online dating research paper philippines

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Bachelor's Theses

The filipino online dating: filipino young adults' perception on online relationships.

Margarita Cielo Cambay Ma. Ana Pauline Salazar Quintos Russell Encarnacion Castellano Rafael Rosal Gonzales

Date of Publication

Document type.

Bachelor's Thesis

Degree Name

Bachelor of Arts Major in Psychology

College of Liberal Arts

Department/Unit

Thesis adviser.

Jaymee Abigail K. Pantaleon

Defense Panel Member

Filemon R. Cruz

Abstract/Summary

In the Philippines, the interdependent culture plays a role in how Filipinos perceive online dating and how it motivates them to use the medium. The researchers interviewed Filipino young adults, age 20-35 years old currently living in Metro Manila Philippines who tried online dating at least once. The researchers analyze the data through the requirements and guidelines of thematic analysis, a qualitative analysis that focuses on themes that come from analyzing, identifying and reporting patterns. The researchers discovered that online dating can help individuals meet potential romantic partners online, then transition into traditional dating. However, the researchers would like to note that not all online relationships can lead to successful long term relationships. It is found also that Filipino young adults are motivated to try online dating because of the influence of the experience of other individuals and they find online dating as an avenue not only in finding romantic relationships, but a convenient way to learn about other people and broaden their connections.

Abstract Format

Accession number, shelf location.

Archives, The Learning Commons, 12F, Henry Sy Sr. Hall

Physical Description

120 leaves : illustrations (some color) ; 29 cm.

Online dating--Philippines; Dating (Social customs)--Philippines

Recommended Citation

Cambay, M., Quintos, M. S., Castellano, R. E., & Gonzales, R. (2017). The Filipino online dating: Filipino young adults' perception on online relationships. Retrieved from https://animorepository.dlsu.edu.ph/etd_bachelors/9418

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The Digital Cupid: The Impact of FilipinoCupid.com on the Attitudes of Filipino Women towards Online Dating

This study investigated the world of niche online dating in Barangay Arnedo, Bolinao, Pangasinan, Philippines. It explored the impact of FilipinoCupid.com on the attitudes of the female online daters towards online dating. The researchers interviewed Filipino women who have been using FilipinoCupid.com for at least one year. Fifteen (15) women aged 18 to 45 were interviewed about their online dating experiences. Data gathering was divided into two phases. The first phase began with the search for respondents through snowball sampling. To locate participants whose credibility could be verified and who we can contact again for verification and follow-up interviews, we started off by interviewing a key informant who is a user of FilipinoCupid.com and knows other women that date online. Questionnaires were also employed to collect respondents’ demographic data and to know their online dating habits and activity. The second phase of data gathering involved one-on-one interviews with the respondents. Data from the questionnaires were analyzed quantitatively. Data from the interviews, on the other hand, were analyzed qualitatively. The researchers used Marshall McLuhan’s theory of Media Ecology to explain the results of the study. This study proved that the online dating site FilipinoCupid.com has a significant impact on the attitudes of Filipino women towards online dating. Moreover, the study discovered the reasons and motivations of these women for engaging in online dating.

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The advancement of internet and digital media has brought new dynamics in the micro level of communication: interpersonal communication. Digital apps and social media platforms became integral parts in human's interaction pattern and fulfillment of needs, including the activity of looking for new friends and dating partners. Nowadays, online dating apps is one of youth's choices to build relationship. However, in Indonesia, the usage practice of online dating apps brings up certain problem surrounding the socio-cultural condition, in which the common view of the society in regards to morality and religion has clashed with modern influence brought by cultural transnationalism and globalization. At this level, the concept of self-disclosure and intimacy is significant in determining the interpersonal communication takes place in online dating platform. Thus, this research aims to analyze the interpersonal relationship built by online dating apps' users. The study area of this research covers the interpersonal communication studies, particularly in the relation between media psychology and the forming of digital culture among youth users. Data and research method used is virtual ethnography as the main method, with new ethnography as supporting method, in order to gain depth personal experience of online dating apps user. Expected findings of this research include why certain self-disclosure practice and meaning of intimacy developed by youth amidst the socio-cultural condition in Indonesia, in the usage practice of online dating apps. The significance of this research lies in the effort to approach media and communication issue in this digital era from the perspective of interpersonal human communication culturally and critically, notably the issue of online dating, self, and intimacy.

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One of the popular tools of twenty first century is with no doubt online dating apps. Researchers investigated and still investigating the possible reasons why people search for a partner, friend, friendzone, or other things on web. To have fun, enjoy conversation with a like -minded individual, sexual intercourse and marriage are one of those reasons why people go behind the screens to search for partner. While there are many more reasons underneath there are many risks pertaining online dating as well. Deceptive or fake self-presentation, online dating romance scam and cyber-crime are some of those risks. On the other hand, there are many people who find their partner on online dating apps and live happily with them. That is why, it is important to understand what people are looking for on the apps which are the reasons and intentions behind online dating apps. As a popular saying states apps do not have intentions, but people do have intentions and it drives them to get what they...

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Mobile dating applications have become self-presentation spaces and stages among the youth. In the search for romance and sexual relationships, young Filipinos create and act out pre and co-constructed selves that enable them to find dating partners. Using the musings and experiences of 50 Filipino young adults who have been using dating apps to search for love or lust, the study found that created mobile/ online selves or faces reflect presentation strategies that include the show of sincerity, dramatic execution of the role, use of personal front, maintenance of control over the information, mystification, ideal-ization, and misrepresentation. The study concludes that self-presentations range from the authentic to the inauthentic portrayal of the self to advance motives and intents in the use of dating apps.

Almond Aguila

By late 2004, the Philippine Overseas Employment Administration determined that there were already as many as eight million Filipinos living temporarily or permanently overseas. That number is expected to rise in the years to come with close to a million nationals packing their bags annually for more lucrative careers and better living conditions abroad. The impact of this burgeoning migration on Philippine society can only be described as profound. We have reached a moment in the country’s history when practically every Filipino has a friend, family member or relative living abroad. These close ties are maintained over great distances through, among other tools, the Internet and cellular phone. In other words, Filipinos anywhere in the world keep in touch through Computer-Mediated Communication (CMC). This study presents a view of Filipino long-distance relationships (LDRs) among lovers, family members, married couples and friends whose interactions unavoidably entail the exchange of new ideas on gender roles, nationalism, family relations and dominant-subordinate relations that lead to cultural change. Theories used for this study were Marshall McLuhan’s Technological Determinism Theory, Stuart Hall’s Critical Cultural Theory and Irwin Altman and Dalmas Taylor’s Social Penetration Theory. Research methods applied were Online Forum (through the E-group), Online Survey (through E-mail), Focus Interview (both offline and online through E-mail and Chat), Observation and Participant Observation. The convenience and speed provided by CMC produced virtual closeness among most key informants and allowed them to have dynamic relationships despite the distance. Running parallel to McLuhan’s view that “the medium is the message,” these relationships underwent rapid development or deterioration through the use of CMC. Stability, closeness and tension reflected in their LDRs became extensions of the relationships they had prior to their separation. Though they actively used these tools based on conscious decision-making, CMC unavoidably contributed to their alternative concepts of Filipino family, friendship and romance amid increasing migration. The Internet and cellular phone have made it easier to accept the harsh reality that loved ones must live apart to survive. Meanwhile, the use of the online forum via e-group, online survey via e-mail and online focus interview via e-mail or Yahoo! Messenger chat were proven to be efficient and prolific research methods. These are highly recommended for use especially for distant key informants as well as research topics related to communication technology.

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An interdisciplinary book, Internet-Infused Romantic Interactions and Dating Practices, under contract with the publishing house of the Institute of Network Cultures, Amsterdam, aims to analyze intricacies of internet-infused romantic interactions and dating practices. The proposed collection aims to include contributions from communication scholars, social scientists, computer scientists, humanities scholars and design experts whose research and practice will shed light on the romantic interplay of affect, cognition, and behavior on the internet with special attention given to social media platforms such as Tinder, Facebook, Grinder, and OkCupid. The collection would aim to offer an array of international perspectives and methodological novelties and feature a volume of scientific research and practice from a multitude of disciplines and interdisciplinary outlooks. Quantitative as well as qualitative empirical research, theoretical essays and research reviews are all welcome. We aim to provide the readers with a theoretical and methodological assortment that is sensitive towards various approaches to the study of intimate relationships and romance as reflected in new media-from discourse analysis to visual network analysis; from in-depth interviews to experimental designs; from ethnographic observations to cross-sectional and longitudinal survey studies.

Paula Quinon

In this paper we evaluate the role that online dating plays in establishing successful and sustainable romantic relationships. We reject radically optimistic accounts (online dating enables creation of particularly successful relationships) and radically pessimistic accounts (online dating is destructive for relationships). In our argumentation in favor of a moderated liberal position we rely upon the conceptual framework of American pragmatism (James and Rorty) and in particular upon their analyses of " experience ". Rorty's account enables us to speak of interpersonal experience that does not involve physical contact and relies uniquely on the language. In such cases the language stops being a medium and becomes the experience itself. This is our main tool to speak of experience in the context of interpersonal relations fully mediated by internet. Building upon American pragmatism, we use the concept of an " extra-layer " of experience that covers internet-mediated interpersonal relations. We claim that the extra-layer fully integrates with other layers of human experience, and enables us to speak of " mixed reality ". We conclude that internet-mediated interactions-ubiquitous nowadays for a non negligible part of the society-shall be treated as an inevitable extensions of physical face-to-face experience. As such they become a natural part of our lives and as such cannot be proclaimed simply good or simply bad. In consequence, there is no one possible way in which online dating can be evaluated uniformly as a separate phenomenon. Keywords: #online dating #media theory #social media #mixed reality #experience #American pragmatism

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Nigeria is one of the biggest and fastest growing telecom markets in Africa, attracting huge amounts of foreign investment, and is yet standing at very low levels of market penetration. The mobile sector, shared by four operators, has seen triple-digit growth rates every year since competition has been introduced. The transformation of Nigeria’s telecommunications landscape since the licensing of three GSM networks in 2001 and a fourth one in 2002 has been nothing short of astounding. The country continues to be one of the fastest growing markets in Africa with triple-digit growth rates almost every single year since 2001. It surpassed Egypt and Morocco in 2004 to become the continent’s second largest mobile market after South Africa (http://www.internetworldstats.com/af/ng.htm). And yet it has only reached about one quarter of its estimated ultimate market potential. Giving details of the current internet penetration in Nigeria, the Director General of National Information Technology Development Agency, Cleopas Angaye said that the Nigeria internet population witnessed tremendous growth with a boost from 2,418,679 users in 2005 to an estimated number of about 10 million users in 2008 and currently over 44 million internet users, thereby, positioning Nigeria as one of the fastest growing internet users in sub-Saharan Africa (thisdaylive, 2012). According to Bargh and McKenna (2004), the internet is but the latest in a series of technological advances that have changed the world in fundamental ways. One of these advances is cyber dating. In Nigeria today, young adults are adventurous and proactive in heterosexual encounters through the new technology of internet. Cyber dating is a channel for this exercise starting with online gossiping (Oluwole, 2009). Also, so many male adolescents are proving their masculinity (Oluwole, 2010) by foraging into the virtual space pretending as adults. Cyber dating is one of the several benefits of internet technology. However, as good as this innovation is, there are several conceptions, misconceptions and dangers of cyber dating. This is the focus of this paper.

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See More Documents Like This

Dating Apps and Their Sociodemographic and Psychosocial Correlates: A Systematic Review

The emergence and popularization of dating apps have changed the way people meet and interact with potential romantic and sexual partners. In parallel with the increased use of these applications, a remarkable scientific literature has developed. However, due to the recency of the phenomenon, some gaps in the existing research can be expected. Therefore, the objective of this study was to conduct a systematic review of the empirical research of the psychosocial content published in the last five years (2016–2020) on dating apps. A search was conducted in different databases, and we identified 502 articles in our initial search. After screening titles and abstracts and examining articles in detail, 70 studies were included in the review. The most relevant data (author/s and year, sample size and characteristics, methodology) and their findings were extracted from each study and grouped into four blocks: user dating apps characteristics, usage characteristics, motives for use, and benefits and risks of use. The limitations of the literature consulted are discussed, as well as the practical implications of the results obtained, highlighting the relevance of dating apps, which have become a tool widely used by millions of people around the world.

