gender based violence essay

Gender-Based Violence (Violence Against Women and Girls)

Photo: Simone D. McCourtie / World Bank

Gender-based violence (GBV) or violence against women and girls (VAWG), is a global pandemic that affects 1 in 3 women in their lifetime.

The numbers are staggering:

35% of women worldwide have experienced either physical and/or sexual intimate partner violence or non-partner sexual violence.
Globally, 7% of women have been sexually assaulted by someone other than a partner.
Globally, as many as 38% of murders of women are committed by an intimate partner.
200 million women have experienced female genital mutilation/cutting.

This issue is not only devastating for survivors of violence and their families, but also entails significant social and economic costs. In some countries, violence against women is estimated to cost countries up to 3.7% of their GDP – more than double what most governments spend on education.

Failure to address this issue also entails a significant cost for the future. Numerous studies have shown that children growing up with violence are more likely to become survivors themselves or perpetrators of violence in the future.

One characteristic of gender-based violence is that it knows no social or economic boundaries and affects women and girls of all socio-economic backgrounds: this issue needs to be addressed in both developing and developed countries.

Decreasing violence against women and girls requires a community-based, multi-pronged approach, and sustained engagement with multiple stakeholders. The most effective initiatives address underlying risk factors for violence, including social norms regarding gender roles and the acceptability of violence.

The World Bank is committed to addressing gender-based violence through investment, research and learning, and collaboration with stakeholders around the world.

Since 2003, the World Bank has engaged with countries and partners to support projects and knowledge products aimed at preventing and addressing GBV. The Bank supports over $300 million in development projects aimed at addressing GBV in World Bank Group (WBG)-financed operations, both through standalone projects and through the integration of GBV components in sector-specific projects in areas such as transport, education, social protection, and forced displacement. Recognizing the significance of the challenge, addressing GBV in operations has been highlighted as a World Bank priority, with key commitments articulated under both IDA 17 and 18, as well as within the World Bank Group Gender Strategy .

The World Bank conducts analytical work —including rigorous impact evaluation—with partners on gender-based violence to generate lessons on effective prevention and response interventions at the community and national levels.

The World Bank regularly convenes a wide range of development stakeholders to share knowledge and build evidence on what works to address violence against women and girls.

Over the last few years, the World Bank has ramped up its efforts to address more effectively GBV risks in its operations , including learning from other institutions.

Addressing GBV is a significant, long-term development challenge. Recognizing the scale of the challenge, the World Bank’s operational and analytical work has expanded substantially in recent years. The Bank’s engagement is building on global partnerships, learning, and best practices to test and advance effective approaches both to prevent GBV—including interventions to address the social norms and behaviors that underpin violence—and to scale up and improve response when violence occurs.

World Bank-supported initiatives are important steps on a rapidly evolving journey to bring successful interventions to scale, build government and local capacity, and to contribute to the knowledge base of what works and what doesn’t through continuous monitoring and evaluation.

Addressing the complex development challenge of gender-based violence requires significant learning and knowledge sharing through partnerships and long-term programs. The World Bank is committed to working with countries and partners to prevent and address GBV in its projects.

Knowledge sharing and learning

Violence against Women and Girls: Lessons from South Asia is the first report of its kind to gather all available data and information on GBV in the region. In partnership with research institutions and other development organizations, the World Bank has also compiled a comprehensive review of the global evidence for effective interventions to prevent or reduce violence against women and girls. These lessons are now informing our work in several sectors, and are captured in sector-specific resources in the VAWG Resource Guide: www.vawgresourceguide.org .

The World Bank’s Global Platform on Addressing GBV in Fragile and Conflict-Affected Settings facilitated South-South knowledge sharing through workshops and yearly learning tours, building evidence on what works to prevent GBV, and providing quality services to women, men, and child survivors. The Platform included a $13 million cross-regional and cross-practice initiative, establishing pilot projects in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Nepal, Papua New Guinea, and Georgia, focused on GBV prevention and mitigation, as well as knowledge and learning activities.

