned dissatisfied with the lack of progress.

The years following the Civil Disobedience Movement witnessed a shift in the dynamics of the independence movement. The Poona Pact of 1932 addressed the issue of separate electorates for Dalits, a cause championed by B.R. Ambedkar. The government of India Act of 1935 introduced limited constitutional reforms, expanding provincial autonomy.

The outbreak of World War II in 1939 halted political negotiations and increased repression in India. In 1942, against the backdrop of the global conflict, Mahatma Gandhi launched the Quit India movement, a mass protest demanding an end to British rule. The movement faced severe repression, and many leaders, including Gandhi, were arrested.

Round Table Conferences and Negotiations

Mahatma Gandhi’s role during the Round Table Conferences in the early 1930s marked a crucial phase in India’s quest for independence. These conferences, held in London, aimed to discuss constitutional reforms and the political future of India. Gandhi’s participation, especially in the Second Round Table Conference, brought attention to the complexities of India’s diverse political landscape and the challenges of reconciling conflicting demands for self-rule.

The Round Table Conferences were initiated by the British government as a response to the demands for constitutional reforms and increased Indian participation in decision-making processes. The failure of the Simon Commission, perceived as a British initiative without Indian representation, had intensified the call for a more inclusive approach. The three conferences, held in 1930-1932, sought to address key issues such as the structure of government, distribution of power, and the question of separate electorates.

The First Round Table Conference, held from November 1930 to January 1931, saw the absence of the Indian National Congress, the leading political force in India at the time. Gandhi and the Congress chose to boycott the conference, expressing dissatisfaction with the lack of a clear agenda for self-rule. Despite this, representatives from various communities and princely states attended, discussing issues related to communal representation and constitutional reforms.

The Second Round Table Conference, convened from September to December 1931, witnessed the active participation of Mahatma Gandhi. The decision to invite Gandhi was a recognition of his significant influence in Indian politics and his ability to mobilize mass support. The conference aimed to build consensus on constitutional reforms, especially regarding communal representation, but deep-seated differences persisted.

Gandhi’s approach to the Second Round Table Conference was rooted in his commitment to nonviolence and the pursuit of truth. Prior to his departure for London, he negotiated with the British government and signed the Gandhi-Irwin Pact in 1931. The pact included the suspension of the Civil Disobedience Movement, the release of political prisoners, and an agreement to attend the conference. Gandhi’s interactions with Prime Minister Ramsay MacDonald and other British leaders aimed to find common ground while upholding the principles of nonviolence.

During the conference, Gandhi presented the Congress’s viewpoint, advocating for a united India with dominion status and self-rule. He emphasized the need for a fair and just representation of all communities in the political structure. However, the central point of contention remained the issue of separate electorates, especially for Muslims. The Muslim League, led by Muhammad Ali Jinnah, staunchly defended separate electorates as a means to protect the political rights of Muslims.

The communal divide on the question of separate electorates posed a significant challenge to the proceedings. Despite efforts at negotiation and dialogue, a consensus proved elusive. Gandhi’s commitment to a united India clashed with the demands for communal representation, setting the stage for continued debates on the nature of political representation in a diverse and pluralistic society.

The failure to reach an agreement at the Second Round Table Conference highlighted the complexities of Indian politics and the deep-seated divisions on key issues. The communal question, exacerbated by competing demands for separate electorates, hindered progress toward a unified constitutional framework. The British government, faced with the lack of a comprehensive agreement, issued the White Paper in 1933, outlining proposals for constitutional reforms based on the discussions.

The Third Round Table Conference, held in November 1932, aimed to revisit the constitutional proposals and seek a final agreement. However, the absence of the Congress, which chose to boycott the conference once again, limited the effectiveness of the discussions. The Congress’s decision reflected ongoing dissatisfaction with the proposed reforms and the failure to address key issues.

Despite the challenges and limited success of the Round Table Conferences, Gandhi’s participation had far-reaching implications. His commitment to nonviolence, truth, and the pursuit of justice remained central to his interactions with British leaders. The principles of the Gandhi-Irwin Pact, emphasizing nonviolence and dialogue, set the tone for the negotiations during the conferences.

Gandhi’s engagement with the British leadership also showcased the power of moral force in political negotiations. His interactions with Prime Minister Ramsay MacDonald and others aimed to convey the moral imperative of India’s demand for self-rule. Gandhi’s insistence on a united India, free from communal divisions, reflected his vision of a pluralistic and inclusive nation.

The Round Table Conferences, while falling short of achieving a comprehensive agreement, contributed to the evolving discourse on India’s political future. The issues discussed laid the groundwork for the Government of India Act of 1935, which introduced some constitutional reforms, including provincial autonomy and a federal structure. However, the communal question remained unresolved, and the act did not fully meet the aspirations of various political groups.