1. Introduction

In the last decade, the popularization of the Internet and the use of the smartphone and the emergence of real-time location-based dating apps (e.g., Tinder, Grindr) have transformed traditional pathways of socialization and promoted new ways of meeting and relating to potential romantic and/or sexual partners [ 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 ].

It is difficult to know reliably how many users currently make use of dating apps, due to the secrecy of the developer companies. However, thanks to the information provided by different reports and studies, the magnitude of the phenomenon can be seen online. For example, the Statista Market Forecast [ 5 ] portal estimated that by the end of 2019, there were more than 200 million active users of dating apps worldwide. It has been noted that more than ten million people use Tinder daily, which has been downloaded more than a hundred million times worldwide [ 6 , 7 ]. In addition, studies conducted in different geographical and cultural contexts have shown that around 40% of single adults are looking for an online partner [ 8 ], or that around 25% of new couples met through this means [ 9 ].

Some theoretical reviews related to users and uses of dating apps have been published, although they have focused on specific groups, such as men who have sex with men (MSM [ 10 , 11 ]) or on certain risks, such as aggression and abuse through apps [ 12 ].

Anzani et al. [ 1 ] conducted a review of the literature on the use of apps to find a sexual partner, in which they focused on users’ sociodemographic characteristics, usage patterns, and the transition from online to offline contact. However, this is not a systematic review of the results of studies published up to that point and it leaves out some relevant aspects that have received considerable research attention, such as the reasons for use of dating apps, or their associated advantages and risks.

Thus, we find a recent and changing object of study, which has achieved great social relevance in recent years and whose impact on research has not been adequately studied and evaluated so far. Therefore, the objective of this study was to conduct a systematic review of the empirical research of psychosocial content published in the last five years (2016–2020) on dating apps. By doing so, we intend to assess the state of the literature in terms of several relevant aspects (i.e., users’ profile, uses and motives for use, advantages, and associated risks), pointing out some limitations and posing possible future lines of research. Practical implications will be highlighted.

2. Materials and Methods

The systematic literature review was conducted according to the Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses (PRISMA) guidelines [ 13 , 14 ], and following the recommendations of Gough et al. [ 15 ]. However, it should be noted that, as the objective of this study was to provide a state of the art view of the published literature on dating apps in the last five years and without statistical data processing, there are several principles included in the PRISMA that could not be met (e.g., summary measures, planned methods of analysis, additional analysis, risk of bias within studies). However, following the advice of the developers of these guidelines concerning the specific nature of systematic reviews, the procedure followed has been described in a clear, precise, and replicable manner [ 13 ].

2.1. Literature Search and Inclusion/Exclusion Criteria

We examined the databases of the Web of Science, Scopus, and Medline, as well as PsycInfo and Psycarticle and Google Scholar, between 1 March and 6 April 2020. In all the databases consulted, we limited the search to documents from the last five years (2016–2020) and used general search terms, such as “dating apps” and “online dating” (linking the latter with “apps”), in addition to the names of some of the most popular and frequently used dating apps worldwide, such as “tinder”, “grindr”, and “momo”, to identify articles that met the inclusion criteria (see below).

The selection criteria in this systematic review were established and agreed on by the two authors of this study. The database search was carried out by one researcher. In case of doubt about whether or not a study should be included in the review, consultation occurred and the decision was agreed upon by the two researchers.

Four-hundred and ninety-three results were located, to which were added 15 documents that were found through other resources (e.g., social networks, e-mail alerts, newspapers, the web). After these documents were reviewed and the duplicates removed, a total of 502 records remained, as shown by the flowchart presented in Figure 1 . At that time, the following inclusion criteria were applied: (1) empirical, quantitative or qualitative articles; (2) published on paper or in electronic format (including “online first”) between 2016 and 2020 (we decided to include articles published since 2016 after finding that the previous empirical literature in databases on dating apps from a psychosocial point of view was not very large; in fact, the earliest studies of Tinder included in Scopus dated back to 2016; (3) to be written in English or Spanish; and (4) with psychosocial content. No theoretical reviews, case studies/ethnography, user profile content analyses, institutional reports, conference presentations, proceeding papers, etc., were taken into account.

An external file that holds a picture, illustration, etc.
Object name is ijerph-17-06500-g001.jpg

Flowchart of the systematic review process.

Thus, the process of refining the results, which can be viewed graphically in Figure 1 , was as follows. Of the initial 502 results, the following exclusion criteria were applied: (1) pre-2016 documents (96 records excluded); (2) documents that either did not refer to dating apps or did so from a technological approach (identified through title and abstract; 239 records excluded); (3) published in a language other than English or Spanish (10 records excluded); (4) institutional reports, or analysis of the results of such reports (six records excluded); (5) proceeding papers (six records excluded); (6) systematic reviews and theoretical reflections (26 records excluded); (7) case studies/ethnography (nine records excluded); (8) non-empirical studies of a sociological nature (20 records excluded); (9) analysis of user profile content and campaigns on dating apps and other social networks (e.g., Instagram; nine records excluded); and (10) studies with confusing methodology, which did not explain the methodology followed, the instruments used, and/or the characteristics of the participants (11 records excluded). This process led to a final sample of 70 empirical studies (55 quantitative studies, 11 qualitative studies, and 4 mixed studies), as shown by the flowchart presented in Figure 1 .

2.2. Data Collection Process and Data Items

One review author extracted the data from the included studies, and the second author checked the extracted data. Information was extracted from each included study of: (1) author/s and year; (2) sample size and characteristics; (3) methodology used; (4) main findings.

Table 1 shows the information extracted from each of the articles included in this systematic review. The main findings drawn from these studies are also presented below, distributed in different sections.

Characteristics of reviewed studies.

3.1. Characteristics of Reviewed Studies

First, the characteristics of the 70 articles included in the systematic review were analyzed. An annual increase in production can be seen, with 2019 being the most productive year, with 31.4% ( n = 22) of included articles. More articles (11) were published in the first three months of 2020 than in 2016. It is curious to note, on the other hand, how, in the titles of the articles, some similar formulas were repeated, even the same articles (e.g., Love me Tinder), playing with the swipe characteristic of this type of application (e.g., Swiping more, Swiping right, Swiping me).

As for the methodology used, the first aspect to note is that all the localized studies were cross-sectional and there were no longitudinal ones. As mentioned above, 80% ( n = 55) of the studies were quantitative, especially through online survey ( n = 49; 70%). 15.7% ( n = 11) used a qualitative methodology, either through semi-structured interviews or focus groups. And 5.7% ( n = 4) used a mixed methodology, both through surveys and interviews. It is worth noting the increasing use of tools such as Amazon Mechanical Turk ( n = 9, 12.9%) or Qualtrics ( n = 8, 11.4%) for the selection of participants and data collection.

The studies included in the review were conducted in different geographical and cultural contexts. More than one in five investigations was conducted in the United States (22.8%, n = 16), to which the two studies carried out in Canada can be added. Concerning other contexts, 20% ( n = 14) of the included studies was carried out in different European countries (e.g., Belgium, The Netherlands, UK, Spain), whereas 15.7% ( n = 11) was carried out in China, and 8.6% ( n = 6) in other countries (e.g., Thailand, Australia). However, 21.4% ( n = 15) of the investigations did not specify the context they were studying.

Finally, 57.1% ( n = 40) of the studies included in the systematic review asked about dating apps use, without specifying which one. The results of these studies showed that Tinder was the most used dating app among heterosexual people and Grindr among sexual minorities. Furthermore, 35% ( n = 25) of the studies included in the review focused on the use of Tinder, while 5.7% ( n = 4) focused on Grindr.

3.2. Characteristics of Dating App Users

It is difficult to find studies that offer an overall user profile of dating apps, as many of them have focused on specific populations or groups. However, based on the information collected in the studies included in this review, some features of the users of these applications may be highlighted.

Gender. Traditionally, it has been claimed that men use dating apps more than women and that they engage in more casual sex relationships through apps [ 3 ]. In fact, some authors, such as Weiser et al. [ 75 ], collected data that indicated that 60% of the users of these applications were male and 40% were female. Some current studies endorse that being male predicts the use of dating apps [ 23 ], but research has also been published in recent years that has shown no differences in the proportion of male and female users [ 59 , 68 ].

To explain these similar prevalence rates, some authors, such as Chan [ 27 ], have proposed a feminist perspective, stating that women use dating apps to gain greater control over their relationships and sexuality, thus countering structural gender inequality. On the other hand, other authors have referred to the perpetuation of traditional masculinity and femmephobic language in these applications [ 28 , 53 ].

Age. Specific studies have been conducted on people of different ages: adolescents [ 49 ], young people (e.g., [ 21 , 23 , 71 ]), and middle-aged and older people [ 58 ]. The most studied group has been young people between 18 and 30 years old, mainly university students, and some authors have concluded that the age subgroup with a higher prevalence of use of dating apps is between 24 and 30 years of age [ 44 , 59 ].

Sexual orientation. This is a fundamental variable in research on dating apps. In recent years, especially after the success of Tinder, the use of these applications by heterosexuals, both men and women, has increased, which has affected the increase of research on this group [ 3 , 59 ]. However, the most studied group with the highest prevalence rates of dating apps use is that of men from sexual minorities [ 18 , 40 ]. There is considerable literature on this collective, both among adolescents [ 49 ], young people [ 18 ], and older people [ 58 ], in different geographical contexts and both in urban and rural areas [ 24 , 36 , 43 , 79 ]. Moreover, being a member of a sexual minority, especially among men, seems to be a good predictor of the use of dating apps [ 23 ].

For these people, being able to communicate online can be particularly valuable, especially for those who may have trouble expressing their sexual orientation and/or finding a partner [ 3 , 80 ]. There is much less research on non-heterosexual women and this focuses precisely on their need to reaffirm their own identity and discourse, against the traditional values of hetero-patriate societies [ 35 , 69 ].

Relationship status. It has traditionally been argued that the prevalence of the use of dating apps was much higher among singles than among those with a partner [ 72 ]. This remains the case, as some studies have shown that being single was the most powerful sociodemographic predictor of using these applications [ 23 ]. However, several investigations have concluded that there is a remarkable percentage of users, between 10 and 29%, who have a partner [ 4 , 17 , 72 ]. From what has been studied, usually aimed at evaluating infidelity [ 17 , 75 ], the reasons for using Tinder are very different depending on the relational state, and the users of this app who had a partner had had more sexual and romantic partners than the singles who used it [ 72 ].

Other sociodemographic variables. Some studies, such as the one of Shapiro et al. [ 64 ], have found a direct relationship between the level of education and the use of dating apps. However, most studies that contemplated this variable have focused on university students (see, for example [ 21 , 23 , 31 , 38 ]), so there may be a bias in the interpretation of their results. The findings of Shapiro et al. [ 64 ] presented a paradox: while they found a direct link between Tinder use and educational level, they also found that those who did not use any app achieved better grades. Another striking result about the educational level is that of the study of Neyt et al. [ 9 ] about their users’ characteristics and those that are sought in potential partners through the apps. These authors found a heterogeneous effect of educational level by gender: whereas women preferred a potential male partner with a high educational level, this hypothesis was not refuted in men, who preferred female partners with lower educational levels.

Other variables evaluated in the literature on dating apps are place of residence or income level. As for the former, app users tend to live in urban contexts, so studies are usually performed in large cities (e.g., [ 11 , 28 , 45 ]), although it is true that in recent years studies are beginning to be seen in rural contexts to know the reality of the people who live there [ 43 ]. It has also been shown that dating app users have a higher income level than non-users, although this can be understood as a feature associated with young people with high educational levels. However, it seems that the use of these applications is present in all social layers, as it has been documented even among homeless youth in the United States [ 66 ].

Personality and other psychosocial variables. The literature that relates the use of dating apps to different psychosocial variables is increasingly extensive and diverse. The most evaluated variable concerning the use of these applications is self-esteem, although the results are inconclusive. It seems established that self-esteem is the most important psychological predictor of using dating apps [ 6 , 8 , 59 ]. But some authors, such as Orosz et al. [ 55 ], warn that the meaning of that relationship is unclear: apps can function both as a resource for and a booster of self-esteem (e.g., having a lot of matches) or to decrease it (e.g., lack of matches, ignorance of usage patterns).

The relationship between dating app use and attachment has also been studied. Chin et al. [ 29 ] concluded that people with a more anxious attachment orientation and those with a less avoidant orientation were more likely to use these apps.