The World Bank regularly convenes a wide range of development stakeholders to address violence against women and girls. For example, former WBG President Jim Yong Kim committed to an annual Development Marketplace competition, together with the Sexual Violence Research Initiative (SVRI) , to encourage researchers from around the world to build the evidence base of what works to prevent GBV. In April 2019, the World Bank awarded $1.1 million to 11 research teams from nine countries as a result of the fourth annual competition.

Addressing GBV in World Bank Group-financed operations

The World Bank supports both standalone GBV operations, as well as the integration of GBV interventions into development projects across key sectors.

Standalone GBV operations include:

In August 2018, the World Bank committed $100 million to help prevent GBV in the DRC . The Gender-Based Violence Prevention and Response Project will reach 795,000 direct beneficiaries over the course of four years. The project will provide help to survivors of GBV, and aim to shift social norms by promoting gender equality and behavioral change through strong partnerships with civil society organizations.
In the Great Lakes Emergency Sexual and Gender Based Violence & Women's Health Project , the World Bank approved $107 million in financial grants to Burundi, the DRC, and Rwanda to provide integrated health and counseling services, legal aid, and economic opportunities to survivors of – or those affected by – sexual and gender-based violence. In DRC alone, 40,000 people, including 29,000 women, have received these services and support.
The World Bank is also piloting innovative uses of social media to change behaviors . For example, in the South Asia region, the pilot program WEvolve used social media to empower young women and men to challenge and break through prevailing norms that underpin gender violence.

Learning from the Uganda Transport Sector Development Project and following the Global GBV Task Force’s recommendations , the World Bank has developed and launched a rigorous approach to addressing GBV risks in infrastructure operations:

Guided by the GBV Good Practice Note launched in October 2018, the Bank is applying new standards in GBV risk identification, mitigation and response to all new operations in sustainable development and infrastructure sectors.
These standards are also being integrated into active operations; GBV risk management approaches are being applied to a selection of operations identified high risk in fiscal year (FY) 2019.
In the East Asia and Pacific region , GBV prevention and response interventions – including a code of conduct on sexual exploitation and abuse – are embedded within the Vanuatu Aviation Investment Project .
The Liberia Southeastern Corridor Road Asset Management Project , where sexual exploitation and abuse (SEA) awareness will be raised, among other strategies, as part of a pilot project to employ women in the use of heavy machinery.
The Bolivia Santa Cruz Road Corridor Project uses a three-pronged approach to address potential GBV, including a Code of Conduct for their workers; a Grievance Redress Mechanism (GRM) that includes a specific mandate to address any kinds gender-based violence; and concrete measures to empower women and to bolster their economic resilience by helping them learn new skills, improve the production and commercialization of traditional arts and crafts, and access more investment opportunities.
The Mozambique Integrated Feeder Road Development Project identified SEA as a substantial risk during project preparation and takes a preemptive approach: a Code of Conduct; support to – and guidance for – the survivors in case any instances of SEA were to occur within the context of the project – establishing a “survivor-centered approach” that creates multiple entry points for anyone experiencing SEA to seek the help they need; and these measures are taken in close coordination with local community organizations, and an international NGO Jhpiego, which has extensive experience working in Mozambique.

Strengthening institutional efforts to address GBV

In October 2016, the World Bank launched the Global Gender-Based Violence Task Force to strengthen the institution’s efforts to prevent and respond to risks of GBV, and particularly sexual exploitation and abuse (SEA) that may arise in World Bank-supported projects. It builds on existing work by the World Bank and other actors to tackle violence against women and girls through strengthened approaches to identifying and assessing key risks, and developing key mitigations measures to prevent and respond to sexual exploitation and abuse and other forms of GBV.

