effects of television essay introduction

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You Are What You Watch? The Social Effects of TV

There’s new evidence that viewing habits can affect your thinking, political preferences, even cognitive ability.

By Jonathan Rothwell

Other than sleeping and working, Americans are more likely to watch television than engage in any other activity .

A wave of new social science research shows that the quality of shows can influence us in important ways, shaping our thinking and political preferences, even affecting our cognitive ability.

In this so-called golden age of television , some critics have pointed out that the best of the form is equivalent to the most enriching novels. And high-quality programming for children can be educational. But the latest evidence also suggests there can be negative consequences to our abundant watching, particularly when the shows are mostly entertainment.

The harm seems to come not so much from the content itself but from the fact that it replaces more enlightening ways of spending time.

‘Sesame Street’ as a social experiment

Cognitive ability is a complex characteristic that emerges from interactions between biological dispositions, nutrition and health, parenting behaviors, formal and informal educational opportunities, and culture.

Studying the connection between intelligence and television consumption is far from straightforward, but researchers have developed compelling ways to isolate the effects of television.

Some of the best research has been done on the television program “Sesame Street.” The show, which began in 1969, was meant to develop early literacy, numeracy and emotional skills for children of preschool age. A detailed analysis of the show’s content in its first and second years reveals that 80 percent of the program was dedicated to those goals, with the rest meant to entertain.

Researchers randomly assigned groups of low-income children age 3 to 5 into an experimental group and a control group. In the experimental group, parents were given access to the show if they lacked it and encouraged in person once a month to have their children watch the show.

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Almost all (93 percent) parents of children in the experimental group reported that their children subsequently watched the show, compared with roughly one-third of children in the control group (35 percent). Among watchers, those in the experimental group also watched more frequently.

Over six months, from November 1970 to May 1971, the experimental group gained 5.4 I.Q. points — a large effect — relative to the control group and showed stronger evidence of learning along several other dimensions. Gains in cognitive performance were especially large for those who viewed the show frequently relative to those who did so rarely or never. A more recent meta-analysis of published research in 15 countries shows that “Sesame Street” has similar effects around the world.

In newly published research , the economists Melissa Kearney and Phillip Levine examined longer-term effects of “Sesame Street” by comparing the educational outcomes of children and young adults in counties more or less likely to have access to the program during its early years. They found that children living in counties with better “Sesame Street” coverage were less likely to be held behind a grade level.

Other experimental research is consistent with the original “Sesame Street” findings. Low-income prekindergarten children scored higher on a social competence index six months after being randomly assigned to an experimental group, in which their parents were encouraged to replace age-inappropriate television with educational television.

Less reading and more watching

In Norway, and a handful of other developed countries, average I.Q. scores have declined slightly in recent years, after rising for many decades. This is known as the negative Flynn effect, a variation of the more famous Flynn effect , which is named after the psychologist who first published comprehensive evidence of I.Q. gains over time. Among native Norwegian men taking an exam at age 18 for military conscription, those born in 1974 scored two I.Q. points higher than those born in 1987.

In an academic article published this year, the Norwegian economist Oystein Hernaes and his co-authors attributed some of this decline in I.Q. scores to access to cable television, which also coincided with a sharp decline in reading. After the introduction of cable in 1981, Norwegian teenagers and young adults drastically cut back on daily time spent reading from 1980 to 2000, and increased their time watching TV. Moreover, relative to public television, cable television had far less educational content and was focused on entertainment and advertisements.

To estimate the effect of cable television on I.Q. scores, the Norwegian scholars analyzed data on the introduction of cable network infrastructure by municipality. They calculated years of exposure to cable by considering the age of eventual test takers when cable became available in their municipality. They controlled for any potential geographic bias by comparing siblings with greater or less exposure to cable television based on their age when cable infrastructure was put in.

They estimate that 10 years of exposure to cable television lowered I.Q. scores by 1.8 points. In related research , Mr. Hernaes finds that exposure to cable television reduced voter turnout in local elections.

Berlusconi television

A similar study was conducted by the Italian economist Ruben Durante and his co-authors and released in this month’s issue of the American Economic Review. They examined the introduction of Silvio Berlusconi’s television network, Mediaset, which specialized in light entertainment such as game shows featuring scantily clad women.

The economists document that Mediaset devoted almost no programming to educational content and did not offer news in early years, whereas its main competitor — the state-owned channel — devoted the majority of its airtime to news or educational material.

To study the effects of Mediaset, Mr. Durante and his co-authors obtained data on the location of Mediaset transmitters in 1985 and calculated the strength of the broadcasting signal in every Italian municipality based on the position of the transmitters and other technical features of the municipality.

They found that children raised in areas with greater access to Mediaset (a standard deviation in signal strength) had lower cognitive scores as adults by the equivalent of 3 to 4 I.Q. points.

People more exposed to Mediaset as children were also less likely to be civically engaged adults and more likely to vote for parties with populist tendencies like Forza Italia and the Five Star Movement.

A handful of American studies along these lines have focused on the political consequences that news media coverage can have, showing that exposure to Fox News could increase Republican Party vote shares significantly, and that exposure to MSNBC increased Democratic Party voting share (but with a much weaker effect).

Art and public health

We know that education increases cognitive ability, so it stands to reason that educational television would also have a positive effect.

Concerns about culture are hardly novel: Plato made a case for regulating the quality of artistic productions to avoid the corruption of youth and weakening of their character. Twenty-three centuries later, it is easier than ever to placate children as well as lose yourself in entertainment options — in the ocean of online videos, podcasts, cable, and streaming shows and movies.

These options are most likely harmless. Some provide relaxation, and others may modestly reshape cultural attitudes for the better; one study found that the introduction of cable TV empowered women in India. High-quality shows and films can be inspiring, even edifying.

Still, media providers and advertisers compete aggressively for our attention. Most lack the altruistic motivations that guided the producers of the original “Sesame Street.” The evidence from social science suggests that biased or sensationalist news programs may misinform citizens or discourage civic engagement, and that we should also be cautious about what we give up for the sake of entertainment.

Jonathan Rothwell is the Principal Economist at Gallup, a nonresident senior fellow at the Brookings Institution and a visiting scholar at the George Washington University Institute of Public Policy. He is the author of a book, “ A Republic of Equals : A Manifesto for a Just Society,” to be published by Princeton University Press in the fall, on the causes of income inequality. You can follow him on Twitter at @jtrothwell , and listen to his podcast, “ Out of the Echo Chamber .”

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Essay On Television: In 100 Words, 150 Words, 200 Words

• Updated on  
• Sep 22, 2023

Television, often referred to as the “idiot box” in its early days, has undergone a remarkable transformation since its invention . It has evolved into a powerful medium of entertainment, information dissemination , and education . This essay delves into the multifaceted role of television in our lives, exploring its history, impact, and the advantages and disadvantages it brings.

Table of Contents

• 1 Essay on Television in 100 words
• 2 Essay on Television in 150 words
• 3 Essay on Television in 200 words

Essay on Television in 100 words

Television, a ubiquitous electronic device, has become an integral part of modern life. Its journey from being merely a source of entertainment to a medium of knowledge and connectivity has been extraordinary. With the advent of technology, television has evolved into high-definition screens and smart TVs, offering a plethora of channels and content. It serves as a window to the world, providing news, educational programmes, and entertainment for people of all ages. While television enriches our lives, it also presents challenges, such as the risk of addiction and exposure to inappropriate content. Nevertheless, when used judiciously, television remains a powerful tool for learning and relaxation.

Must Read: The Beginner’s Guide to Writing an Essay

Essay on Television in 150 words

Television, originally known as the “idiot box,” has come a long way since its inception. Invented by John Logie Baird, it was initially designed solely for entertainment. Over the decades, technology has transformed it into a multifaceted medium. The word “television” itself reflects its essence, with “tele” meaning far-off and “vision” pertaining to seeing. It has become a device with a screen that receives signals, offering a wide array of channels and programmes.