Sociosexuality is another important variable concerning the use of dating apps. It has been found that users of these applications tended to have a less restrictive sociosexuality, especially those who used them to have casual sex [ 6 , 7 , 8 , 21 ].

Finally, the most studied approach in this field is the one that relates the use of dating apps with certain personality traits, both from the Big Five and from the dark personality model. As for the Big Five model, Castro et al. [ 23 ] found that the only trait that allowed the prediction of the current use of these applications was open-mindedness. Other studies looked at the use of apps, these personality traits, and relational status. Thus, Timmermans and De Caluwé [ 71 ] found that single users of Tinder were more outgoing and open to new experiences than non-user singles, who scored higher in conscientiousness. For their part, Timmermans et al. [ 72 ] concluded that Tinder users who had a partner scored lower in agreeableness and conscientiousness and higher in neuroticism than people with partners who did not use Tinder.

The dark personality, on the other hand, has been used to predict the different reasons for using dating apps [ 48 ], as well as certain antisocial behaviors in Tinder [ 6 , 51 ]. As for the differences in dark personality traits between users and non-users of dating apps, the results are inconclusive. A study was localized that highlighted the relevance of psychopathy [ 3 ] whereas another study found no predictive power as a global indicator of dark personality [ 23 ].

3.3. Characteristics of Dating App Use

It is very difficult to know not only the actual number of users of dating apps in any country in the world but also the prevalence of use. This varies depending on the collectives studied and the sampling techniques used. Given this caveat, the results of some studies do allow an idea of the proportion of people using these apps. It has been found to vary between the 12.7% found by Castro et al. [ 23 ] and the 60% found by LeFebvre [ 44 ]. Most common, however, is to find a participant prevalence of between 40–50% [ 3 , 4 , 39 , 62 , 64 ], being slightly higher among men from sexual minorities [ 18 , 50 ].

The study of Botnen et al. [ 21 ] among Norwegian university students concluded that about half of the participants appeared to be a user of dating apps, past or present. But only one-fifth were current users, a result similar to those found by Castro et al. [ 23 ] among Spanish university students. The most widely used, and therefore the most examined, apps in the studies are Tinder and Grindr. The first is the most popular among heterosexuals, and the second among men of sexual minorities [ 3 , 18 , 36 , 70 ].

Findings from existing research on the characteristics of the use of dating apps can be divided among those referring to before (e.g., profiling), during (e.g., use), and after (e.g., offline behavior with other app users). Regarding before , the studies focus on users’ profile-building and self-presentation more among men of sexual minorities [ 52 , 77 ]. Ward [ 74 ] highlighted the importance of the process of choosing the profile picture in applications that are based on physical appearance. Like Ranzini and Lutz [ 59 ], Ward [ 74 ] mentions the differences between the “real self” and the “ideal self” created in dating apps, where one should try to maintain a balance between one and the other. Self-esteem plays a fundamental role in this process, as it has been shown that higher self-esteem encourages real self-presentation [ 59 ].

Most of the studies that analyze the use of dating apps focus on during , i.e. on how applications are used. As for the frequency of use and the connection time, Chin et al. [ 29 ] found that Tinder users opened the app up to 11 times a day, investing up to 90 minutes per day. Strubel and Petrie [ 67 ] found that 23% of Tinder users opened the app two to three times a day, and 14% did so once a day. Meanwhile, Sumter and Vandenbosch [ 3 ] concluded that 23% of the users opened Tinder daily.

It seems that the frequency and intensity of use, in addition to the way users behave on dating apps, vary depending on sexual orientation and sex. Members of sexual minorities, especially men, use these applications more times per day and for longer times [ 18 ]. As for sex, different patterns of behavior have been observed both in men and women, as the study of Timmermans and Courtois [ 4 ] shows. Men use apps more often and more intensely, but women use them more selectively and effectively. They accumulate more matches than men and do so much faster, allowing them to choose and have a greater sense of control. Therefore, it is concluded that the number of swipes and likes of app users does not guarantee a high number of matches in Tinder [ 4 ].

Some authors are alert to various behaviors observed in dating apps which, in some cases, may be negative for the user. For example, Yeo and Fung [ 77 ] mention the fast and hasty way of acting in apps, which is incongruous with cultural norms for the formation of friendships and committed relationships and ends up frustrating those who seek more lasting relationships. Parisi and Comunello [ 57 ] highlighted a key to the use of apps and a paradox. They referred to relational homophilia, that is, the tendency to be attracted to people similar to oneself. But, at the same time, this occurs in a context that increases the diversity of intimate interactions, thus expanding pre-existing networks. Finally, Licoppe [ 45 ] concluded that users of Grindr and Tinder present almost opposite types of communication and interaction. In Grindr, quick conversations seem to take precedence, aimed at organizing immediate sexual encounters, whereas, in Tinder, there are longer conversations and more exchange of information.

The latest group of studies focuses on offline behavior with contacts made through dating apps. Differences have been observed in the prevalence of encounters with other app users, possibly related to participants’ sociodemographic characteristics. Whereas Strugo and Muise [ 2 ], and Macapagal et al. [ 49 ] found that between 60 and 70% of their participants had had an encounter with another person known through these applications, in other studies this is less common, with prevalence being less than 50% [ 3 , 4 , 62 ]. In fact, Griffin et al. [ 39 ] stated that in-person encounters were relatively rare among users of dating apps.

There are also differences in the types of relationships that arose after offline encounters with other users. Strugo and Muise [ 2 ] concluded that 33% of participants had found a romantic partner and that 52% had had casual sex with at least one partner met through an app. Timmermans and Courtois [ 4 ] found that one-third of the offline encounters ended in casual sex and one-fourth in a committed relationship. Sumter and Vandenbosch [ 3 ], for their part, concluded that 18.6% of the participants had had sex with another person they had met on Tinder. And finally, the participants in the study of Timmermans and De Caluwé [ 71 ] indicated that: (1) they had met face-to-face with an average of 4.25 people whom they had met on Tinder; (2) they had had one romantic relationship with people met on Tinder; (3) they had had casual sex with an average of 1.57 people met on Tinder; and (4) they had become friends with an average of 2.19 people met on Tinder.

3.4. Motives for Dating App Use

There is a stereotype that dating apps are used only, or above all, to look for casual sex [ 44 ]. In fact, these applications have been accused of generating a hookup culture, associated with superficiality and sexual frivolity [ 2 ]. However, this is not the case. In the last five years, a large body of literature has been generated on the reasons why people use dating apps, especially Tinder, and the conclusion is unanimous: apps serve multiple purposes, among which casual sex is only one [ 1 , 4 , 44 ]. It has been found that up to 70% of the app users participating in a study [ 18 ] indicated that their goal when using it was not sex-seeking.

An evolution of research interest can be traced regarding the reasons that guide people to use dating apps [ 55 ]. The first classification of reasons for using Tinder was published by Ranzini and Lutz [ 59 ], who adapted a previous scale, designed for Grindr, composed of six motives: hooking up/sex (finding sexual partners), friendship (building a social network), relationship (finding a romantic partner), traveling (having dates in different places), self-validation (self-improvement), and entertainment (satisfying social curiosity). They found that the reason given by most users was those of entertainment, followed by those of self-validation and traveling, with the search for sex occupying fourth place in importance. However, the adaptation of this scale did not have adequate psychometric properties and it has not been reused.

Subsequently, Sumter et al. [ 68 ] generated a new classification of reasons to use Tinder, later refined by Sumter and Vandenbosch [ 3 ]. They proposed six reasons for use, both relational (love, casual sex), intrapersonal (ease of communication, self-worth validation), and entertainment (the thrill of excitement, trendiness). The motivation most indicated by the participants was that of love, and the authors concluded that Tinder is used: (1) to find love and/or sex; (2) because it is easy to communicate; (3) to feel better about oneself; and (4) because it’s fun and exciting.

At the same time, Timmermans and De Caluwé [ 70 ] developed the Tinder Motives Scale, which evaluates up to 13 reasons for using Tinder. The reasons, sorted by the scores obtained, were: to pass time/entertainment, curiosity, socializing, relationship-seeking, social approval, distraction, flirting/social skills, sexual orientation, peer pressure, traveling, sexual experience, ex, and belongingness. So far, the most recently published classification of reasons is that of Orosz et al. [ 55 ], who in the Tinder Use Motivations Scale proposed four groups of reasons: boredom (individual reasons to use Tinder to overcome boredom), self-esteem (use of Tinder to improve self-esteem), sex (use of Tinder to satisfy sexual need) and love (use of Tinder to find love). As in the previous scales, the reasons of seeking sex did not score higher on this scale, so it can be concluded that dating apps are not mainly used for this reason.

The existing literature indicates that reasons for the use of dating apps may vary depending on different sociodemographic and personality variables [ 1 ]. As for sex, Ranzini and Lutz [ 59 ] found that women used Tinder more for friendship and self-validation, whereas men used it more to seek sex and relationships. Sumter et al. [ 68 ] found something similar: men scored higher than women in casual sex motivation and also in the motives of ease of communication and thrill of excitement.

With regard to age, Ward [ 74 ] concluded that motivations change over time and Sumter et al. [ 68 ] found a direct association with the motives of love, casual sex, and ease of communication. In terms of sexual orientation, it has become commoner for people from sexual minorities, especially men, than for heterosexual participants to use these applications much more in the search for casual sex [ 18 ].

Finally, other studies have concluded that personality guides the motivations for the use of dating apps [ 3 , 72 ]. A line of research initiated in recent years links dark personality traits to the reasons for using Tinder. In this investigation, Lyons et al. [ 48 ] found that people who score high in Machiavellianism and psychopathy offer more reasons for use (e.g., get casual sex, acquiring social or flirting skills).

3.5. Benefits and Risks of Using Dating Apps

In the latter section, the benefits and advantages of the use of dating apps are analyzed. There is also an extensive literature on the risks associated with use. Many studies indicate that dating apps have opened a new horizon in how to meet potential partners, allowing access to many [ 3 , 6 , 8 ], which may be even more positive for certain individuals and groups who have been silenced or marginalized, such as some men from sexual minorities [ 80 ]. It has also been emphasized that these applications are a non-intimidating way to start connecting, they are flexible and free, and require less time and effort than other traditional means of communication [ 1 , 55 ].

On the other hand, the advantages of apps based on the technology they use and the possibilities they pose to users have been highlighted. Ranzini and Lutz [ 59 ] underlined four aspects. First is the portability of smartphones and tablets, which allows the use of apps in any location, both private and public. Second is availability, as their operation increases the spontaneity and frequency of use of the apps, and this, in turn, allows a quick face-to-face encounter, turning online interactions into offline relationships [ 70 , 77 ]. Thirdly is locatability, as dating apps allow matches, messages, and encounters with other users who are geographically close [ 77 ]. Finally is multimediality, the relevance of the visual, closely related to physical appearance, which results in two channels of communication (photos and messages) and the possibility of linking the profile with that of other social networks, such as Facebook and Instagram [ 4 ].

There is also considerable literature focused on the potential risks associated with using these applications. The topics covered in the studies can be grouped into four blocks, having in common the negative consequences that these apps can generate in users’ mental, relational, and sexual health. The first block focuses on the configuration and use of the applications themselves. Their emergence and popularization have been so rapid that apps pose risks associated with security, intimacy, and privacy [ 16 , 20 ]. This can lead to more insecure contacts, especially among women, and fears related to the ease of localization and the inclusion of personal data in apps [ 39 ]. Some authors highlight the paradox that many users suffer: they have more chances of contact than ever before, but at the same time this makes them more vulnerable [ 26 , 80 ].

This block can also include studies on the problematic use of apps, which can affect the daily lives of users [ 34 , 56 ], and research that focuses on the possible negative psychological effects of their use, as a link has been shown between using dating apps and loneliness, dissatisfaction with life, and feeling excluded from the world [ 24 , 34 , 78 ].

The second block of studies on the risks associated with dating apps refers to discrimination and aggression. Some authors, such as Conner [ 81 ] and Lauckner et al. [ 43 ], have argued that technology, instead of reducing certain abusive cultural practices associated with deception, discrimination, or abuse (e.g., about body types, weight, age, rural environments, racism, HIV stigma), has accentuated them, and this can affect users’ mental health. Moreover, certain antisocial behaviors in apps, such as trolling [ 6 , 51 ], have been studied, and a relationship has been found between being a user of these applications and suffering some episode of sexual victimization, both in childhood and adulthood [ 30 ].