Quit India Movement

The Quit India Movement, launched by Mahatma Gandhi on August 8, 1942, stands as one of the pivotal chapters in India’s struggle for independence. This mass protest marked a significant shift in the approach towards achieving freedom, with Gandhi calling for the immediate withdrawal of British colonial rule from India. The Quit India Movement, characterized by its nonviolent resistance and the active participation of millions of Indians, played a crucial role in hastening the end of British colonialism in India.

The backdrop of the Quit India Movement was the escalating turmoil of World War II. The war had drained the resources of the British Empire, and India, as a key colony, was expected to contribute significantly to the war effort. The British government, under pressure, sought Indian cooperation but was hesitant to grant India the self-governance it had been demanding for decades.

In this context, Mahatma Gandhi, frustrated by the lack of progress in negotiations with the British and inspired by the spirit of national unity, decided to launch the Quit India Movement. The demand for an immediate end to British rule became the rallying cry, and the movement aimed to achieve this goal through nonviolent means.

On August 8, 1942, Gandhi delivered the famous “Quit India” speech at the Gowalia Tank Maidan (now August Kranti Maidan) in Mumbai. In this historic address, he called on the Indian people to “Do or Die” in the cause of freedom. The speech outlined the reasons for launching the movement and emphasized the imperative of nonviolence in the struggle against British rule.

The Quit India Movement witnessed widespread participation from people across different regions, communities, and socioeconomic backgrounds. The call for nonviolent resistance echoed throughout the country, leading to mass demonstrations, strikes, and acts of civil disobedience. The movement gained momentum as people from various walks of life joined hands in the quest for immediate independence.

The British response to the Quit India Movement was swift and severe. Within hours of Gandhi’s speech, prominent leaders, including Gandhi himself, Jawaharlal Nehru, Sardar Patel, and others, were arrested. The British authorities sought to crush the movement through mass arrests, censorship, and the use of force. However, the repression only fueled the determination of the Indian people to demand their right to self-rule.

One of the notable aspects of the Quit India Movement was the role of young leaders and students. Many young Indians, inspired by the call to “Do or Die,” actively participated in protests and demonstrations. Students played a crucial role in organizing strikes, rallies, and acts of civil disobedience. The youth, driven by a fervent desire for freedom, became a dynamic force within the movement.

The movement also witnessed the emergence of underground activities and parallel governments in some regions. With the established leadership in jail, local leaders and activists took charge, organizing protests, maintaining communication networks, and challenging the British administration. The underground resistance demonstrated the resilience of the Indian people in the face of adversity.

Despite the mass participation and the spirit of nonviolent resistance, the Quit India Movement faced challenges. The British government, intent on suppressing the movement, employed repressive measures, including curfews, arrests, and the use of force. The absence of key leaders, imprisoned at the outset of the movement, presented organizational challenges. The internal divisions among Indian political groups also posed obstacles to presenting a united front.

The Quit India Movement coincided with the global context of World War II, and the British government, preoccupied with the war effort, faced challenges in dealing with the intensifying unrest in India. The movement, coupled with the naval mutiny by Indian sailors, contributed to an atmosphere of widespread discontent.

As the movement gained momentum, the British government began to reassess its stance. Realizing the growing unpopularity of colonial rule and the need to focus on post-war reconstruction, the British authorities sought a way to defuse the situation. In 1942, the Cripps Mission, led by Sir Stafford Cripps, was sent to India with proposals for constitutional reforms. However, these proposals were met with skepticism and were ultimately rejected by both the Congress and the Muslim League.

The Quit India Movement, despite facing challenges and repression, left an indelible impact on the Indian political landscape. It demonstrated the power of mass mobilization and nonviolent resistance in challenging the might of the British Empire. The movement also brought to the forefront the aspirations of the Indian people for immediate independence, transcending the earlier demands for constitutional reforms.

As World War II progressed, the global situation prompted the British government to reassess its colonial policies. The need for Indian support during the war and the realization that maintaining control over India was increasingly untenable led to a shift in British attitudes. In 1945, the Labour government in Britain, led by Prime Minister Clement Attlee, began the process of decolonization.

The naval mutiny of 1946, known as the Royal Indian Navy Mutiny, further underscored the disaffection among Indian forces. The mutiny, characterized by strikes and protests by Indian sailors, was a significant factor in convincing the British government that its hold on India was no longer sustainable.

The Quit India Movement, with its emphasis on immediate independence and nonviolent resistance, played a crucial role in shaping the narrative of India’s journey towards freedom. While the movement did not lead directly to the immediate exit of the British, it accelerated the process of decolonization and contributed to the eventual transfer of power in 1947.