In line with its commitments under IDA 18 , the World Bank developed an Action Plan for Implementation of the Task Force’s recommendations , consolidating key actions across institutional priorities linked to enhancing social risk management, strengthening operational systems to enhance accountability, and building staff and client capacity to address risks of GBV through training and guidance materials.

As part of implementation of the GBV Task Force recommendations, the World Bank has developed a GBV risk assessment tool and rigorous methodology to assess contextual and project-related risks. The tool is used by any project containing civil works.

The World Bank has developed a Good Practice Note (GPN) with recommendations to assist staff in identifying risks of GBV, particularly sexual exploitation and abuse and sexual harassment that can emerge in investment projects with major civil works contracts. Building on World Bank experience and good international industry practices, the note also advises staff on how to best manage such risks. A similar toolkit and resource note for Borrowers is under development, and the Bank is in the process of adapting the GPN for key sectors in human development.

The GPN provides good practice for staff on addressing GBV risks and impacts in the context of the Environmental and Social Framework (ESF) launched on October 1, 2018, including the following ESF standards, as well as the safeguards policies that pre-date the ESF:

ESS 1: Assessment and Management of Environmental and Social Risks and Impacts;
ESS 2: Labor and Working Conditions;
ESS 4: Community Health and Safety; and
ESS 10: Stakeholder Engagement and Information Disclosure.

In addition to the Good Practice Note and GBV Risk Assessment Screening Tool, which enable improved GBV risk identification and management, the Bank has made important changes in its operational processes, including the integration of SEA/GBV provisions into its safeguard and procurement requirements as part of evolving Environmental, Social, Health and Safety (ESHS) standards, elaboration of GBV reporting and response measures in the Environmental and Social Incident Reporting Tool, and development of guidance on addressing GBV cases in our grievance redress mechanisms.

In line with recommendations by the Task Force to disseminate lessons learned from past projects, and to sensitize staff on the importance of addressing risks of GBV and SEA, the World Bank has developed of trainings for Bank staff to raise awareness of GBV risks and to familiarize staff with new GBV measures and requirements. These trainings are further complemented by ongoing learning events and intensive sessions of GBV risk management.

Last Updated: Sep 25, 2019

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Veronica, 31, talks with her mother, Amou Makuei and support person, in Jamjang, South Sudan

What is gender-based violence – and how do we prevent it?

Each year on 25 November, the International Day for the Elimination of Violence against Women kicks off 16 days of activism against gender-based violence.

Gender-based violence (GBV) is present in every society around the world and takes many forms. As a violation of human rights, we have a moral imperative to stop all forms of violence against women and girls. In crisis, whether conflict or natural disaster, the risk of GBV increases, and so – therefore – does our collective need to act to prevent GBV before it happens or respond to the needs of women and girls when it does.

The IRC has been working specifically to prevent and respond to GBV since 1996, meaning we have over 25 years of experience.

Women and girls are disproportionately impacted by all forms of gender-based violence. Below, we consider why this happens, and what we can do to prevent it.

What is gender-based violence?

Gender-based violence (GBV) is an umbrella term for harmful acts of abuse perpetrated against a person’s will and rooted in a system of unequal power between women and men. This is true for both conflict-affected and non-conflict settings.

The UN defines violence against women as, ‘any act of gender-based violence that results in, or is likely to result in, physical, sexual or psychological harm or suffering to women, including threats of such acts, coercion or arbitrary deprivation of liberty, whether occurring in public or in private life.

Over one-third of women and girls globally will experience some form of violence in their lifetime . However, this rate is higher in emergencies, conflict, and crisis, where vulnerability and risks are increased and most often family, community, and legal protections have broken down.

Harm caused by GBV comes in a variety of visible and invisible forms—it also includes the threat of violence.

GBV can manifest in a variety of ways. Some of these include: physical violence, such as assault or slavery; emotional or psychological violence, such as verbal abuse or confinement; sexual abuse, including rape; harmful practices, like child marriage and female genital mutilation; socio-economic violence, which includes denial of resources; and sexual harassment, exploitation and abuse.