Television is no longer confined to being a source of amusement; it’s a vital tool for education and information dissemination. News channels keep us informed about global events, and educational programmes expand our knowledge horizons. It’s also a source of inspiration, with motivational speakers and skill-building programmes motivating viewers.

However, television isn’t without its drawbacks. Inappropriate content, addiction, and the spread of misinformation are concerns. Yet, its advantages, including affordability and accessibility, outweigh the disadvantages when used responsibly.

Essay on Television in 200 words

Television, an electronic marvel, has evolved dramatically from its early days. Initially dubbed the “idiot box,” it was primarily a source of entertainment. However, with technological advancements, it has transformed into a versatile medium. The word “television” combines “tele,” meaning far-off, and “vision,” the act of seeing, reflecting its purpose as a device for receiving distant signals.

Television is now an indispensable part of modern life. It offers a multitude of channels and programs catering to diverse interests. News channels keep us updated on current events, while educational programs expand our knowledge in various fields. It’s also a source of motivation, with programs featuring inspirational speakers and skill development.

The affordability of televisions makes them accessible to a wide range of people. They provide a cost-effective means of entertainment and education, making them a valuable asset in many households.

Despite these advantages, television is not without its drawbacks. Inappropriate content can be easily accessed, posing risks to younger viewers. Excessive television watching can lead to addiction, resulting in reduced physical activity and social interactions. Furthermore, some programs spread misinformation, which can have lasting negative effects.

In conclusion, television, with its evolution and widespread use, offers a blend of entertainment, education, and information. Its benefits are immense, but users must exercise responsibility to maximize its potential while minimizing its drawbacks.

To improve your essay writing skills, practice regularly, read extensively, and pay attention to grammar and vocabulary. Additionally, seek feedback from peers or educators to identify areas for improvement.

A well-structured essay should have a clear introduction, a body with well-organized paragraphs, and a concise conclusion. Each paragraph should focus on a single idea, and there should be smooth transitions between them.

To make your essay more engaging, start with a captivating hook in the introduction, use descriptive language and examples, and maintain a clear and logical flow of ideas throughout the essay. Additionally, consider the reader’s perspective and aim to address their interests and questions.

We hope that this essay blog on Television helps. For more amazing daily reads related to essay writing , stay tuned with Leverage Edu .

Manasvi Kotwal

Manasvi's flair in writing abilities is derived from her past experience of working with bootstrap start-ups, Advertisement and PR agencies as well as freelancing. She's currently working as a Content Marketing Associate at Leverage Edu to be a part of its thriving ecosystem.

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9.2 The Relationship Between Television and Culture

Learning objectives.

• Identify ways in which American culture is reflected on television.
• Identify ways in which television affects the development of American culture.

Since its inception as an integral part of American life in the 1950s, television has both reflected and nurtured cultural mores and values. From the escapist dramas of the 1960s, which consciously avoided controversial issues and glossed over life’s harsher realities in favor of an idealized portrayal, to the copious reality TV shows in recent years, on which participants discuss even the most personal and taboo issues, television has held up a mirror to society. But the relationship between social attitudes and television is reciprocal; broadcasters have often demonstrated their power to influence viewers, either consciously through slanted political commentary, or subtly, by portraying controversial relationships (such as single parenthood, same-sex marriages, or interracial couplings) as socially acceptable. The symbiotic nature of television and culture is exemplified in every broadcast, from family sitcoms to serious news reports.

Cultural Influences on Television

In the 1950s, most television entertainment programs ignored current events and political issues. Instead, the three major networks (ABC, NBC, and CBS) developed prime-time shows that would appeal to a general family audience. Chief among these types of shows was the domestic comedy —a generic family comedy that was identified by its character-based humor and usually set within the home. Seminal examples included popular 1950s shows such as Leave It to Beaver, The Donna Reed Show , and The Adventures of Ozzie and Harriet . Presenting a standardized version of the White middle-class suburban family, domestic comedies portrayed the conservative values of an idealized American life. Studiously avoiding prevalent social issues such as racial discrimination and civil rights, the shows focused on mostly White middle-class families with traditional nuclear roles (mother in the home, father in the office) and implied that most domestic problems could be solved within a 30-minute time slot, always ending with a strong moral lesson.

Although these shows depicted an idealized version of American family life, many families in the 1950s were traditional nuclear families. Following the widespread poverty, political uncertainty, and physical separation of the war years, many Americans wanted to settle down, have children, and enjoy the peace and security that family life appeared to offer. During the booming postwar era, a period of optimism and prosperity, the traditional nuclear family flourished. However, the families and lifestyles presented in domestic comedies did not encompass the overall American experience by any stretch of the imagination. As historian Stephanie Coontz points out, “the June Cleaver or Donna Stone homemaker role was not available to the more than 40 percent of black women with small children who worked outside the home (Coontz, 1992).” Although nearly 60 percent of the U.S. population was labeled middle class by the mid-1950s, 25 percent of all families and more than 50 percent of two-parent Black families were poor. Migrant workers suffered horrific deprivations, and racial tensions were rife. None of this was reflected in the world of domestic comedies, where even the Hispanic gardener in Father Knows Best was named Frank Smith (Coontz, 1992).

Most domestic comedies in the 1950s portrayed an idealized version of family life and ignored social and political events.

Dennis S. Hurd – The Cleavers – CC BY-NC-ND 2.0.

Not all programs in the 1950s were afraid to tackle controversial social or political issues. In March 1954, journalist Edward R. Murrow broadcast an unflattering portrait of U.S. Senator Joseph McCarthy on his show See It Now . McCarthy, a member of the Senate Investigation Committee, had launched inquiries regarding potential Communist infiltration in U.S. institutions. Murrow thought that McCarthy’s aggressive tactics were a potential threat to civil liberties. His portrait cast the senator from Wisconsin in an unflattering light by pointing out contradictions in his speeches. This led to such an uproar that McCarthy was formally reprimanded by the U.S. Senate (Friedman, 2008).

Entertainment programs also tackled controversial issues. The long-running television western Gunsmoke , which aired on CBS from 1955 to 1975, flourished in a Cold War society, where U.S. Marshal Matt Dillon (James Arness) stood up to lawlessness in defense of civilization. The characters and community in Gunsmoke faced relevant social issues, including the treatment of minority groups, the meaning of family, the legitimacy of violence, and the strength of religious belief. During the 1960s, the show adapted to the desires of its viewing audience, becoming increasingly aware of and sympathetic to ethnic minorities, in tune with the national mood during the civil rights era. This adaptability helped the show to become the longest-running western in TV history.

Violence and Escapism in the 1960s

During the 1960s, television news broadcasts brought the realities of real-world events into people’s living rooms in vivid detail. The CBS Evening News with Walter Cronkite , which debuted in 1962, quickly became the country’s most popular newscast, and by the end of the decade, journalist Walter Cronkite was known as the most trusted man in America. Following John F. Kennedy’s election to the presidency at the beginning of the decade, the 1960s took an ominous turn. Shocked viewers tuned into Cronkite’s broadcast on November 22, 1963, to learn about the assassination of their president. During the next few days, viewers followed every aspect of the tragedy on television, from the tremor in Cronkite’s voice as he removed his glasses and announced the news of Kennedy’s death, to the frantic scenes from Dallas police headquarters where the assassin, Lee Harvey Oswald, was gunned down by nightclub owner Jack Ruby, to the thousands of mourners lining up next to the president’s flag-draped coffin.

Television began to play a major role in U.S. politics during the presidency of John. F. Kennedy.

Wikimedia Commons – public domain.