The following block refers to the risks of dating app use regarding diet and body image. These applications, focusing on appearance and physical attractiveness, can promote excessive concerns about body image, as well as various negative consequences associated with it (e.g., unhealthy weight management behaviors, low satisfaction and high shame about the body, more comparisons with appearance [ 22 , 36 , 67 , 73 ]). These risks have been more closely associated with men than with women [ 61 ], perhaps because of the standards of physical attractiveness prevalent among men of sexual minorities, which have been the most studied collective.

The last block of studies on the risks of dating app use focuses on their relationship with risky sexual behaviors. This is probably the most studied topic in different populations (e.g., sexual minority men, heterosexual people). The use of these applications can contribute to a greater performance of risky sexual behaviors, which results in a higher prevalence of sexually transmitted illnesses (STIs). However, the results of the studies analyzed are inconclusive [ 40 ].

On the one hand, some studies find a relationship between being a user of dating apps and performing more risky sexual behaviors (e.g., having more sexual partners, less condom use, more relationships under the effects of alcohol and other drugs), both among men from sexual minorities [ 19 ] and among heterosexual individuals [ 32 , 41 , 62 ]. On the other hand, some research has found that, although app users perform more risky behaviors, especially having more partners, they also engage in more prevention behaviors (e.g., more sex counseling, more HIV tests, more treatment) and they do not use the condoms less than non-users [ 18 , 50 , 64 , 79 ]. Studies such as that of Luo et al. [ 46 ] and that of Wu [ 76 ] also found greater use of condoms among app users than among non-users.

Finally, some studies make relevant appraisals of this topic. For example, Green et al. [ 38 ] concluded that risky sexual behaviors are more likely to be performed when sex is performed with a person met through a dating app with whom some common connection was made (e.g., shared friends in Facebook or Instagram). This is because these users tend to avoid discussing issues related to prevention, either because they treat that person more familiarly, or for fear of possible gossip. Finally, Hahn et al. [ 40 ] found that, among men from sexual minorities, the contact time prior to meeting in person was associated with greater prevention. The less time between the conversation and the first encounter, the more likely the performance of risky behaviors.

4. Discussion

In a very few years, dating apps have revolutionized the way of meeting and interacting with potential partners. In parallel with the popularization of these applications, a large body of knowledge has been generated which, however, has not been collected in any systematic review. Given the social relevance that this phenomenon has reached, we performed this study to gather and analyze the main findings of empirical research on psychosocial content published in the last five years (2016–2020) on dating apps.

Seventy studies were located and analyzed, after applying stringent inclusion criteria that, for various reasons, left out a large number of investigations. Thus, it has been found that the literature on the subject is extensive and varied. Studies of different types and methodologies have been published, in very diverse contexts, on very varied populations and focusing on different aspects, some general and others very specific. Therefore, the first and main conclusion of this study is that the phenomenon of dating apps is transversal, and very present in the daily lives of millions of people around the world.

This transversality has been evident in the analysis of the characteristics of the users of dating apps. Apps have been found to be used, regardless of sex [ 59 , 68 ], age [ 49 , 58 , 71 ], sexual orientation [ 3 , 59 ], relational status [ 72 ], educational and income level [ 9 , 66 ], or personality traits [ 23 , 48 , 72 ].

Another conclusion that can be drawn from this analysis is that there are many preconceived ideas and stereotypes about dating apps, both at the research and social level, which are supported by the literature, but with nuances. For example, although the stereotype says that apps are mostly used by men, studies have concluded that women use them in a similar proportion, and more effectively [ 4 ]. The same goes for sexual orientation or relational status; the stereotype says that dating apps are mostly used by men of sexual minorities and singles [ 1 ], but some apps (e.g., Tinder) are used more by heterosexual people [ 3 , 59 ] and there is a remarkable proportion of people with a partner who use these apps [ 4 , 17 ].

A third conclusion of the review of the studies is that to know and be able to foresee the possible consequences of the use of dating apps, how and why they are used are particularly relevant. For this reason, both the use and the motives for use of these applications have been analyzed, confirming the enormous relevance of different psychosocial processes and variables (e.g., self-esteem, communication, and interaction processes), both before (profiling), during (use), and after (off-line encounters) of the use of dating apps.

However, in this section, what stands out most is the difficulty in estimating the prevalence of the use of dating apps. Very disparate prevalence have been found not only because of the possible differences between places and groups (see, for example [ 18 , 23 , 44 , 64 ]), but also because of the use of different sampling and information collection procedures, which in some cases, over-represent app users. All this hinders the characterization and assessment of the phenomenon of dating apps, as well as the work of the researchers. After selecting the group to be studied, it would be more appropriate to collect information from a representative sample, without conditioning or directing the study toward users, as this may inflate the prevalence rates.

The study of motives for the use of dating apps may contain the strongest findings of all those appraised in this review. Here, once again, a preconceived idea has been refuted, not only among researchers but across society. Since their appearance, there is a stereotype that dating apps are mostly used for casual sex [ 2 , 44 ]. However, studies constantly and consistently show that this is not the case. The classifications of the reasons analyzed for their use have concluded that people use dating apps for a variety of reasons, such as to entertain themselves, out of curiosity, to socialize, and to seek relationships, both sexual and romantic [ 3 , 59 , 68 , 70 ]. Thus, these apps should not be seen as merely for casual sex, but as much more [ 68 ].

Understanding the reasons for using dating apps provides a necessary starting point for research questions regarding the positive and negative effects of use [ 70 ]. Thus, the former result block reflected findings on the advantages and risks associated with using dating apps. In this topic, there may be a paradox in the sense that something that is an advantage (e.g., access to a multitude of potential partners, facilitates meeting people) turns into a drawback (e.g., loss of intimacy and privacy). Research on the benefits of using dating apps is relatively scarce, but it has stressed that these tools are making life and relationships easier for many people worldwide [ 6 , 80 ].

The literature on the risks associated with using dating apps is much broader, perhaps explaining the negative social vision of them that still exists nowadays. These risks have highlighted body image, aggression, and the performance of risky sexual behaviors. Apps represent a contemporary environment that, based on appearance and physical attractiveness, is associated with several negative pressures and perceptions about the body, which can have detrimental consequences for the physical and mental health of the individual [ 67 ]. As for assaults, there is a growing literature alerting us to the increasing amount of sexual harassment and abuse related to dating apps, especially in more vulnerable groups, such as women, or among people of sexual minorities (e.g., [ 12 , 82 ]).

Finally, there is considerable research that has analyzed the relationship between the use of dating apps and risky sexual behaviors, in different groups and with inconclusive results, as has already been shown [ 40 , 46 , 76 ]. In any case, as dating apps favor contact and interaction between potential partners, and given that a remarkable percentage of sexual contacts are unprotected [ 10 , 83 ], further research should be carried out on this topic.

Limitations and Future Directions

The meteoric appearance and popularization of dating apps have generated high interest in researchers around the world in knowing how they work, the profile of users, and the psychosocial processes involved. However, due to the recency of the phenomenon, there are many gaps in the current literature on these applications. That is why, in general terms, more research is needed to improve the understanding of all the elements involved in the functioning of dating apps.

It is strange to note that many studies have been conducted focusing on very specific aspects related to apps while other central aspects, such as the profile of users, had not yet been consolidated. Thus, it is advisable to improve the understanding of the sociodemographic and personality characteristics of those who use dating apps, to assess possible differences with those who do not use them. Attention should also be paid to certain groups that have been poorly studied (e.g., women from sexual minorities), as research has routinely focused on men and heterosexual people.

Similarly, limitations in understanding the actual data of prevalence of use have been highlighted, due to the over-representation of the number of users of dating apps seen in some studies. Therefore, it would be appropriate to perform studies in which the app user would not be prioritized, to know the actual use of these tools among the population at large. Although further studies must continue to be carried out on the risks of using these applications (e.g., risky sexual behaviors), it is also important to highlight the positive sexual and relational consequences of their use, in order to try to mitigate the negative social vision that still exists about dating app users. Last but not least, as all the studies consulted and included in this systematic review were cross-sectional, longitudinal studies are necessary which can evaluate the evolution of dating apps, their users and their uses, motives, and consequences.

The main limitations of this systematic review concern the enormous amount of information currently existing on dating apps. Despite having applied rigorous exclusion criteria, limiting the studies to the 2016–2020 period, and that the final sample was of 70 studies, much information has been analyzed and a significant number of studies and findings that may be relevant were left out. In future, the theoretical reviews that are made will have to be more specific, focused on certain groups and/or problems.

Another limitation—in this case, methodological, to do with the characteristics of the topic analyzed and the studies included—is that not all the criteria of the PRISMA guidelines were followed [ 13 , 14 ]. We intended to make known the state of the art in a subject well-studied in recent years, and to gather the existing literature without statistical treatment of the data. Therefore, there are certain criteria of PRISMA (e.g., summary measures, planned methods of analysis, additional analysis, risk of bias within studies) that cannot be satisfied.

However, as stated in the Method section, the developers of the PRISMA guidelines themselves have stated that some systematic reviews are of a different nature and that not all of them can meet these criteria. Thus, their main recommendation, to present methods with adequate clarity and transparency to enable readers to critically judge the available evidence and replicate or update the research, has been followed [ 13 ].

Finally, as the initial search in the different databases was carried by only one of the authors, some bias could have been introduced. However, as previously noted, with any doubt about the inclusion of any study, the final decision was agreed between both authors, so we expect this possible bias to be small.

5. Conclusions

Dating apps have come to stay and constitute an unstoppable social phenomenon, as evidenced by the usage and published literature on the subject over the past five years. These apps have become a new way to meet and interact with potential partners, changing the rules of the game and romantic and sexual relationships for millions of people all over the world. Thus, it is important to understand them and integrate them into the relational and sexual life of users [ 76 ].

The findings of this systematic review have relevant implications for various groups (i.e., researchers, clinicians, health prevention professionals, users). Detailed information has been provided on the characteristics of users and the use of dating apps, the most common reasons for using them, and the benefits and risks associated with them. This can guide researchers to see what has been done and how it has been done and to design future research.

Second, there are implications for clinicians and health prevention and health professionals, concerning mental, relational, and sexual health. These individuals will have a starting point for designing more effective information and educational programs. These programs could harness the potential of the apps themselves and be integrated into them, as suggested by some authors [ 42 , 84 ].

Finally and unavoidably, knowledge about the phenomenon of dating apps collected in this systematic review can have positive implications for users, who may have at their disposal the necessary tools to make a healthy and responsible use of these applications, maximizing their advantages and reducing the risks posed by this new form of communication present in the daily life of so many people.

Author Contributions

Conceptualization, Á.C. and J.R.B.; methodology, Á.C. and J.R.B.; formal analysis, Á.C. and J.R.B.; investigation, Á.C. and J.R.B.; resources, Á.C. and J.R.B.; data curation, Á.C. and J.R.B.; writing—original draft preparation, Á.C.; writing—review and editing, J.R.B. and Á.C.; project administration, Á.C.; funding acquisition, Á.C. and J.R.B. All authors have read and agreed to the published version of the manuscript.

This research was funded by: (1) Ministry of Science, Innovation and Universities, Government of Spain (PGC2018-097086-A-I00); and (2) Government of Aragón (Group S31_20D). Department of Innovation, Research and University and FEDER 2014-2020, “Building Europe from Aragón”.

Conflicts of Interest

The authors declare no conflict of interest. The funders had no role in the design of the study; in the collection, analyses, or interpretation of data; in the writing of the manuscript, or in the decision to publish the results.

Research article
Open access
Published: 04 March 2020

Swipe-based dating applications use and its association with mental health outcomes: a cross-sectional study

Nicol Holtzhausen 1 ,
Keersten Fitzgerald 1 ,
Ishaan Thakur 1 ,
Jack Ashley 1 ,
Margaret Rolfe 2 &
Sabrina Winona Pit ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0003-2410-0703 1 , 2

BMC Psychology volume 8 , Article number: 22 ( 2020 ) Cite this article

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Swipe-Based Dating Applications (SBDAs) function similarly to other social media and online dating platforms but have the unique feature of “swiping” the screen to either like or dislike another user’s profile. There is a lack of research into the relationship between SBDAs and mental health outcomes.