Legacy and Global Influence

Mahatma Gandhi’s legacy and global influence extend far beyond the boundaries of India. As a symbol of nonviolent resistance, moral leadership, and the pursuit of justice, Gandhi’s impact has reverberated across the world, inspiring movements for civil rights, freedom, and social change. His principles of truth, nonviolence (Ahimsa), and the pursuit of Swaraj (self-rule) have left an enduring mark on the collective consciousness of humanity.

Gandhi’s philosophy of nonviolence, or Ahimsa, was a cornerstone of his approach to social and political change. Rooted in ancient Indian traditions, Ahimsa advocates for resolving conflicts through peaceful means and emphasizes the interconnectedness of all living beings. Gandhi applied Ahimsa not only as a strategic tool in the struggle against British colonialism but also as a way of life. His commitment to nonviolence extended to personal conduct, interpersonal relations, and societal transformation.

The global influence of Gandhi’s philosophy is perhaps most evident in the civil rights movement in the United States . Figures like Martin Luther King Jr. drew inspiration from Gandhi’s teachings on nonviolence and applied them to the fight against racial segregation and discrimination. King, deeply moved by Gandhi’s principles, adopted nonviolent resistance as a guiding principle in the struggle for African American civil rights. The Montgomery Bus Boycott, the March on Washington, and other pivotal moments in the U.S. civil rights movement were deeply influenced by the Gandhian philosophy of nonviolence.

In a letter to his followers, King wrote, “While the Montgomery boycott was going on, India’s Gandhi was the guiding light of our technique of nonviolent social change.” The impact of Gandhi’s philosophy resonated not only with King but also with a generation of civil rights activists who recognized the moral force embedded in nonviolent resistance.

Gandhi’s influence also reached South Africa, where he spent a significant portion of his early adulthood. His experiences there, particularly during the struggle against discriminatory laws, shaped his commitment to nonviolence and his dedication to fighting injustice. Nelson Mandela , who would later lead South Africa out of apartheid, acknowledged Gandhi as a source of inspiration. Mandela’s commitment to reconciliation, forgiveness, and peaceful transition reflected the Gandhian values that had left an indelible mark on his worldview.

Beyond the realms of politics, Gandhi’s principles found resonance in various social justice movements and advocacy for human rights. His emphasis on the dignity of every individual, regardless of caste, creed, or color, provided a moral compass for those striving to create a more just and equitable world. The anti-apartheid movement in South Africa and the global movements for equality and justice owe a debt to Gandhi’s teachings on human dignity and equality.

Gandhi’s influence also extended to environmental and sustainable living movements. His advocacy for simple living, self-reliance, and the use of local resources found echoes in the global environmental consciousness. The emphasis on Swadeshi (self-sufficiency) and sustainable practices became central tenets of the environmental movements that emerged in the latter half of the 20th century.

In the realm of international diplomacy, Gandhi’s legacy continued to inspire leaders and movements seeking peaceful resolutions to conflicts. The Dalai Lama , the spiritual leader of Tibet, has expressed admiration for Gandhi’s philosophy, particularly his approach to conflict resolution through nonviolent means. The idea of resolving disputes through dialogue, understanding, and empathy has found resonance in various peace-building efforts globally.

The principles of Satyagraha, a term coined by Gandhi to describe the power of truth and nonviolent resistance, have influenced movements for democracy and human rights around the world. In Eastern Europe, during the late 20th century, activists against oppressive regimes drew inspiration from Gandhi’s methods. The Solidarity movement in Poland, for instance, embraced nonviolence as a means to challenge authoritarian rule.

In contemporary times, Gandhi’s legacy is invoked in movements advocating for social justice, democratic values, and freedom. His teachings are a source of strength for those confronting oppressive regimes, advocating for minority rights, and seeking to address systemic inequalities. The global resonance of slogans like “Be the change you wish to see in the world” reflects the enduring relevance of Gandhi’s ideas in shaping ethical leadership and personal responsibility.

In the realm of education, Gandhi’s philosophy has found its way into curricula, inspiring students to engage with ideas of justice, nonviolence, and social responsibility. His autobiography, “The Story of My Experiments with Truth,” continues to be a widely read and studied work that introduces new generations to his philosophy and life.

While Gandhi’s legacy has left an indelible mark, it is important to acknowledge the complexity of his ideas and their interpretation. Gandhi’s views on certain social issues, including caste and gender, have been critiqued for being conservative. The Gandhian approach to these issues is a subject of ongoing debate and reflection, underscoring the need to critically engage with historical figures and their ideas.

The global celebration of October 2nd as the International Day of Non-Violence by the United Nations is a testament to the enduring impact of Gandhi’s legacy. On this day, the world honors his commitment to nonviolence as a powerful means to address social, political, and economic challenges.

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