Around the same time as Kennedy’s assassination, horrific images from Vietnam were streaming into people’s living rooms during the nation’s first televised war. With five camera crews on duty in the Saigon bureau, news crews captured vivid details of the war in progress. Although graphic images were rarely shown on network TV, several instances of violence reached the screen, including a CBS report in 1965 that showed Marines lighting the thatched roofs of the village of Cam Ne with Zippo lighters and an NBC news report in 1968 that aired a shot of South Vietnamese General Nguyen Ngoc Loan executing a captive on a Saigon street. Further images, of children being burned and scarred by napalm and prisoners being tortured, fueled the antiwar sentiments of many Americans. In addition to the devastation caused by the president’s death and the Vietnam War, Americans were also feeling the pressure of the Cold War—the clash between the United States and the Soviet Union in the years following World War II. This pressure was especially great during periods of tension throughout the 1950s and 1960s, such as the 1962 Cuban Missile Crisis, a confrontation that caused many people to fear nuclear war.

As a result of the intense stress faced by many Americans during the 1960s, broadcasters and viewers turned to escapist programs such as I Dream of Jeannie , a fantasy show about a 2,000-year-old genie who marries an astronaut, and Bewitched , a supernatural-themed show about a witch who tries to live as a suburban housewife. Both shows typified the situation comedy , or sitcom, a comedy genre featuring a recurring cast of characters who resolve zany situations based on their everyday lives. Other popular sitcoms in the 1960s included The Beverly Hillbillies , a show about a poor backwoods family who move to Beverly Hills, California, after finding oil on their land, and Gilligan’s Island , the ultimate escapist comedy about seven characters shipwrecked on an uncharted island. None of the 1960s sitcoms mentioned any of the political unease that was taking place in the outside world, providing audiences with a welcome diversion from real life. Other than an occasional documentary, TV programming in the 1960s consisted of a sharp dichotomy between prime-time escapist comedy and hard news.

Figure 9.10

Escapist sitcoms like I Dream of Jeannie provided Americans with a much-needed diversion from the stressful events of the 1960s.

Diversity and Politics in the 1970s

During the 1970s, broadcasters began to diversify families on their shows to reflect changing social attitudes toward formerly controversial issues such as single parenthood and divorce. Feminist groups including the National Organization for Women (NOW), the National Women’s Political Caucus, and the Coalition of Labor Union Women pushed for equality on issues such as pay and encouraged women to enter the workforce. In 1972, the U.S. Supreme Court sanctioned women’s right to abortion, giving them control over their reproductive rights. Divorce rates skyrocketed during the 1970s, as states adopted no-fault divorce laws, and the change in family dynamics was reflected on television. Between 1972 and 1978, CBS aired the socially controversial sitcom Maude . Featuring a middle-aged feminist living with her fourth husband and divorced daughter, the show exploded the dominant values of the White middle-class domestic sitcom and its traditional gender roles. Throughout its 7-year run, Maude tackled social and political issues such as abortion, menopause, birth control, alcoholism, and depression. During its first four seasons, the show was in the top 10 in Nielsen ratings, illustrating the changing tastes of the viewing audience, who had come of age during the era of civil rights and Vietnam protests and developed a taste for socially conscious television. Other 1970s sitcoms took the same approach, including Maude ’s CBS predecessor, All in the Family , which covered issues ranging from racism and homophobia to rape and miscarriage, and The Mary Tyler Moore Show , which reflected changing attitudes toward women’s rights by featuring television’s first never-married independent career woman as the central character. Even wholesome family favorite The Brady Bunch , which ran from 1969 to 1974, featured a non-nuclear family, reflecting the rising rates of blended families in American society.

Figure 9.11

The popularity of controversial shows like Maude reflected the changing cultural and social values of the 1970s.

In addition to changing family dynamics on sitcoms and other prime-time shows, variety and comedy sketch shows developed a political awareness in the 1970s that reflected audiences’ growing appetite for social and political commentary. Sketch comedy show Saturday Night Live ( SNL ) premiered on NBC in 1975 and has remained on air ever since. Featuring a different celebrity guest host every week and relatively unknown comedy regulars, the show parodies contemporary popular culture and politics, lambasting presidential candidates and pop stars alike. Earlier NBC sketch comedy show Laugh-In , which ran from 1968 to 1973, also featured politically charged material, though it lacked the satirical bite of later series such as SNL . By the end of the decade, television broadcasting reflected a far more politically conscious and socially aware viewing audience.

The Influence of Cable Television in the 1980s

Until the mid-1980s, the top three networks (ABC, NBC, and CBS) dominated television broadcasting in the United States. However, as cable services gained popularity following the deregulation of the industry in 1984, viewers found themselves with a multitude of options. Services such as Cable News Network (CNN), Entertainment and Sports Programming Network (ESPN), and Music Television (MTV) profoundly altered the television landscape in the world of news, sports, and music. New markets opened up for these innovative program types, as well as for older genres such as the sitcom. During the 1980s, a revival of family sitcoms took place with two enormous hits: The Cosby Show and Family Ties . Both featured a new take on modern family life, with the mothers working outside of the home and the fathers pitching in with housework and parental duties. Despite their success on network television, sitcoms faced stiff competition from cable’s variety of choices. Between 1983 and 1994, weekly broadcast audience shares (a measure of the number of televisions in use that are tuned to a particular show) for network television dropped from 69 to 52, while cable networks’ shares rose from 9 to 26 (Newcomb, 2004).

With a growing number of households subscribing to cable TV, concern began to grow about the levels of violence to which children were becoming exposed. In addition to regularly broadcast network programs, cable offered viewers the chance to watch films and adult-themed shows during all hours, many of which had far more violent content than normal network programming. One study found that by the time an average child leaves elementary school, he or she has witnessed 8,000 murders and more than 100,000 other acts of violence on television (Blakey, 2002). Although no conclusive links have been drawn between witnessing violence on television and carrying out violence in real life, the loosening boundaries regarding sexual and violent content on television is a persistent cause for concern for many parents. For more information on the social effects of violence in the media, please refer to Chapter 2 “Media Effects” .

Specialization in the 1990s and 2000s

Although TV viewership is growing, the vast number of cable channels and other, newer content delivery platforms means that audiences are thinly stretched. In recent years, broadcasters have been narrowing the focus of their programming to meet the needs and interests of an increasingly fragmented audience. Entire cable channels devoted to cooking, music, news, African American interests (see sidebar below), weather, and courtroom drama enable viewers to choose exactly what type of show they want to watch, and many news channels are further specialized according to viewers’ political opinions. This trend toward specialization reflects a more general shift within society, as companies cater increasingly to smaller, more targeted consumer bases. Business magazine editor Chris Anderson explains, “We’re leaving the watercooler era, when most of us listened, watched and read from the same relatively small pool of mostly hit content. And we’re entering the microculture era, when we are all into different things (Gunther, 2006).” Just as cable broadcasters are catering to niche markets, Internet-based companies such as Amazon.com and Netflix are taking advantage of this concept by selling large numbers of books, DVDs, and music albums with narrow appeal. Section 9.3 “Issues and Trends in the Television Industry” and Section 9.4 “Influence of New Technologies” of this chapter will cover the recent trends and issues of this era in television.

Black Entertainment Television (BET)

Launched in 1980, Black Entertainment Television (BET) was the first television network in the United States dedicated to the interests of African American viewers. The basic-cable franchise was created in Washington, DC, by media entrepreneur Robert Johnson, who initially invested $15,000 in the venture. Within a decade, he had turned the company into a multimillion-dollar enterprise, and in 1991 it became the first Black-controlled company on the New York Stock Exchange. The company was sold to Viacom in 2003 for $3 billion.

Pre-dating MTV by a year, BET initially focused on Black-oriented music videos but soon diversified into original urban-oriented programs and public affairs shows. Although BET compensated somewhat for the underrepresentation of Blacks on television (African Americans made up 8 percent of the prime-time characters on television in 1980 but made up 12 percent of the population), viewers complained about the portrayal of stereotypical images and inappropriate violent or sexual behavior in many of the rap videos shown by the network. In a 2004 interview with BET vice president of communications Michael Lewellen, former BET talk show host Bev Smith said, “We had videos on BET in those days that were graphic but didn’t proliferate as they seem to be doing now. That’s all you do seem to see are scantily dressed women who a lot of African American women are upset about in those videos (Fox News, 2004).” Despite the criticisms, BET remained the No. 1 cable network among Blacks 18 to 34 in 2010 and retained an average audience of 524,000 total viewers during the first quarter of the year (Forbes, 2010).