The aim of this study was to study whether adult SBDA users report higher levels of psychological distress, anxiety, depression, and lower self-esteem, compared to people who do not use SBDAs.

A cross-sectional online survey was completed by 437 participants. Mental health (MH) outcomes included the Kessler Psychological Distress Scale, Generalised Anxiety Disorder-2 scale, Patient Health Questionnaire-2, and Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale. Logistic regressions were used to estimate odds ratios of having a MH condition. A repeated measures analysis of variance was used with an apriori model which considered all four mental health scores together in a single analysis. The apriori model included user status, age and gender.

Thirty percent were current SBDA users. The majority of users and past users had met people face-to-face, with 26.1%(60/230) having met > 5 people, and only 22.6%(52/230) having never arranged a meeting. Almost 40%(39.1%; 90/230) had previously entered into a serious relationship with someone they had met on a SBDA. More participants reported a positive impact on self-esteem as a result of SBDA use (40.4%; 93/230), than a negative impact (28.7%;66/230).

Being a SBDA user was significantly associated with having psychological distress (OR = 2.51,95%CI (1.32–4.77)), p = 0.001), and depression (OR = 1.91,95%CI (1.04–3.52), p = 0.037) in the multivariable logistic regression models, adjusting for age, gender and sexual orientation. When the four MH scores were analysed together there was a significant difference ( p = 0.037) between being a user or non-user, with SDBA users having significantly higher mean scores for distress ( p = 0.001), anxiety ( p = 0.015) and depression ( p = 0.005). Increased frequency of use and longer duration of use were both associated with greater psychological distress and depression ( p < 0.05).

SBDA use is common and users report higher levels of depression, anxiety and distress compared to those who do not use the applications. Further studies are needed to determine causality and investigate specific patterns of SBDA use that are detrimental to mental health.

Peer Review reports

Swipe-Based Dating Applications (SBDAs) provide a platform for individuals to interact and form romantic or sexual connections before meeting face-to-face. SBDAs differ from other online dating platforms based on the feature of swiping on a mobile screen. Each user has a profile which other users can approve or reject by swiping the screen to the right or the left. If two individuals approve of each other’s profiles, it is considered a “match” and they can initiate a messaging interaction. Other differentiating characteristics include brief, image-dominated profiles and the incorporation of geolocation, facilitating user matches within a set geographical radius. There are a variety of SBDAs which follow this concept, such as Tinder, Bumble, Happn, and OkCupid.

The Australian population of SBDA users is rapidly growing. In 2018, Tinder was the most popular mobile dating app in Australia, with approximately 57 million users worldwide [ 1 , 2 ]. Most SBDA users are aged between 18 and 34, and the largest increase in SBDA use has been amongst 18–24 year-olds. However, there has also been a sharp increase in SBDA use amongst 45–54 year-olds, rising by over 60%, and 55–64 year-olds, where SBDA use has doubled [ 3 ]. SBDA use is also rising internationally; of internet users in the United States, 19% are engaging in online dating (sites or applications) [ 4 ]. The role of SBDAs in formation of long term relationships is already significant and also rising; a 2017 survey of 14,000 recently married or engaged individuals in the United States found that almost one in five had met their partner via online dating [ 5 ]. A large, nationally representative survey and audit conducted by eHarmony predicted that by 2040, 70% of relationships will begin online [ 6 ].

With SBDA use increasing at such a rapid rate, investigation into the health implications of these applications is warranted. Such research has to date focused on investigating the link between these applications and high-risk sexual behaviour, particularly in men who have sex with men [ 7 ]. Currently, there is a paucity of research into the health impacts of SBDAs, especially with regards to mental health [ 8 ].

The significance of mental health as a public health issue is well established [ 9 , 10 ]; of Australians aged 16–85, 45% report having experienced a mental illness at least once in their lifetime. Amongst 18–34 year-olds, those who use SBDAs most, the annual prevalence of mental illness is approximately 25% [ 11 ]. Moreover, mental illness and substance abuse disorders were estimated to account for 12% of the total burden of disease in Australia [ 10 ]. However, mental health refers not only to the absence of mental illness, but to a state of wellbeing, characterised by productivity, appropriate coping and social contribution [ 12 ]. Therefore, while mental illness presents a significant public health burden and must be considered when investigating the health impacts of social and lifestyle factors, such as SBDA use, a broader view of implications for psychological wellbeing must also be considered.

A few studies have investigated the psychological impact of dating applications, assessing the relationship between Tinder use, self-esteem, body image and weight management. Strubel & Petrie found that Tinder use was significantly associated with decreased face and body satisfaction, more appearance comparisons and greater body shame, and, amongst males, lower self-esteem [ 8 ]. On the other hand, Rönnestad found only a weak relationship between increased intensity of Tinder use and decreased self-esteem; however this may be explained by the low intensity of use in this study. Correlations were 0.18 or lower for self-esteem and the scores for app usage, dating behaviour and tinder intensity [ 13 ]. A study by Tran et al. of almost 1800 adults found that dating application users were significantly more likely to engage in unhealthy weight control behaviours (such as laxative use, self-induced vomiting and use of anabolic steroids) compared to non-users [ 14 ].

To our knowledge, there have been no studies investigating the association between SBDA use and mood-based mental health outcomes, such as psychological distress or features of anxiety and depression. However, there have been studies investigating the relationship between mental health outcomes and social media use. SBDAs are innately similar to social media as they provide users a medium through which to interact and to bestow and receive peer approval; the ‘likes’ of Facebook and Instagram are replaced with ‘right swipes’ on Tinder and Bumble [ 8 ].

To date, research into the psychological impact of social media has yielded conflicting evidence. One study found a significant, dose-response association of increased frequency of social media use (with measures such as time per day and site visits per week) with increased likelihood of depression [ 15 ]. Contrarily, Primack et al. found the use of multiple social media platforms to be associated with symptoms of depression and anxiety independent of the total amount of time spent of social media [ 16 ]. However, some studies found no association between social media use and poorer mental health outcomes, such as suicidal ideation [ 17 , 18 , 19 ]. Other studies have investigated other aspects of use, beyond frequency and intensity; ‘problematic’ Facebook use, defined as Facebook use with addictive components similar to gambling addiction, has been associated with increased depressive symptoms and psychological distress [ 20 , 21 ]. A study of 18–29 year olds by Stapleton et al. found that while Instagram use did not directly impact user self-esteem, engaging in social comparison and validation-seeking via Instagram did negatively impact self-esteem [ 22 ]. A meta-analysis by Yoon et al. found a significant association between total time spent on social media and frequency of use with higher levels of depression [ 23 ]. This analysis also found that social comparisons made on social media had a greater relationship with depression levels than the overall level of use [ 23 ], providing a possible mediator of effect of social media on mental health, and one that may be present in SBDAs as well.

Existing research on the connection between social media use and mental health outcomes suggests that the way these applications and websites are used (to compare [ 22 , 23 ]; to seek validation [ 22 ]; with additive components [ 20 , 21 ]) is more significant than the frequency or time spent doing so. This validation-seeking is also seen in SBDAs.

Strubel & Petrie argue that SBDAs create a paradigm of instant gratification or rejection, placing users in a vulnerable position [ 8 ]. Furthermore, Sumter et al. found the pursuit of self-worth validation to be a key motivation for Tinder use in adults, further increasing the vulnerability of users to others’ acceptance or rejection [ 24 ]. This, combined with the emphasis placed on user images in SBDA [ 25 ], enhances the sexual objectification in these applications. The objectification theory suggests that such sexual objectification leads to internalisation of cultural standards of attractiveness and self-objectification, which in turn promotes body shame and prevents motivational states crucial to psychological wellbeing [ 8 , 26 ]. The pursuit of external peer validation seen in both social media and SBDAs, which may be implicated in poorer mental health outcomes associated with social media use, may also lead to poorer mental health in SBDA users.

This study aimed to investigate the relationship between Swipe-Based Dating Applications (SBDAs) and mental health outcomes by examining whether SBDA users over the age of 18 report higher levels of psychological distress, anxiety, depression, and lower self-esteem, compared to people who do not use SBDAs. Based on the similarities between social media and SBDAs, particularly the exposure to peer validation and rejection, we hypothesised that there would be similarities between the mental health implications of their use. As the pursuit of validation has already been found to be a motivator in Tinder use [ 24 ], and implicated in the adverse mental health impacts of social media [ 22 ], we hypothesised that SBDA users would experience poorer mental health compared to people who did not use SBDAs, reflected in increased psychological distress, symptoms of anxiety and depression, and lower self-esteem.

Recruitment and data collection

A cross sectional survey was conducted online using convenience sampling over a 3 month period between August and October 2018. Participants were recruited largely online via social media, including Facebook and Instagram. Administrative approval was sought before posting the survey link in relevant groups on these sites, including dating groups such as “Facebook Dating Australia” and community groups. A link to the survey was also disseminated by academic organisations and the Positive Adolescent Sexual Health Consortium. The survey was also disseminated via personal social networks, such as personal social media pages. The survey was created online using the secure Qualtrics software (version Aug-Oct 2018 Qualtrics, Provo, Utah).

Demographic factors, dating application factors and mental health outcomes were measured. Demographic measures included age, gender, sexual orientation, relationship/marital status, employment status and use of other social media platforms. The questionnaire also included basic information on SBDA usage. Initially respondents were asked if they were current users, past users or non-users. Past users were those who had not used an SBDA in the last 6 months. This variable was dichotomised into “current users” (used an SBDA within the last 6 months) and “non-users” (have never used or have not used an SBDA in the last 6 months). The survey included frequency of SBDA use and duration of use. Respondents were also asked the number of people they met in person from SBDAs, the number of serious relationships with people they met on SBDAs and if they met their current partner on an SBDA. Self-reported impact of SBDAs on self-esteem was assessed using a five-point scale from very negatively to very positively. Due to small numbers in the extreme categories this variable was simplified to positively, no impact and negatively. Past users and non-users were asked their reason for not using SBDAs and what other methods they used to meet potential partners.

The outcome measures included psychological distress, anxiety, depression, and self-esteem. In line with the Australian Bureau of Statistics [ 27 ], psychological distress was assessed using the Kessler Psychological Distress Scale (K6). The K6 has six questions asking the frequency of various symptoms, each with a score of 0–4 (none, a little, some, most or all of the time). The total score is out of 24, with scores over 13 indicating distress. Validity was assessed and confirmed by using data from 14 countries and recommended that it can be used when brief measures are required [ 28 ].

Anxiety was measured using the Generalised Anxiety Disorder-2 scale (GAD-2). This scale involves two questions asking how many days they have experienced symptoms of anxiety in the last 2 weeks. Each question is scored from 0 to 3 (not at all, several days, more than half the days, nearly everyday), resulting in a total out of six. A systematic review and diagnostic meta-analysis of the international literature demonstrated that scores greater than or equal to three indicated anxiety [ 27 ]. Construct validity of the GAD-2 was confirmed by intercorrelations with demographic risk factors for depression and anxiety and other self-report scales in a German population [ 29 ].

Depression was measured using the Patient Health Questionnaire-2 (PHQ-2), which has two questions asking how many days in the last 2 weeks they have experienced low mood or anhedonia. The scoring system is the same as the GAD-2. Construct validity of the PHQ-2 was confirmed by intercorrelations with demographic risk factors for depression and anxiety and other self-report measures in a German population [ 29 ]. The PHQ-2 threshold of ≥3 was also the best balance between sensitivity (91%) and specificity (78%) for detecting possible cases of depression in a sample of 3626 Australian general practice patients [ 30 ].

Finally, self-esteem was measured using the Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale (RSES). This scale has ten statements related to self-esteem and respondents are required to “strongly agree”, “agree”, “disagree” or “strongly disagree” with each one. An example statement is: “At times I think I am no good at all”. Some of the statements are inversely scored, in order for low scores (< 15/30) to indicate low self esteem [ 31 ].

All of these tools (K6, GAD-2, PHQ-2, RSES) are widely used and have demonstrated validity. The cut off scores were used to dichotomise the variables to assess for the presence of the particular mental health outcome (psychological distress, anxiety, depression or low self-esteem). The cut off scores were provided by the relevant literature for each tool [ 27 , 28 , 29 , 31 ].