Television’s Influence on Culture

Despite entering a microculture era with a variety of niche markets, television remains the most important unifying cultural presence in the United States. During times of national crises, television news broadcasts have galvanized the country by providing real-time coverage of major events. When terrorists crashed planes into the World Trade Center towers in 2001, 24-hour TV news crews provided stunned viewers around the world with continuous updates about the attack and its aftermath. Meanwhile, network blockbusters such as Lost and 24 have united viewers in shared anticipation, launching numerous blogs, fan sites, and speculative workplace discussions about characters’ fates.

Televised coverage of the news has had several cultural effects since the 1950s. Providing viewers with footage of the most intense human experiences, televised news has been able to reach people in a way that radio and newspapers cannot. The images themselves have played an important role in influencing viewer opinion. During the coverage of the civil rights movement, for example, footage of a 1963 attack on civil rights protesters in Birmingham, Alabama, showed police blasting African American demonstrators—many of them children—with fire hoses. Coupled with images of angry White segregationist mobs squaring off against Black students, the news footage did much to sway public opinion in favor of liberal legislation such as the 1964 Voting Rights Act. Conversely, when volatile pictures of the race riots in Detroit and other cities in the late 1960s hit the airwaves, horrified viewers saw the need for a return to law and order. The footage helped create an anti-civil-rights backlash that encouraged many viewers to vote for conservative Republican Richard Nixon during the 1968 presidential election.

During the past few decades, mass-media news coverage has gone beyond swaying public opinion through mere imagery. Trusted centrist voices such as that of Walter Cronkite, who was known for his impartial reporting of some of the biggest news stories in the 1960s, have been replaced by highly politicized news coverage on cable channels such as conservative Fox News and liberal MSNBC. As broadcasters narrow their focus to cater to more specialized audiences, viewers choose to watch the networks that suit their political bias. Middle-of-the-road network CNN, which aims for nonpartisanship, frequently loses out in the ratings wars against Fox and MSNBC, both of which have fierce groups of supporters. As one reporter put it, “A small partisan base is enough for big ratings; the mildly interested middle might rather watch Grey’s Anatomy (Poniewozik, 2010).” Critics argue that partisan news networks cause viewers to have less understanding of opposing political opinions, making them more polarized.

Table 9.1 Partisan Profile of TV News Audiences in 2008

Social Controversy

The issue of whether television producers have a responsibility to promote particular social values continues to generate heated discussion. When the unmarried title character in the CBS series Murphy Brown —a comedy show about a divorced anchorwoman—got pregnant and chose to have the baby without any involvement from the father, then–Vice President Dan Quayle referenced the show as an example of degenerating family values. Linking the 1992 Los Angeles riots to a breakdown of family structure and social order, Quayle lambasted producers’ poor judgment, saying, “It doesn’t help matters when prime-time TV has Murphy Brown, a character who supposedly epitomizes today’s intelligent, highly paid professional woman, mocking the importance of fathers by bearing a child alone, and calling it just another ‘lifestyle choice (Time, 1992).’” Quayle’s outburst sparked lively debate between supporters and opponents of his viewpoint, with some praising his outspoken social commentary and others dismissing him as out of touch with America and its growing number of single mothers.

Similar controversy arose with the portrayal of openly gay characters on prime-time television shows. When the lead character on the ABC sitcom Ellen came out in 1997 (2 weeks after Ellen DeGeneres, the actress who played the role, announced that she was gay), she became the first leading gay character on both broadcast and cable networks. The show proved to be a test case for the nation’s tolerance of openly gay characters on prime-time TV and became the subject of much debate. Embraced by liberal supporters and lambasted by conservative objectors (evangelical Baptist minister Jerry Falwell infamously dubbed her “Ellen DeGenerate”), both the actress and the show furthered the quest to make homosexuality acceptable to mainstream audiences. Although Ellen was canceled the following year (amid disagreements with producers about whether it should contain a parental advisory warning), DeGeneres successfully returned to television in 2003 with her own talk show. Subsequent shows with prominent gay characters were quick to follow in Ellen ’s footsteps. According to the Gay & Lesbian Alliance Against Defamation (GLAAD), 18 lesbian, gay, bisexual, or transgender characters accounted for 3 percent of scripted series regulars in the 2009–2010 broadcast television schedule, up from 1.3 percent in 2006 (Mitchell, 2009).

Creating Stars via Reality Television

Emerging out of the 1948 TV series Candid Camera , in which people were secretly filmed responding to elaborate practical jokes, reality television aimed to capture real, unscripted life on camera. The genre developed in several different directions, from home-video clip shows ( America’s Funniest Home Videos , America’s Funniest People ) to true-crime reenactment shows ( America’s Most Wanted , Unsolved Mysteries ) to thematic shows based on professions of interest ( Project Runway , Police Women of Broward County , Top Chef ). Near the turn of the millennium, the genre began to lean toward more voyeuristic shows, such as MTV’s The Real World , an unscripted “documentary” that followed the lives of seven strangers selected to live together in a large house or apartment in a major city. The show drew criticisms for glamorizing bad behavior and encouraging excessive drinking and casual sex, although its ratings soared with each successive controversy (a trend that critics claim encouraged producers to actively stage rating-grabbing scenarios). During the late 1990s and 2000s, a wave of copycat reality TV shows emerged, including the voyeuristic series Big Brother , which filmed a group of strangers living together in an isolated house full of cameras in an attempt to win large amounts of cash, and Survivor , a game show in which participants competed against each other by performing endurance challenges on an uninhabited island. Survivor ’s success as the most popular show on television in the summer of 2000 ensured the continued growth of the reality television genre, and producers turned their attention to reality dating shows such as The Bachelor , Temptation Island , and Dating in the Dark . Cheap to produce, with a seemingly never-ending supply of willing contestants and eager advertising sponsors, reality TV shows continue to bring in big ratings. As of 2010, singing talent competition American Idol is television’s biggest revenue generator, pulling in $8.1 million in advertising sales every 30 minutes it is on the air (Bond, 2010).

Figure 9.12

The stress of appearing on reality television shows has proved detrimental to some contestants’ health. Britain’s Got Talent star Susan Boyle suffered a nervous breakdown in 2009.

Banalities – SuBo Dreamed a Dream – CC BY 2.0.

Reality TV has created the cultural phenomenon of the instant celebrity. Famous for simply being on the air, reality show contestants are extending their 15 minutes in the spotlight. Kate Gosselin, star of Jon & Kate Plus 8 , a cable TV show about a couple who have eight children, has since appeared in numerous magazine articles, and in 2010 she starred on celebrity reality dance show Dancing with the Stars . Survivor contestant Elisabeth Hasselbeck became a co-host on TV talk show The View , and several American Idol contestants (including Kelly Clarkson and Carrie Underwood) have become household names. The genre has drawn criticism for creating a generation that expects to achieve instant wealth without having to try very hard and also for preying on vulnerable people whom critics call “disposable.” When Britain’s Got Talent star Susan Boyle suffered a public meltdown in 2009 after the stress of transitioning from obscurity to stardom in an extremely short time period, the media began to point out the dangers of reality television. In 2009, TheWrap.com investigated the current lives of former stars of reality shows such as The Contender , Paradise Hotel , Wife Swap , and Extreme Makeover , and found that at least 11 participants had committed suicide as an apparent result of their appearances on screen (Adams, 2009; Feldlinger).

Key Takeaways

• Television has been reflecting changing cultural values since it first gained popularity after World War II. During the 1950s, most programs ignored current events and political issues in favor of family-friendly domestic comedies, which featured White suburban middle-class families. Extreme stress during the 1960s, caused by political events such as the Vietnam War and the Cuban Missile Crisis, led people to turn to escapist television offered by fantasy sitcoms. These provided a sharp dichotomy with the hard-news shows of the era. Social consciousness during the 1970s prompted television producers to reflect changing social attitudes regarding single parenthood, women’s roles, and divorce, and sitcom families began to reflect the increasing number of non-nuclear families in society. The increasing popularity of cable TV in the 1980s led to an explosion of news and entertainment channels, some of which raised concerns about the levels of violence on television. During the 1990s and 2000s, TV networks became more specialized, catering to niche markets in order to meet the needs of an increasingly fragmented audience.
• Television reflects cultural values, and it also influences culture. One example of this is the polarization of cable TV news, which is no longer centrist but caters to individual political tastes. Critics argue that this influences cable news viewers’ opinions and makes them less open to opposing political viewpoints. Entertainment programs also play an influential role within society. By portraying controversial relationships such as single parents or gay couples as acceptable, TV shows have the power to shape viewers’ attitudes. In recent years, broadcasters have created the concept of the instant celebrity through the genre of reality television. Contestants on reality TV shows now permeate every aspect of culture and the media, from the music charts to popular magazines and newspapers.

Please respond to the following short-answer writing prompts. Each response should be a minimum of one paragraph.

• Choose a popular sitcom from the past 50 years you are familiar with (you can view episodes on Hulu.com to refamiliarize yourself if necessary). Using the ideas in this section as a starting point, identify three ways in which your chosen sitcom reflects or reflected American culture.
• Spend a few days reviewing news coverage on Fox News and MSNBC. How is coverage of similar news stories different? Do you think partisan news networks can affect public opinion? Why or why not?

Adams, Guy. “Lessons From America on the Dangers of Reality Television,” Independent (London), June 6, 2009, http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/americas/lessons-from-america-on-the-dangers-of-reality-television-1698165.html .

Blakey, Rea. “Study Links TV Viewing Among Kids to Later Violence,” CNN Health , March 28, 2002, http://archives.cnn.com/2002/HEALTH/parenting/03/28/kids.tv.violence/index.html .

Bond, Paul. “‘Idol’ Listed as TV’s Biggest Revenue Generator,” Hollywood Reporter , May 5, 2010, http://www.hollywoodreporter.com/hr/content_display/news/e3i8f1f42046a622bda2d602430b16d3ed9 .

Coontz, Stephanie. “‘Leave It to Beaver’ and ‘Ozzie and Harriet’: American Families in the 1950s,” in The Way We Never Were: American Families and the Nostalgia Trip (New York: BasicBooks, 1992), 28.

Forbes, “BET Networks Unveils New African American Consumer Market Research and New Programming at 2010 Upfront Presentation,” April 14, 2010, http://www.forbes.com/feeds/prnewswire/2010/04/14/prnewswire201004141601PR_NEWS_USPR_____NE86679.html .

Fox News, The O’Reilly Factor, “Is Black Entertainment Television Taking a Disturbing Turn?” Fox News , May 26, 2004, http://www.foxnews.com/story/0,2933,120993,00.html .

Frank Feldlinger, “TheWrap Investigates: 11 Players Have Committed Suicide,” TheWrap, http://www.thewrap.com/television/article/thewrap-investigates-11-players-have-committed-suicide-3409 .

Friedman, Michael J. “‘See It Now’: Murrow vs. McCarthy,” in Edward R. Murrow: Journalism at Its Best , publication of U.S. Department of State, June 1, 2008, http://www.america.gov/st/democracyhr-english/2008/June/20080601110244eaifas8.602542e-02.html .

Gunther, Marc. “The Extinction of Mass Culture, CNN Money , July 12, 2006, http://money.cnn.com/2006/07/11/news/economy/pluggedin_gunther.fortune/index.htm .

Mitchell, Wendy. “GLAAD Report: Gay Characters on Network TV Still on the Rise,” Entertainment Weekly , September 30, 2009, http://hollywoodinsider.ew.com/2009/09/30/glaad-report-gay-characters-on-rise/ .

Newcomb, Horace. ed., Encyclopedia of Television (New York: Fitzroy Dearborn, 2004), 389.

Poniewozik, James. “CNN: Can a Mainstream News Outlet Survive?” Time , May 3, 2010, http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,1983901,00.html .

Time, “Dan Quayle vs. Murphy Brown,” June 1, 1992, http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,975627,00.html .

Understanding Media and Culture Copyright © 2016 by University of Minnesota is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 4.0 International License , except where otherwise noted.

Essay on Television

500+ words essay on television.

Television has become a crucial part of our lives now. It not only impacts our social life but also our educational life. Just as newspapers and computers are significant modes of communication, Television also counts as one. With a television, you can connect to the world outside. Moreover, it is also important in influencing our personal and public lives. However, with the benefits, there are also some disadvantages. Thus, it must be consumed within a limit. This television essay will elaborate on the same points.

Importance of Television

Television is definitely one of the most important electronic devices with a screen. It helps us in receiving information. Further, we also get entertained by it and get rid of boredom.

Most importantly, it plays a significant role in distributing news and information. News channels are a great source of information about the current happenings in the world. Similarly, television programs also teach us a lot of things.

For instance, we learn about the rich civilizations and historical sketches via historical channels. Similarly, when we are alone, it acts as a great source of entertainment. In addition, we also get to learn about many cooking recipes.

Television helps us raise the capacity of our minds. You can learn a trick or two from it to solve your daily problems. It also instils creativity in people. Further, watching information channels equip us with facts and concepts.

There are also motivation programs on television. They serve as inspiration for many to achieve success in a number of fields. Apart from that, we also get laughter therapy from television.

Watching comedy shows and movies allow us to laugh freely. On the other hand, people who are religious and spiritual also benefit from it. They get access to spiritual and religious messages to nourish their souls.

Get the huge list of more than 500 Essay Topics and Ideas

Television Essay- Why You Must Limit the Time

As the younger generations are growing up with electronics, it has become important to limit their time with these gadgets. You see all the time they are glued to phone screens or television.

It is no less than a nightmare for parents as it harms their brains. When you get used to watching the glowing screens constantly, nothing will interest you. Moreover, parents also allow their children to stare at the screens blankly to get entertainment.

This takes away their time of playing outside or spending time with their loved ones. When the children will play outside or mingle with others, they will be able to develop their social skills, gross motor skills and language.

Watching television only will not help them do that. Therefore, it is important to limit the time of television watching especially for children. This can help them greatly in the long run and give them a better life.

To conclude the television essay, while television has numerous benefits, it also comes with its fair share of disadvantages. Thus, we must ensure that our children create the perfect balance between watching TV and doing other things. This way, they can get the best of both worlds.

FAQ of Essay on Television

Question 1: Why is television important?

Answer 1: Television is a great source of entertainment. Moreover, it also provides us with valuable information about the world. It also helps us stay in touch with the outside world.

Question 2: Why should we limit the time of television?

Answer 2: It is essential to do that especially for children so they can develop their social skills and gross motor skills better. Watching too much television will also hamper their eyesight. Thus, it must be consumed within a limit.

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Some records include terms and views that are not appropriate today. They reflect the period in which they were created and are not the views of the National Archives.

The impact of television

Television has contributed to our lives in many ways: it has provided entertainment, allowed us to participate in significant events, and shaped the way we see and think about things, as a society.

Since it was introduced in the 1950s, television has been a popular feature of Australian homes. 

From then on, millions of people could access important historical, sporting and cultural events and information in a way that was never before possible.

Curriculum areas

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• How were events and information communicated to us before television?
• How has this changed since television was introduced?
• What type of events, information and messages can television communicate?
• Now we can engage with global events and culture, how has this affected Australian society?

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This is a black-and-white photograph of the Prince of Wales with Ian 'Molly' Meldrum on the set of the television program Countdown.

'Life. Be in it' – fitness campaign

Black-and-white cartoon drawn by Alex Stitt is from the 1977 ‘Life. Be in it’ national public health campaign.