Statistical analysis

Descriptive statistics were calculated, using SPSS software V22 (IBM, New York, USA), to describe the sample and outcome measures. Chi-square and Fisher’s exact were used to determine the initial association between the independent factors and the four dependent mental health variables. Significance level was set at a p < 0.05. A cronbach’s alpha analysis was conducted on the items within each of the four mental health scales to assess the level of internal consistency.

The mental health (MH) outcomes were considered in two ways. Firstly, MH outcomes were considered as binary outcomes of not having or having psychological distress, anxiety, depression, or normal or low for self-esteem using univariate and multivariate logistic regression. Secondly, the continuous scores for each of the MH outcomes were compared with using apps versus not using apps using profile analysis with a repeated measures analysis of variance (RM ANOVA). Profile analysis was chosen because it is commonly used when there are various measures of the same dependent variable. Profile analysis is the “multivariate equivalent of repeated measures or mixed ANOVA” [ 6 ].

Univariable logistic regressions were used to estimate crude odds ratios to determine which factors are associated with having poorer mental health. For the multivariable logistic regression, the mental health outcome measures were the dependent variable and user status was the variable of interest whilst being adjusted for age, gender and sexual orientation.

The profile analysis considers mean levels of the four continuous MH outcomes (within-subject factors) together in the one analysis and provides an adjustment for the lack of independence of these measures. This analysis was conducted to provide a different picture to that of simply measuring whether someone has a specific MH condition as the numbers were rather small. User status was the variable of interest. Age and gender were included in the apriori model for adjustment. This analysis provides an understanding of how user status is related to the magnitude of MH scores after adjusting for gender and age (between-subject factors). The self-esteem outcome was reversed (30 minus score) so that higher scores were indicative of worse MH outcomes. Both the Wilks lambda and Greenhouse-Geiser results are presented as the sphericity assumption was not met.

Ethics approval was granted by Western Sydney University Human Research Ethics Committee (H11327).

Five-hundred-and-twenty people completed the online survey. After excluding those under the age of 18 and those who resided outside of Australia, 475 valid responses remained. The final sample consisted of 437 respondents who answered the “user status” question.

Sample characteristics

One in three of the total 437 participants were using a dating app (29.5%, n = 129), 23.1% ( n = 101) were past users and 47.4% ( n = 207) had never used a dating app. Our sample had a high proportion of people aged 18–23 (53.6%, n = 234), females (58.4%, n = 253) and lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer, intersex, plus (LGBTQI+) individuals (13.3%, n = 58) (Table 1 ). The majority of participants were in an exclusive relationship (53.5%, n = 231). Of the participants, 23.4% ( n = 102) were unemployed and 100% ( n = 434) used social media at least once per week.

Demographics and user status

While 37.2% ( n = 87) of those aged 18–23 were users, only 18.4% ( n = 19) of those aged 30 or older had used an app in the last 6 months (Table 1 ). A statistically significant higher proportion of LGBTQI+ participants (46.6%; n = 27) used SBDAs compared to heterosexuals (26.9%; n = 102) ( p < 0.001). Participants that were dating were significantly more likely to use SBDAs (80%, n = 48) than those who were not dating (47.5%, n = 67) or were in an exclusive relationship (6.1%, n = 14) ( p < 0.001). There was no significant difference in user status based on gender or employment status.

Patterns of use and non-use

Table 2 displays characteristics of dating app use in our sample. The most-used SBDA was Tinder, with 30% of our total sample, and 100% of current users, using the app. Bumble was also widely-used, however had less than half the number of users that Tinder did ( n = 61; 47.3%). Among SBDA users, the majority (51.2%; n = 66) had been using SBDAs for over a year.

The majority of users and past users had met people face-to-face, with 26.1% ( n = 60) having met over five people, and only 22.6% ( n = 52) having never arranged a meeting. Almost 40% (39.1%; n = 90) of current or past users had previously entered into a serious relationship with someone they had met on a SBDA. More participants reported a positive impact on self-esteem as a result of SBDA use (40.4%; n = 93), than a negative impact (28.7%; n = 66).

Among those who did not use SBDAs, the most common reason for this was that they were not looking for a relationship (67%; n = 201), followed by a preference for meeting people in other ways (31.3%; 94/300), a mistrust of people online (11%; 33/300) and feeling that these applications do not cater for the kind of relationship they were seeking (10%; 30/300). Non-users had most often met past partners through work, university or school (48.7%; 146/300) or through mutual friends (37.3%; 112/300).

Reliability analysis

All four mental health scales demonstrated high levels of internal consistency. The Cronbach’s alpha was 0.865 for K6, 0.818 for GAD-2, 0.748 for PHQ-2 and 0.894 for RSES.

SBDA use and mental health outcomes

A statistically significant association from chi-square analyses was demonstrated between psychological distress and user status ( P < 0.001), as well as depression and user status ( P = 0.004) (Table 3 ). While a higher proportion of users met the criteria for anxiety (24.2%; 31/128) and poor self-esteem (16.4%; 21/128), this association was not statistically significant.

Univariate logistic regression

Univariate logistic regression demonstrated a statistically significant relationship between age and all four mental health outcomes, with younger age being associated with poorer mental health ( p < 0.05 for all). Female gender was also significantly associated with anxiety, depression, and self-esteem ( p < 0.05) but not distress. Sexual orientation was also significant, with LGBTQI+ being associated with higher rates of all mental health outcomes (p < 0.05). Being in an exclusive relationship was associated with lower rates of psychological distress ( p = 0.002) and higher self-esteem ( p = 0.018).

Users had three times the odds of being psychologically distressed than non-users (OR: 3.13, 95%CI 1.71–5.73, p < 0.001) and twice the odds of being depressed (OR 2.31, 95% CI 1.29–4.13, p = 0.005). Increased frequency of use was associated with increased risk of psychological distress and depression. People who used SBDAs daily were almost four times more likely to be distressed (OR: 3.79, 95% CI 1.54–9.30, p = 0.004) or depressed (OR: 3.98, 95% CI 1.73–9.14, p = 0.001) when compared to those who never use. Those who had used SBDAs for over a year, had three and half times the odds of being psychologically distressed than non-users (OR: 3.55, 95% CI 1.74–7.25, p = 0.001) and three times the odds of being depressed (OR: 3.00, 95% CI 1.52–5.91, p = 0.002). Number of serious relationships and self-reported impact on self-esteem were not associated with any of the four outcome variables Table 4 .

Multivariate logistic regression

After adjusting for age, gender and sexual orientation in a multivariate model, user status was still significantly associated with distress and depression, but not anxiety and self-esteem, (Table 5 ). Users had 2.5 times the odds of being psychologically distressed than non-users (OR: 2.51, 95% CI 1.32–4.77, p = 0.005) and almost twice the odds of being depressed (OR: 1.91, 95% CI 1.04–3.52, p = 0.037).

Repeated measures analysis

Table 6 displays the relationship between SBDA use and the four mental health scores analysed together adjusted for age and gender. Thus, the repeated measure of mental health consisting of psychological distress, anxiety, depression and self-esteem was the within subject design factor. The mental health by user status interaction was significant ( P = 0.009, p = 0.037) after adjusting for the following: gender*mental health ( p = 0.001, p = 0.005) and age*mental health ( p < 0.001). The following interaction effects were found not to be significant: gender*user status and age*user status (results not shown). Figure 1 and Table 7 show that the estimated marginal mean scores are significantly higher for users when compared to non-users for three of the four mental health outcome measures: psychological distress (1), anxiety (2), and depression (3). Self-esteem (4) exhibited a higher marginal mean for users but not significantly, due to larger standard errors. In summary, the primary result of interest is that being a SDBA user was significantly associated with increased mental health scores on three of the four outcome measures after adjusting for age and gender.

Estimated marginal means of psychological distress (1), anxiety (2), depression (3) and self-esteem (4) by user status

The repeated measures analyses demonstrated a significant association between SBDA use and higher levels of psychological distress, and symptoms of anxiety and depression, however not low self-esteem. The multivariate logistic models found a significant association with psychological distress and depression, however not with anxiety.

These findings support our hypothesis, in part. We hypothesised that SBDA use would be associated with higher levels of psychological distress, anxiety and depression, which was upheld by our results. However, our hypothesis that low self-esteem would also be associated with SBDA use was not statistically supported by the findings. This is particularly interesting given the findings of Strubel and Ronnenberg’s previous studies [ 8 ]. We note that a trend for lower self-esteem was found however this was not statistically significant. On the contrary, Strubel & Petrie found a trend and theirs reached significance [ 8 ].

The association of SBDA use with higher scores of anxiety and depression symptoms may reflect a causative process; however, we cannot conclude this based on this cross-sectional study. This association may be mediated by the validation-seeking behaviour that has been found to be a motivating factor in SBDA use [ 8 , 24 ]. Alternatively, it may be that individuals with higher psychological distress, anxiety and depression are more likely to use SBDAs; this could be due to the lower social pressures of these interactions compared to initiating romantic connections face-to-face.

Individuals who used SBDAs daily and those who had used them for more than a year were both found to have statistically significantly higher rates of psychological distress and depression; this is a similar trend to that found with greater duration and frequency of social media use [ 15 , 23 ]. These findings suggest that the impact of SBDA use on users’ mental health and wellbeing may be dose-dependent. It also suggests that patterns of this impact may parallel those of social media use in other ways, for instance being more pronounced with greater validation-seeking and social comparison [ 22 , 23 ], or with problematic patterns of use [ 20 , 21 ]; this is an important area for future research.

Strengths & Limitations

Limitations of this study include the use of self-reporting, convenience sampling and selection bias. Another limitation of the study is that the mental health outcome measures were categorised which leads to loss of data. While the use of validated brief tools to measure mental health outcomes is a strength, the tools selected potentially limited their accuracy when compared to the more elaborate versions. Considering the inconvenience and potential reluctance towards survey completion, the authors determined that shorter measures would facilitate higher response rates by avoiding survey fatigue and thus render more meaningful data.

The large sample size of the study ( n = 437) is a strength, however the sample was not representative of the total population due to selection bias and potentially over-representing individuals with a particular interest in dating applications and mental health. Furthermore, the sample was 58.4% (253/433) female and 13.3% (58/437) LGBTQI+ individuals, compared to 50.7 and 3.2% of the Australian population, respectively [ 32 ]. Australian women [ 33 , 34 ] and LGBTQI+ individuals [ 35 ] experience greater levels of psychological distress, and have higher rates of anxiety and depression, when compared to men and heterosexual individuals, respectively. This was reflected in our results as women and LGBTQI+ individuals had higher levels of anxiety, depression and low self-esteem, and indicates that our sample may have overrepresented individuals already predisposed to higher rates of adverse mental health than the general Australian population.

Furthermore, the cross-sectional design of the study precludes us from drawing any causative conclusions. However, as a preliminary study in an area with a current paucity of research [ 27 , 28 , 29 , 31 ], this study has demonstrated an association between SBDA use and poorer mental health outcomes. Future research is recommended to investigate the strength and accuracy of this association using longer forms of validated tools, in a representative sample, and over multiple time points to assess the direction of causality. We also recommend that other factors may need to be considered in future research including participants’ previous physical or mental health and historical relationship patterns.

Clinical implications & future directions

Our findings contribute to understanding the impact SBDAs have on psychological distress, anxiety, depression, and self-esteem, keeping the limitations in mind. App developers could potentially reach out to their audience with messages to maintain positive mental health. While causality cannot be ascertained, these results may reflect that SBDA users are an at-risk population, and that the association warrants further investigation. Further research into the effects and mediators of effects of SBDA use on the mental health and psychological wellbeing of users is warranted, particularly regarding the role of motivation and validation-seeking in SBDA use.

Current SBDA users were found to have significantly higher rates of psychological distress, anxiety and depression, but were not found to have significantly lower self-esteem. The limitations of this study were the cross-sectional study design, a non-representative sample and reliance on self-reporting. SBDA developers can potentially use this information to maintain positive mental health with their users. Future research examining the impact of specific patterns of SBDA use on mental health (such as the impact of multiple SBDA use) would help identify factors of SBDA use that influence mental health.

Availability of data and materials

The datasets generated and/or analysed during the current study are not publicly available due the data being used for specified purposes within the ethics approval.

Abbreviations

Adjusted odds ratio

Generalised Anxiety Disorder-2 scale

Kessler Psychological Distress Scale

Mental Health

Patient Health Questionnaire-2

Reference category

Repeated Measures Analysis Of Variance

Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale

Swipe Based Dating Applications

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Acknowledgements

The study team would like to thank the participants for taking part in the study and people that distributed the survey amongst their networks, including PASH the Positive Adolescent Sexual Health Consortium, North Coast New South Wales, Australia.