Six O'Clock Rock – ABC television music series

Excerpt from the ABC television music series 'Six O'Clock Rock' featuring Johnny O'Keefe and Kevin Todd.

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Essay on Impact of Television on Children’s

Students are often asked to write an essay on Impact of Television on Children’s in their schools and colleges. And if you’re also looking for the same, we have created 100-word, 250-word, and 500-word essays on the topic.

Let’s take a look…

100 Words Essay on Impact of Television on Children’s

Introduction.

Television is a powerful medium that can greatly influence children’s minds. It can shape their thoughts, feelings, and behavior.

Educational Influence

Educational TV shows can foster learning. They can improve children’s language skills, creativity, and understanding of the world.

Exposure to Violence

However, exposure to violent content can make children aggressive. They may imitate harmful behaviors seen on TV.

Health Impact

Excessive TV watching can lead to sedentary lifestyles, causing health issues like obesity.

While TV can be educational, parents must regulate viewing to prevent negative impacts.

250 Words Essay on Impact of Television on Children’s

Television, a pervasive form of media, has a profound influence on children’s cognitive and social development. Its impact extends beyond mere entertainment, shaping perceptions, attitudes, and behaviors.

Academic Impact

Television can both positively and negatively affect children’s academic performance. Educational programs foster intellectual growth, enhancing language skills and critical thinking. However, excessive viewing can lead to decreased academic performance, as it reduces time for homework and reading.

Social Development

Television shapes children’s socialization process. It introduces diverse cultures and societal norms, aiding in broadening their worldview. Conversely, exposure to violent or inappropriate content can lead to aggressive behavior and distorted social perceptions.

Health Implications

Prolonged television viewing has been linked to sedentary behavior, contributing to childhood obesity. It also disrupts sleep patterns and can lead to vision problems.

The impact of television on children is multifaceted, influencing their academic, social, and physical health. As such, it is crucial to monitor and control the content and duration of children’s television viewing, promoting a balanced and healthy media diet.

500 Words Essay on Impact of Television on Children’s

Television, an omnipresent medium in our society, has a profound impact on the development of children. The effects of television on children’s cognitive, social, and emotional development have been a subject of extensive research and debate.

Cognitive Development

Television can significantly influence a child’s cognitive development. Educational programs such as “Sesame Street” and “Dora the Explorer” can enhance children’s learning abilities, improving their language skills, critical thinking, and problem-solving abilities. However, excessive viewing, particularly of non-educational content, can lead to attention problems and hinder academic performance.

Children learn social norms and values from their surroundings, and television is a substantial part of that environment. Positive portrayals can foster understanding and empathy, while negative or stereotypical depictions can influence children’s perceptions about gender roles, racial and ethnic groups, and societal norms.

Emotional Development

Television programming can impact children’s emotional development. Shows with violent content may induce fear, anxiety, and aggressive behavior. On the other hand, programs that promote kindness, cooperation, and conflict resolution can support emotional growth and prosocial behavior.

Excessive television viewing is associated with sedentary behavior, which can contribute to obesity and other health problems in children. Advertisements for unhealthy food and drinks can influence children’s dietary choices, further exacerbating these health issues.

Parental Role and Regulation

Parents play a crucial role in mitigating the negative effects of television. By monitoring content, limiting viewing time, and encouraging active engagement, parents can ensure that television serves as a positive tool for their children’s development. Furthermore, regulatory bodies should enforce strict guidelines on children’s programming and advertising to protect young viewers from inappropriate content and harmful influences.

In conclusion, while television can be a valuable educational and entertainment tool, its impact on children’s development is complex and multifaceted. It is crucial to strike a balance between viewing time and other activities, and to ensure that the content viewed is age-appropriate and beneficial. As television continues to evolve with the advent of streaming services and smart devices, understanding its impact on children is more important than ever.

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Home — Essay Samples — Information Science and Technology — Effects of Watching too much TV — The Impact of Television in Our Life (in 150 words)

The Impact of Television in Our Life (in 150 Words)

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Childhood and adolescent television viewing and internalising disorders in adulthood

Time spent watching television during childhood and adolescence has been linked to socio-emotional and physical health problems in adulthood. It is unclear whether excessive television viewing is a risk factor for internalising mental health disorders such as anxiety and depression. Longitudinal associations between television viewing in childhood and adult diagnoses of anxiety and depression were investigated in a population-based birth cohort from Dunedin, New Zealand. Mean weekday television viewing time was reported by parents and adolescents between ages 5 and 15 years (1977–1987). Diagnoses of any anxiety disorder and major depression were made using standard criteria from symptoms reported for the previous year at ages 18, 21, 26, 32, and 38 years (between 1990 and 2012). Analyses adjusted for sex, parent and teacher reports of worry/fearfulness at age 5, and socioeconomic status during childhood. Diagnoses were counted if present at any of these assessments. Approximately half of all participants met criteria for anxiety disorder or depression during at least one adult assessment. Participants who had watched more television during childhood and adolescence were more likely to have a diagnosis of anxiety in sex-adjusted analyses (OR [95% CI] 1.22 [1.05, 1.41], p  = 0.01), although this association weakened after adjustment for early childhood worry/fearfulness and socioeconomic status. There was no association between television viewing and depression in sex- or fully-adjusted analyses. Excessive television viewing during childhood and adolescence may be a risk factor for developing an anxiety disorder in adulthood, but does not appear to influence the long-term risk for major depression.

• • Time watching television between 5 & 15 was associated with adulthood anxiety.
• • Television viewing time was not associated with adulthood depression.
• • These associations were not explained by potential confounders.
• • Excessive television may increase the risk for being diagnosed with anxiety.

1. Introduction

Television and other screen-based media play a major role in modern life, affecting social interactions, family routines, and leisure activities, all of which impact upon child development. Watching television is a particularly common and enduring experience in childhood: American children spend more hours interacting with screen based media than any other waking activity ( Rideout, 2015 ). Excessive childhood television viewing time has been linked to several long-term social, physical and mental health problems in adulthood including unemployment, obesity, poor fitness, raised blood cholesterol, smoking, sleep problems, attention difficulties, and externalising problems such as antisocial behaviour ( Owens et al., 1999 ; Hancox et al., 2005 ; Landhuis et al., 2007 ; Johnson et al., 2002 ; Robertson et al., 2013 ). However, there has been little research into the long-term effects of television viewing in childhood and internalising mental health disorders, such as depression and anxiety.

Several cross-sectional studies of children and adolescents have reported an increased risk of depression ( Bickham et al., 2015 ; Primack et al., 2009 ) anxiety ( Maras et al., 2015 ) and psychological distress among those with greater total screen time, television viewing, and lower physical activity levels ( Hamer et al., 2009 ; Cao et al., 2011 ; Liu et al., 2016a ), although some studies have found no association ( Casiano et al., 2012 ). In adults, a longitudinal study of university graduates found that time spent watching television or using computers was associated with an increased risk of internalising mental health disorders up to 6 years later ( Sanchez-Villegas et al., 2008 ).

Although many children now have access to a wide variety of other media beyond television, television is still the most accessible screen-based medium and television viewing times remain high ( Rideout, 2015 ; AAP Council on Communications and Media, 2016 ; Reid Chassiakos et al., 2016 ), with many new media platforms being used to watch television programs. Hence the influence of excessive television viewing on long-term risk for health remains highly relevant and is also a worthwhile target for interventions aimed at decreasing screen time. We investigated the long-term associations between childhood and adolescent television viewing and adult internalising disorders in a population-based birth cohort study followed to age 38. We hypothesised that time spent watching television in childhood and adolescence would be associated with an increased risk of anxiety and depression in adulthood.

Study members were born in Dunedin, New Zealand, between April 1972 and March 1973 ( Poulton et al., 2015 ). The cohort was formed when 1037 children (91% of eligible births; 535 [52%] boys) attended the initial follow-up at age 3 years. Further follow-up assessments were undertaken at ages 5 ( n  = 991), 7 ( n  = 954), 9 ( n  = 955), 11 ( n  = 925), 13 ( n  = 850), 15 ( n  = 976), 18 ( n  = 993), 21 ( n  = 992), 26 ( n  = 980), 32 ( n  = 972) and 38 ( n  = 961) years. Ninety-five percent of living Study members continue to participate. Cohort families represented the full range of socioeconomic status in the South Island of New Zealand, and were mostly of New Zealand–European ethnicity. Written informed consent was obtained for each assessment (from parents up until age 15 and participants thereafter) and the study was approved by the Otago Ethics Committee.

At ages 5, 7, 9, and 11 years, parents were asked how much time Study members spent watching weekday television. At ages 13 and 15, Study members themselves were asked how long they usually watched television on weekdays and at weekends. Our summary variable was a composite of child and adolescent viewing calculated as the mean viewing hours per weekday between ages 5 and 15 years as previously described ( Hancox et al., 2004 ). Data were also assessed using weekday child and adolescent viewing separately to determine if television viewing during these different ages had different effects on adult mental health outcomes.

Diagnoses of depression and anxiety were based on the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM) at assessments between the ages of 18 and 38 years. Symptoms were ascertained using the Diagnostic Interview Schedule (DIS), which is a structured questionnaire designed to determine the presence of major psychiatric disorders in the DSM. In keeping with the version current at the time, the Diagnostic Interview Schedule was based on the DSM III-R criteria at age 18 and DSM-IV at ages 21, 26, 32, and 38 years. Questions were modified to meet the requirements of the Dunedin study ( Feehan et al., 1994 ). Examples of these changes were: wording being changed from “ever” to “in the last year” and using New Zealand instead of American terminology. Study members were considered to have an anxiety disorder if they met DSM criteria for any of: generalised anxiety disorder, social phobia, simple phobia, panic disorder, or agoraphobia in the year prior to any assessment. They were considered to have had a major depressive episode if they met the DSM criteria for this in the year prior to any of the assessments.

Childhood socio-economic status was assessed from the average parental occupational status from birth to age 15 years as previously described ( Hancox et al., 2004 ; Poulton et al., 2002 ). Parents were assigned a code on a scale of 1 to 6 based on the educational level and income associated with that occupation in the New Zealand census (1 = professional, 6 = unskilled labourer). Average childhood SES was calculated by using the results from the parent with the highest score at each age and then calculating the mean of those scores from birth to age 15 years.

Children's internalising problems at age 5 were assessed using parent and teacher reports for the Rutter Child Scale for worry/fearfulness ( Rutter et al., 1970 ). Parents and teachers were asked whether the following statements applied: “often worried, worries about many things”, “tends to do things on his own - rather solitary”, “often appears miserable, unhappy, tearful, or distressed”, “tends to be fearful or afraid of new things or new situations”, “fussy or over-particular child”, “has tears upon arrival at school”.

2.1. Statistical analyses

Logistic regression was used investigate associations between mean childhood television viewing time as the main predictor and diagnoses of depression or anxiety disorder between 18 and 38 years of age as the dependent variable. To assess whether associations were different for male and female Study members, initial analyses tested for sex interactions. All analyses adjusted for sex and further analyses also adjusted for parent and teacher ratings of worry/fearfulness at age 5 and childhood socioeconomic status. Mean television viewing time was also categorised according to the American Academy of Pediatrics' previously recommended limit of 2 h viewing a night ( Council on Communications and Media, 2013 ). Analyses were done using Stata ( StataCorp, n.d. ) and considered to be significant at p  < 0.05.

Study members watched an average of 2.35 mean hours of television each weekday between the ages of 5 and 15 years as previously reported ( Table 1 ; Hancox et al., 2004 ). Girls spent less time watching television than boys (mean (SD) 2.24 (0.89) and 2.42 (0.86) hours respectively, p  = 0.002). Sixty-two percent of the cohort (612/993) watched an average of >2 h of television per weeknight between ages 5 and 15. Women between the ages of 18–38 years were more likely to have a diagnosis of anxiety than men (62% and 39% respectively, p  < 0.001) and were also more likely to have a diagnosis of depression (57% and 35% respectively, p < 0.001).

Descriptives for the variables used in analyses.

There was no evidence that associations between childhood television viewing and adult anxiety or depression diagnoses were different between boys and girls (interaction p values between sex and television were p  = 0.622 and p  = 0.479 for anxiety and depression respectively). Therefore subsequent analyses were completed for the whole sample with an adjustment for sex.

Childhood mean television viewing time was associated with a higher risk of a diagnosis of anxiety in adulthood at any assessed age between 18 and 38 ( Table 2 ). This association was not statistically significant after controlling for parent and teacher scores rating of childhood worry/fearfulness, and childhood socioeconomic status ( p  = 0.059).

Associations between mean childhood television viewing time and adult internalising disorders.

Diagnoses of internalising disorders include any diagnosis at age 18, 21, 26, 32, or 38. Analyses are by multivariable logistic regression. OR (95% CI) are the odds ratios and 95% confidence intervals associated with each hour of mean television viewing per weeknight between ages 5 and 15 years.

Children who watched an average of >2 h of television were more likely to have a diagnosis of anxiety in adulthood (during at least one assessment between 18 and 38) than those that watched less than 2 h ( Table 3 , Fig. 1 ). This association remained statistically significant after controlling for additional covariates.

Associations between watching >2 h of television per day during childhood and adult internalising disorders.

Diagnoses of internalising disorders include any diagnosis at age 18, 21, 26, 32, or 38. Analyses are by logistic regression. OR (95% CI) are the odds ratios and 95% confidence intervals associated with watching an average of >2 h of television per weeknight between ages 5 and 15 years. n/N (%) are the numbers of participants who watched >2 h of television per weeknight.

Diagnoses of adult anxiety disorders according to mean childhood television viewing time. Error bars show 95% confidence intervals: p  = 0.033 for trend across groups.

Childhood mean television time was not associated with the risk of a diagnosis of depression between ages 18 and 38 ( Table 2 ) in either sex-adjusted or fully-adjusted analyses. Children who watched an average of >2 h of television were not more likely to have a depression diagnosis in adulthood ( Table 3 , Fig. 2 ).

Diagnoses of adult depression according to mean childhood television viewing time. Error bars show 95% confidence intervals: p  = 0.865 for trend across groups.

Over the course of the data collection, 132 of the 993 (13%) participants in Table 2 missed at least one assessment for adult anxiety and 136 (14%) missed at least one assessment for depression. Those with missing assessments had fewer opportunities for the diagnoses to be made, but it is also possible that participants with internalising disorders would be more likely to miss an assessment. Adjusting the analyses for the number of assessments attended made no material difference to the analyses for either anxiety or depression diagnoses. However, restricting the analyses to only those with complete data slightly reduced the strength of association between television viewing and a later diagnosis of anxiety. This association remained significant in the sex-adjusted analysis (OR = 1.19, 95% CI = 1.02 to 1.40, p  = 0.031), but was not significant in the multiply-adjusted analyses (OR = 1.14, 95% CI = 0.95 to 1.36, p  = 0.157). Excluding those with any missing depression diagnoses made no material difference to the analyses of the association between television viewing and depression.

Television viewing time during childhood and adolescence was also analysed separately: a diagnosis of adult anxiety was associated with viewing in adolescence in both unadjusted and fully adjusted analyses, but not with cumulative television use up to age 11 ( Table 4 ). Neither childhood nor adolescent television viewing times were associated with an adulthood diagnosis of depression ( Table 4 ).

Associations between mean childhood or adolescent television viewing time and adult internalising disorders.

Diagnoses of internalising disorders include any diagnosis at age 18, 21, 26, 32, or 38. Analyses are by logistic regression. OR (95% CI) are the odds ratios and 95% confidence intervals associated with each hour of mean weeknight television viewing per weeknight during childhood (age 5 to 11 years) of with mean daily viewing in adolescence (ages 13 and 15 years).