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JA, KF, NH, IT and SWP were involved in the development of the design of the study, survey design and data collection. KF, NH and MR conducted the data analyses. JA, KF, NH and IT drafted the manuscript. SWP and MR provided overall methodological guidance. SWP supervised the study. All authors contributed to study revisions and have read and approved the final manuscript.

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This study was approved by the Human Research Ethical Committee of Western Sydney University. HREC: H11327 “Exploring health, illness and disability in the community”. Consent obtained from participants was written. Survey completion was taken as consent because this was an anonymous survey. This was approved by the Human Research Ethical Committee of Western Sydney University, HREC: H11327.

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Holtzhausen, N., Fitzgerald, K., Thakur, I. et al. Swipe-based dating applications use and its association with mental health outcomes: a cross-sectional study. BMC Psychol 8 , 22 (2020). https://doi.org/10.1186/s40359-020-0373-1

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Online Dating: A Critical Analysis From the Perspective of Psychological Science

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Although the authors find that online dating sites offer a distinctly different experience than conventional dating, the superiority of these sites is not as evident. Dating sites provide access to more potential partners than do traditional dating methods, but the act of browsing and comparing large numbers of profiles can lead individuals to commoditize potential partners and can reduce their willingness to commit to any one person. Communicating online can foster intimacy and affection between strangers, but it can also lead to unrealistic expectations and disappointment when potential partners meet in real life. Although many dating sites tout the superiority of partner matching through the use of “scientific algorithms,” the authors find that there is little evidence that these algorithms can predict whether people are good matches or will have chemistry with one another.

The authors’ overarching assessment of online dating sites is that scientifically, they just don’t measure up. As online dating matures, however, it is likely that more and more people will avail themselves of these services, and if development — and use — of these sites is guided by rigorous psychological science, they may become a more promising way for people to meet their perfect partners.

Hear author Eli J. Finkel discuss the science behind online dating at the 24th APS Annual Convention .

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Editorial: Online Dating: The Current Status —and Beyond

By Arthur Aron

I agree wholeheartedly that so-called scientific dating sites are totally off-base. They make worse matches than just using a random site. That’s because their matching criteria are hardly scientific, as far as romance goes. They also have a very small pool of educated, older men, and lots more women. Therefore they often come up with no matches at all, despite the fact that women with many different personality types in that age group have joined. They are an expensive rip-off for many women over 45.

Speaking as someone who was recently “commoditized” by who I thought was a wonderful man I met on a dating site, I find that the types of people who use these services are looking at the wrong metrics when they seek out a prospective love interest. My mother and father had very few hobbies and interests in common, but because they shared the same core values, their love endured a lifetime. When I got dumped because I didn’t share my S.O.’s interests exactly down the line, I realized how dangerous this line of thinking truly is, how it marginalizes people who really want to give and receive love for more important reasons.

I met a few potential love interests online and I never paid for any matching service! I did my own research on people and chatted online within a site to see if we had things in common. If we had a few things in common, we exchanged numbers, texted for a while, eventually spoke on the phone and if things felt right, we’d meet in a public place to talk. If that went well, we would have another date. I am currently with a man I met online and we have been together for two years! We have plans to marry in the future. But there is always the thought that if this doesn’t work out, how long will it take either of us to jump right back online to find the next possible love connection? I myself would probably start looking right away since looking for love online is a lengthy process!

I knew this man 40 years ago as we worked in the same agency for two years but never dated. Last November 2013 I saw his profile on a dating site. My husband had died four years ago and his wife died 11 years ago. We dated for five months. I questioned him about his continued online search as I had access to his username. Five months into the friendship he told me he “Was looking for his dream women in cyberspace”. I think he has been on these dating sites for over 5 years. Needless to say I will not tolerate this and it was over. I am sad, frustrated and angry how this ended as underneath all of his insecurities, unresolved issues with his wife’s death he is a good guy. I had been on these dating sties for 2 and 1/2 years and now I am looking at Matchmaking services as a better choice in finding a “Better good guy”.

I refer to these sites as “Designer Dating” sites. I liken the search process to ‘Window Shopping’. No-one seems very interested in making an actual purchase or commitment. I notice that all the previous comments are from women only. I agree with the article that says essentially, there are too many profiles and photos. Having fallen under this spell myself…”Oh, he’s nice but I’m sure there’s something better on the next page…” Click. Next. And on it goes. The term Chemistry gets thrown around a lot. I don’t know folks. I sure ain’t feelin’ it. Think I’ll go hang out with some friends now.

Stumbling upon this article during research for my Master thesis and I am curious: Would you use an app, that introduces a new way of dating, solely based on your voice and who you are, rather than how you look like? To me, we don’t fall in love with someone because of their looks (or their body mass index for that matter) or because of an algorithm, but because of the way somebody makes you feel and the way s.o. makes you laugh. At the end of the day, it really doesn’t matter if someone has blue or brown eyes and my experience is, that most people place fake, manipulated or outdated pictures online to sell someone we don’t really are. And we are definitely more than our looks. I found my partner online and we had no picture of each other for three months – but we talked every night for hours…. fell in love and still are after 10 years… We met on a different level and got aligned long before we met. So, the question is, would you give this way of meeting someone a chance… an app where you can listen in to answers people give to questions other user asked before and where you can get a feeling for somebody before you even see them?

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Home ⇛ arete ⇛ vol. 3 no. 1 (2015), use of online dating and social networking sites and risky sexual behavior.

Dave Bodiongan | Erika Jill Diaz | Monique Tagaytay

As the number of HIV/ AIDS continue to rise, it is important to constantly examine factors that contribute to the alarming rate at which sexually transmitted diseases especially HIV/ AIDS are spread in society. Online Dating and Social Networking sites have evolved over the years as more and more people are engaging in this kind of activity. Online social and dating sites give its users the opportunity to communicate with different people within their own social networks or are able to extend their own social network to include complete strangers. This could possibly lead to increased online interaction and later lead to offline activities and actual relationships. This study aimed to identify the level of use of social networking sites and dating sites and its relationship to users’ tendency to engage in risky sexual behaviors. By conducting a survey among 168 respondents, it was found that the respondents have a High level of usage of online dating social media platforms averaging 7 to 9 hours of use per week. The study also found that the respondents were likely to engage in necking, petting or have sexual intercourse with someone they met online. The respondents also said they would also likely have a one night stand with someone they met online and generally likely engage in risky sexual behavior with people encountered in online dating and social networking sites. The study found a positive but low significant correlation between the use of online dating and social networking sites and risky sexual behavior.

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Key findings about online dating in the u.s..

Online dating in the United States has evolved over the past several decades into a booming industry , transforming the way some people meet matches . A new report from Pew Research Center explores the upsides and downsides of online dating by highlighting Americans’ experiences and views about it. Here are 12 key takeaways.

Pew Research Center conducted this study to understand Americans’ experiences with dating sites and apps and their views of online dating generally. This analysis is based on a survey conducted among 6,034 U.S. adults from July 5-17, 2022. This included 4,996 respondents from the Center’s American Trends Panel (ATP), an online survey panel that is recruited through national, random sampling of residential addresses. This way nearly all U.S. adults have a chance of selection. It also included an oversample of 1,038 respondents from Ipsos’ KnowledgePanel who indicated that they are lesbian, gay or bisexual (LGB), with oversampled groups weighted back to reflect proportions in the population. The survey is weighted to be representative of the U.S. adult population by gender, race, ethnicity, partisan affiliation, education and other categories. Read more about the ATP’s methodology .

Here are the questions used for this analysis, along with responses, and its methodology .

Terminology

Online dating users refers to the 30% of Americans who answered yes to the following question: “Have you ever used an online dating site or dating app?”
Current or recent online dating users refers to the 9% of adults who had used a dating site or app in the past year as of the July survey.
Partnered refers to the 69% of U.S. adults who describe themselves as married, living with a partner, or in a committed romantic relationship.
LGB refers to those who are lesbian, gay or bisexual. These groups are combined because of small sample sizes. Additionally, since this research is focused on sexual orientation, not gender identity, and due to the fact that the transgender population in the U.S. is very small, transgender respondents are not identified separately. Read the report for more details.

A note about the Asian adult sample

This survey includes a total sample size of 234 Asian adults. The sample primarily includes English-speaking Asian adults and therefore may not be representative of the overall Asian adult population. Despite this limitation, it is important to report the views of Asian adults on the topics in this study. As always, Asian adults’ responses are incorporated into the general population figures throughout this report. Asian adults are shown as a separate group when the question was asked of the full sample. Because of the relatively small sample size and a reduction in precision due to weighting, results are not shown separately for Asian adults for questions that were only asked of online dating users or other filtered questions. We are also not able to analyze Asian adults by demographic categories, such as gender, age or education.

A bar chart showing that younger or LGB adults are more likely than their counterparts to have ever used a dating site or app

Three-in-ten U.S. adults say they have ever used a dating site or app, identical to the share who said this in 2019 . That includes 9% who report doing so in the past year, according to the Center’s survey of 6,034 adults conducted July 5-17, 2022.

Online dating is more common among younger adults than among older people. About half of those under 30 (53%) report having ever used a dating site or app, compared with 37% of those ages 30 to 49, 20% of those 50 to 64 and 13% of those 65 and older.

When looking at sexual orientation, lesbian, gay or bisexual (LGB) adults are more likely than their straight counterparts to say they have ever used a dating site or app (51% vs. 28%).

Men are somewhat more likely than women to have tried online dating (34% vs. 27%), as are those with at least some college education when compared with those with a high school education or less.

Adults who have never been married are much more likely than married adults to report having used online dating sites or apps (52% vs. 16%). Adults who are currently living with a partner (46%) or who are divorced, separated or widowed (36%) are also more likely to have tried online dating than married adults.

There are no statistically significant differences in the shares of adults who report ever using an online dating platform by race or ethnicity: Similar shares of White, Black, Hispanic and Asian adults report ever having done so.

Tinder tops the list of dating sites or apps the survey studied and is particularly popular among adults under 30. Some 46% of online dating users say they have ever used Tinder, followed by about three-in-ten who have used Match (31%) or Bumble (28%). OkCupid, eharmony and Hinge are each used by about a fifth of online dating users. Grindr and HER are used by very few online dating users overall (6% and 3%, respectively) but are more widely used by LGB adults than straight adults. Additionally, 31% of online dating users mention having tried some other online dating platform not asked about directly in this survey. (Read the topline for a list of the most common other dating sites and apps users mentioned.)

A bar chart showing that nearly half of online dating users – and about eight-in-ten users under 30 – report ever using Tinder, making it the most widely used dating platform in the U.S.

Tinder use is far more common among younger adults than among older Americans: 79% of online dating users under 30 say they have used the platform, compared with 44% of users ages 30 to 49, 17% of users 50 to 64 and just 1% of those 65 and older. Tinder is the top online dating platform among users under 50. By contrast, users 50 and older are about five times more likely to use Match than Tinder (50% vs. 11%).

A bar chart showing that about a quarter of partnered LGB adults say they met their match online dating

One-in-ten partnered adults – meaning those who are married, living with a partner or in a committed romantic relationship – met their current significant other through a dating site or app. Partnered adults who are under 30 or who are LGB stand out from other groups when looking at this measure of online dating “success”: One-in-five partnered adults under 30 say they met their current spouse or partner on a dating site or app, as do about a quarter of partnered LGB adults (24%).

Online dating users are somewhat divided over whether their experiences on these platforms have been positive or negative. Among those who have ever used a dating site or app, slightly more say their personal experiences have been very or somewhat positive than say they have been very or somewhat negative (53% vs. 46%).

Some demographic groups are more likely to report positive experiences. For example, 57% of men who have dated online say their experiences have been positive, while women users are roughly split down the middle (48% positive, 51% negative). In addition, LGB users of these platforms are more likely than straight users to report positive experiences (61% vs. 53%).

A bar chart showing that roughly half of online daters say their online dating experiences have been positive, but there are differences by gender and sexual orientation

Roughly a third of online dating users (35%) say they have ever paid to use one of these platforms – including for extra features – but this varies by income, age and gender. Some 45% of online dating users with upper incomes report having paid to use a dating site or app, compared with 36% of users with middle incomes and 28% of those with lower incomes. Similarly, 41% of users 30 and older say they have paid to use these platforms, compared with 22% of those under 30. Men who have dated online are more likely than women to report having paid for these sites and apps (41% vs. 29%).