A trajectory analysis using categories based on more (or less) than 2 h of viewing per night in childhood and adolescence shows that only those with persistently high viewing times have an increased risk of anxiety (OR = 1.57, 95% CI = 1.09 to 2.27, p  = 0.015) compared to those who watched an average of <2 h during both childhood and adolescence. There was no increased risk of anxiety in those who exceeded 2 h of viewing at only one developmental stage ( p values >0.65). There were no significant associations in relation to depression (all p values >0.78).

4. Discussion

We have found evidence that spending more time watching television in childhood and adolescence is associated with a higher chance of having an anxiety disorder in early to mid-adult life. Children who exceeded the recommended average of no more than 2 h of television per day were more likely to meet standard criteria used for diagnosing an anxiety disorder at some time between ages 18 and 38 years. This association was of borderline statistical significance after adjusting for multiple covariates, however, television viewing in adolescence (reported at age 13 and 15) was significantly associated with adult diagnoses of anxiety, even after adjustment for covariates. Contrary to our hypothesis, we found no evidence that mean childhood television exposure from age 5 to 15, nor television viewing during either childhood or adolescence, was associated with adult depression.

We believe that this is the first longitudinal study to assess the association between childhood and adolescent television viewing and adulthood diagnoses of anxiety. Although the strength of the association was modest, the findings are important in view of the high disease burden of anxiety disorders and the fact that watching television still dominates school-aged children's media use ( Rideout, 2015 ), and represents a modifiable risk factor. The association was independent of a number of potential confounding factors, including parents' assessment of worry/fearfulness at age 5, and childhood socioeconomic status. This increased risk of anxiety was only observed among those who watched an average of more than 2 h of television per night during both childhood and adolescence. There are few studies of television use and anxiety and, although some cross-sectional studies in adults have found a positive association, a recent systematic review found there to be insufficient evidence reach a conclusion on the impact of television viewing on internalising disorders ( Teychenne et al., 2015 ). As far as we are aware, only one other longitudinal study has been done, which found no significant association between combined leisure time television viewing and computer time and anxiety in university graduates followed for up to 6 years ( Sanchez-Villegas et al., 2008 ).

As with any observational study, we cannot prove causation, but there are a number of plausible mechanisms by which excessive television viewing could lead to anxiety disorders. Although television can be a social experience it can also easily be viewed in isolation. Failure to engage in more social activities during childhood or adolescence could lead to greater anxiety when dealing with other people later in life. It is also possible that the association between and television viewing and anxiety was due to reverse causation: because television viewing can be done at home and alone, it may appeal to those with social anxiety. However, the association persisted after adjusting for parent and teacher ratings of worry/fearfulness at age 5 making reverse causation less likely. Although we also adjusted for socio-economic status, it remains possible that other factors associated with participants' families of origin are confounding this association.

Our finding that there was no association between childhood television viewing and a diagnosis of depression contrasts with the previously reported link between childhood television viewing and depression in earlier longitudinal studies ( Bickham et al., 2015 ; Primack et al., 2009 ). Possible reasons for this discrepancy include differences in the societies in which the participants lived, the ages of the participants, and the nature of follow-up. In the earlier studies a single assessment of media use was obtained during adolescence and a single follow-up for depressive symptoms was made 2 or 7 years later. By contrast, our study assessed television viewing across multiple ages from age 5 to 15 years with multiple follow-up assessments between 3 and 23 years later. We also used DSM criteria for major depression rather than measures of depression symptoms. A recent meta-analysis of both the cross-sectional and longitudinal evidence found no associations between television time and depression, although total screen time and computer use in particular was associated with the risk of depression ( Liu et al., 2016b ). A systematic review of sedentary behaviour and mental health in adolescents also found strong evidence for an association between sedentary behaviour/screen time and depression symptoms, but found little evidence specifically on television viewing ( Hoare et al., 2016 ). At the time that our cohort was growing up, there were few home computers and we cannot assess whether other screen-based activities increase the long-term risk for depression, but taken together with the findings of the meta-analysis and systematic review, our findings suggests that childhood television viewing is unlikely to be a major risk factor for depression in early to mid-adult life.

This study has a number of important strengths. Television viewing time was recorded over multiple ages during childhood and adolescence and mental health outcomes were also assessed over multiple ages using standard diagnostic instruments. We can adjust for a number of potential confounding factors including both parent and teachers' assessments of the participants' worry/fearfulness scores at age 5 years. Having an independent adult comment on the child's worry/fearfulness may avoid the reporting bias inherent in familial reports where parents may have similar symptoms. However, our measure of worry/fearfulness at age 5 may not completely capture a child's tendency towards anxiety and reverse causation remains possible.

Limitations include the fact that we only have data on internalising disorders for the year immediately prior to each assessment. Although the follow-up has been very high over such a long period of time, many participants missed at least one mental health assessment. Adjusting for this made little difference to the findings (the effect sizes), but the association between television viewing and anxiety was not statistically significant in the fully-adjusted analysis if this was restricted to those with complete mental health data for every adult assessment age. Estimates of television viewing were also based on parent- and self-reports and will have inaccuracies and may also be prone to social desirability reporting bias. Furthermore, we could not objectively validate these self-reported viewing times. It seems unlikely, however, that these limitations would systematically bias the associations with later internalising disorders.

It is also important to note that the television and media environment has changed greatly since the 1970s and 1980s when this cohort was growing up. In contrast to today's rapidly evolving media environment, the participants in this research had a comparatively static media environment when their viewing was measured (1977–1988) with television being the only significant screen-based option. Although we do not know what cohort members were viewing, there were only two state-run television channels in New Zealand during this period of their lives. Consequently, the findings from this cohort may be an under-estimation of effects that would be found for young people's current television and screen based media use.

Despite these limitations, our findings suggest that excessive television viewing in childhood and adolescence is associated with an increased risk for anxiety in adulthood. As the first longitudinal study to examine this issue over this timeframe, it is important that this finding is replicated. It is also important to examine the effects of newer forms of screen-based media on children's long-term risk for mental health problems ( AAP Council on Communications and Media, 2016 ; Reid Chassiakos et al., 2016 ). The widespread use of these new forms of media, with their potential benefits as well as risks, has led the American Academy of Pediatrics to move away from recommending a set screen time for children and adolescents in favour of developing a family media plan ( AAP Council on Communications and Media, 2016 ; Reid Chassiakos et al., 2016 ). However, we found that exceeding the previously suggested threshold of an average of no more than 2 h a day of television viewing was associated with a greater risk of having a diagnosis of anxiety in adulthood. It seems reasonable to confirm this threshold as a guideline for passive screen-use by school-aged children and adolescents, especially in light of researching indicating that other forms of sedentary behaviour may also be a risk for anxiety ( Teychenne et al., 2015 ).

5. Conclusion

In summary, we found that the time spent watching television during childhood and adolescence was associated with a greater risk of being diagnosed with an anxiety disorders during early to mid-adult life. This association was independent of a number of potential confounding factors. We did not find evidence that childhood and adolescence television viewing time was associated with the risk for later depression. The generalisability of the findings to the current media environment are uncertain but given the changes that have occurred since this cohort were growing up, these findings may under-estimate the impact of current television and screen time on internalising disorders.

Declaration of Competing Interest

Acknowledgements.

We thank the study members, their friends and families for their continued support. We also thank Richie Poulton, the director of the study, Phil Silva, the study founder, and the unit staff. We further thank Professors Richie Poulton, Terrie E Moffitt and Avshalom Caspi for sharing data.

The Dunedin Multidisciplinary Health and Development Research Unit is supported by the Health Research Council of New Zealand. Acquisition of data used in this report were also supported by US National Institute of Mental Health grants MH45070 and MH49414 and by the William T. Grant Foundation. The funding bodies had no input into the analysis and interpretation of data; the writing of the manuscript; or the decision to submit the manuscript for publication.

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