Those who have ever paid to use dating sites or apps report more positive experiences than those who have never paid. Around six-in-ten paid users (58%) say their personal experiences with dating sites or apps have been positive; half of users who have never paid say this.

A chart showing that women and men using dating platforms in the past year feel differently about the number of messages they get – women are more likely to be overwhelmed and men are more likely to be insecure

Women who have used online dating platforms in the past year are more likely to feel overwhelmed by the number of messages they get, while men are more likely to feel insecure about a lack of messages. Among current or recent online dating users, 54% of women say they have felt overwhelmed by the number of messages they received on dating sites or apps in the past year, while just a quarter of men say the same. By contrast, 64% of men say they have felt insecure because of the lack of messages they received, while four-in-ten women say the same.

Overall, 55% of adults who have used a dating app or site in the past year say they often or sometimes felt insecure about the number of messages they received, while 36% say they often or sometimes felt overwhelmed.

Among recent online daters, large majorities of men and women say they have often or sometimes felt excited by the people they have seen while using these platforms, though large majorities also say they have often or sometimes felt disappointed.

A chart showing that similar shares of men versus women who have online dated recently say a major reason is to find a partner, dates, friends; men are much more likely than women to name casual sex as a major reason (31% vs. 13%)

When asked why they’ve turned to dating sites or apps in the past year, 44% of users say a major reason was to meet a long-term partner and 40% say a major reason was to date casually. Smaller shares say a major reason was to have casual sex (24%) or make new friends (22%).

Men who have used a dating platform in the past year are much more likely than women to say casual sex was a major reason (31% vs. 13%). There are no statistically significant gender differences on the other three reasons asked about in the survey.

A pie chart showing that Americans lean toward thinking dating sites and apps make finding a partner easier versus harder, but some say the number of choices they present isn’t ideal

About four-in-ten U.S. adults overall (42%) say online dating has made the search for a long-term partner easier. Far fewer (22%) say it has made the search for a long-term partner or spouse harder. About a third (32%) say it has made no difference.

Adults under 30 are less convinced than their older counterparts that online dating has made the search for a partner easier. These younger adults are about evenly divided in their views, with 35% of those ages 18 to 29 saying it has made the search easier and 33% saying it has made the search harder.

When it comes to the choices people have on dating sites and apps, 43% of adults overall say people have the right amount of options for dating on these platforms, while 37% think choices are too plentiful. Fewer (13%) say there are not enough options.

A bar chart showing that about one-in-five U.S. adults think dating algorithms can predict love

Most U.S. adults are skeptical or unsure that dating algorithms can predict love. About one-in-five adults (21%) think that the types of computer programs that dating sites and apps use could determine whether two people will eventually fall in love. But greater shares of Americans either say these programs could not do this (35%) or are unsure (43%).

Americans are split on whether online dating is a safe way to meet people, and a majority support requiring background checks before someone can create a profile. The share of U.S. adults who say online dating is generally a very or somewhat safe way to meet people has dipped slightly since 2019, from 53% to 48%. Women are more likely than men to say online dating is not too or not at all safe.

A bar chart showing that Americans are divided on online dating’s safety, but a majority support requiring background checks for online dating profiles

There are also differences by age: 62% of Americans ages 65 and older say online dating is not safe, compared with 53% of those 50 to 64 and 42% of adults younger than 50. Those who have never used a dating site or app are particularly likely to think it is unsafe: 57% say this, compared with 32% of those who have used an online dating site or app.

At the same time, six-in-ten Americans say companies should require background checks before someone creates a dating profile, while 15% say they should not and 24% are not sure. Women are more likely than men to say these checks should be required, as are adults 50 and older compared with younger adults.

These checks do not have majority support among online dating users themselves, however: 47% of users say companies should require background checks, versus 65% of those who have never used a dating site or app.

Younger women who have used dating sites or apps stand out for experiencing unwanted behaviors on these platforms. A majority of women under 50 who have used dating sites or apps (56%) say they have been sent a sexually explicit message or image they didn’t ask for, and about four-in-ten have had someone continue to contact them after they said they were not interested (43%) or have been called an offensive name (37%). Roughly one-in-ten of this group (11%) have received threats of physical harm. Each of these experiences is less common among women online dating users ages 50 and older, as well as among men of any age.

A bar chart showing that A majority of women younger than 50 who have used dating sites or apps have received unwanted sexually explicit messages or images on these platforms

Among all online dating users, 38% have ever received unsolicited sexually explicit messages or images while using a dating site or app; 30% have experienced continued unwanted contact; 24% have been called an offensive name; and 6% have been threatened with physical harm.

About half of those who have used dating sites and apps (52%) say they have come across someone they think was trying to scam them. Men under 50 are particularly likely to say they have had this experience: 63% of men in this age group who have used dating sites or apps think they have encountered a scammer on them. Smaller shares of men ages 50 and older (47%) and women of any age (44%) say the same.

Note: Here are the questions used for this analysis, along with responses, and its methodology .

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About half of never-married Americans have used an online dating site or app

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About Pew Research Center Pew Research Center is a nonpartisan fact tank that informs the public about the issues, attitudes and trends shaping the world. It conducts public opinion polling, demographic research, media content analysis and other empirical social science research. Pew Research Center does not take policy positions. It is a subsidiary of The Pew Charitable Trusts .

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COMMENTS

Mobile Sexuality: Presentations of Young Filipinos in Dating Apps
online dating performances. In this paper, I argue that dating app users ... uncertainty reduction strategies and self-disclosure in online dating. Communication Research, 38 (1), 70-110. DOI: 10. ...
"The Filipino online dating: Filipino young adults' perception on onlin
In the Philippines, the interdependent culture plays a role in how Filipinos perceive online dating and how it motivates them to use the medium. The researchers interviewed Filipino young adults, age 20-35 years old currently living in Metro Manila Philippines who tried online dating at least once. The researchers analyze the data through the requirements and guidelines of thematic analysis, a ...
(PDF) The Digital Cupid: The Impact of FilipinoCupid.com on the
This study investigated the world of niche online dating in Barangay Arnedo, Bolinao, Pangasinan, Philippines. ... concept of self-disclosure and intimacy is significant in determining the interpersonal communication takes place in online dating platform. Thus, this research aims to analyze the interpersonal relationship built by online dating ...
Dating Apps and Their Sociodemographic and Psychosocial Correlates: A
1. Introduction. In the last decade, the popularization of the Internet and the use of the smartphone and the emergence of real-time location-based dating apps (e.g., Tinder, Grindr) have transformed traditional pathways of socialization and promoted new ways of meeting and relating to potential romantic and/or sexual partners [1,2,3,4].It is difficult to know reliably how many users currently ...
Don't hate me cause I'm beautiful: Attributions of successes and
as the Philippines, still view online and mobile dating as practices that go against existing moral, religious, and family values and traditions that govern relationships and intimacy (Osorio and ...
(PDF) Dating Apps and Their Sociodemographic and ...
Therefore, the objective of this study was to conduct a systematic review of the empirical research of the psychosocial content published in the last five years (2016-2020) on dating apps. A ...
Online Dating and Problematic Use: A Systematic Review
Despite the constant growth in the use of online dating sites and mobile dating applications, research examining potential problematic use of online dating has remained scarce. Previous research has obviated problematic use of online dating in favour of users' personality correlates and scams through online dating services. A systematic review was carried out using PsycINFO and Web of ...
Dating Apps: The Uncertainty of Marketised Love
Abstract. Dating apps promise a 'digital fix' to the 'messy' matter of love by means of datafication and algorithmic matching, realising a platformisation of romance commonly understood through notions of a market's rationality and efficiency. Reflecting on the findings of a small-scale qualitative research on the use of dating apps ...
Swipe-based dating applications use and its association with mental
Swipe-Based Dating Applications (SBDAs) function similarly to other social media and online dating platforms but have the unique feature of "swiping" the screen to either like or dislike another user's profile. There is a lack of research into the relationship between SBDAs and mental health outcomes. The aim of this study was to study whether adult SBDA users report higher levels of ...
Swipe, Right? Young People and Online Dating in the Digital Age
for use on mobile phones and boasts up to 50 million users, 53% of which are young adults aged. 18-24 (Schacter, 2015). As many as 66% of these users go on to date individuals they meet. online, and 23% form long-term relationships with individuals they meet on these sites (Smith &. Duggan, 2013).
PDF Online Dating and Problematic Use: A Systematic Review
atic use of online dating, resulting in 43 studies. Findings suggest that personality correlates such as neuroticism, sociability, sensation-seeking, and sexual permissiveness are related to greater use of online dating services. Sex-search and self-esteem enhance-ment are predictors of problematic use of online dating. Previous research ...
Motivated Swipes: Influence of Tinder Users' Self-presentation and
Antorcha Vol. 3 No. 2 (September 2016) 97 Samonte, Reyes & Labor In the Philippines, Tinder has been accepted by the market. According to a research conducted by the Pacifiqa Staff (2012), Tinder, as a hybrid between speed dating
PDF Mobile Sexuality: Presentations of Young Filipinos in Dating Apps
Research Problem and Aims These trends and issues in the use of mobile phones as sexual and romantic dating platforms led to the question: "How do young Filipinos present themselves in mobile dating apps?" This paper looks into the narratives of self-presentation among Tinder and Grindr dating app users during their online dating performances.
Online Dating: A Critical Analysis From the Perspective of
Still, academic research on attitudes about online dating at the turn of the millennium found that college students, for example, had more negative than positive attitudes about online dating. ... which profiles a user gets to peruse. 7 Scientific journals generally require this kind of information to evaluate a paper for publication.
Online Dating: A Critical Analysis From the Perspective of
As online dating matures, however, it is likely that more and more people will avail themselves of these services, and if development — and use — of these sites is guided by rigorous psychological science, they may become a more promising way for people to meet their perfect partners. ... I did my own research on people and chatted online ...
The Causal Effects of Online Dating Apps: Evidence From U.S ...
MIT Sloan Research Paper No. 6833-22. 68 Pages Posted: 17 Oct 2022 Last revised: 21 Mar 2024. See all articles by Berkeren Buyukeren Berkeren Buyukeren. ... Online dating apps have become a central part of the dating market over the past decade, yet their broader effects remain unclear. We analyze the impact of a popular dating app - Tinder ...
(PDF) Dating apps: A literature review
With the knowledge accumulated in this research field, we assemble a comprehensive account of interactions through dating apps. We categorize existing findings about dating apps into three ...
Amid Covid-19 pandemic, online dating thrives
Share. MANILA - While the coronavirus disease 2019 (Covid-19) pandemic restricts people's movement, some still find a way to look for their potential partners through dating apps. Online dating makes it easy for singles to connect with people who share same interests as theirs, George Admirable told the Philippine News Agency (PNA).
Philippine EJournals| Use of Online Dating and Social Networking Sites
This study aimed to identify the level of use of social networking sites and dating sites and its relationship to users' tendency to engage in risky sexual behaviors. By conducting a survey among 168 respondents, it was found that the respondents have a High level of usage of online dating social media platforms averaging 7 to 9 hours of use ...
Online Dating: The Virtues and Downsides
From personal ads that began appearing in publications around the 1700s to videocassette dating services that sprang up decades ago, the platforms people use to seek out romantic partners have evolved throughout history. This evolution has continued with the rise of online dating sites and mobile apps. Today, three-in-ten U.S. adults say they have ever used an online dating site or app ...
(PDF) online dating- A motivated behaviour during pandemic
Abstract. Online dating received a recent upsurge since the outbreak of pandemic with most people confining themselves to virtual dating. This paper conceptualizes and draws conclusion from the ...
Key findings about online dating in the U.S.
Tinder tops the list of dating sites or apps the survey studied and is particularly popular among adults under 30. Some 46% of online dating users say they have ever used Tinder, followed by about three-in-ten who have used Match (31%) or Bumble (28%). OkCupid, eharmony and Hinge are each used by about a fifth of online dating users.
(PDF) The Philippines Then And Now: From Traditional To ...
A Filipino tradition-wherein a man performs a series of actions to obtain the. hand of a woman that has caught his eye, commonly known as courtship, or "panliligaw," as. it is known in Tagalog ...