Two women sit on the floor. One of them draws a flower on a piece of paper while the other watches.

What is Intimate Partner Violence (IPV)?

Intimate Partner Violence (IPV), or ‘domestic violence’ is an all-too-common form of violence against women and girls. It refers to any behavior from a current or previous partner that causes harm—including physical aggression, sexual coercion, psychological abuse and controlling behaviors.

Globally, the UN reports that one in four women have been subjected to physical and/or sexual violence by an intimate partner at least once in their lifetime, and IRC research has shown that it is the most common form of violence against women and girls in humanitarian contexts.

Who is most at risk?

Gender-based violence can happen to anyone. However, it disproportionately affects women and girls. Those in crisis settings are at a double disadvantage due to their gender and their situation.

Women and girls from other diverse and marginalized communities face an even greater risk where gender inequality intersects with other forms of oppression.

Those at higher risk include:

Women and girls living with disabilities
Young and adolescent girls
Older women
People who identify as LGBTQ+
Women of ethnic minorities
Refugees and migrants

While we reference these different identities separately, each person holds multiple identities at once. For example, a woman who lives with a disability might also be an older refugee.

This is why it’s important to understand the concept of intersectionality — that a person faces different kinds of discrimination and risks due to a combination of their identities like gender, race, religion, age.

It is crucial to understand intersectionality when working to determine and provide prevention and response services. For instance, research has found that adolescent girls living in displacement are particularly at risk of being overlooked in emergency settings, where they may fall between the cracks of child protection services and those aimed at adult women.

Two young girls, wearing matching headscarves, hold hands by a wall in Yemen.

What causes gender-based violence in crisis settings?

Gender inequality, and the norms and beliefs that violence against women and girls is acceptable, cause gender-based violence. There are also many factors that increase the risk of GBV, with women and girls living through crises experiencing an increase in both the frequency and severity of GBV.

This is because the same conditions that contribute to conflict and forced displacement also accelerate GBV. These include:

Research from What Works found that when families are pushed into poverty, harmful practices like child marriages increase . Young girls may be pulled out of education for marriage, to help with domestic tasks or to generate an income. Unemployment and economic distress in the household can increase instances of IPV, as well.

2. Breakdown of services

A collapse of community structure and the rule of law means women can find themselves without social support and protection systems in violent situations. It can also result in women and girls traveling great distances in search of food, water or fuel, further increasing risk of sexual harassment and assault.

3. Conflict and war

Rising numbers of conflicts globally are driving an increase in conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV). Without the rule of law, CRSV is often carried out with impunity. Armed forces may use rape as a weapon of war. Other forms of CRSV include sexual slavery, forced prostitution, forced pregnancy, forced abortion, enforced sterilization, forced marriage and other forms of sexual violence.

4. Displacement

Women living in refugee camps and other temporary accommodation can face safety issues that put them at greater risk. This can include having no locks on bathroom doors, joint male and female facilities, and inadequate lighting.

Women living as refugees may have to find new livelihoods, which can lead to an increased risk of exploitation.

Displaced women and girls in emergencies are often less visible . They’re not always included in national surveys or reports, which means their needs go unmet.

5. Stress in the home

Intimate partner violence is the most common form of violence women experience in humanitarian settings. IRC research suggests that IPV and child maltreatment and abuse occur more frequently when families experience an inability to meet their basic needs, alcohol and substance abuse and inconsistent income.

Two sisters pose for a photo outside of a clay building in South Sudan. One sisters stands in the foreground while the other a few feet behind her.

Effects of gender-based violence

Violence has a long lasting effect on survivors and their families. Impacts can range from physical harm to long-term emotional distress to fatalities . Rape and sexual assault can result in unwanted pregnancies, complications during pregnancy and birth, and sexually transmitted infections, including HIV.

Social and economic fallout from GBV can lead to a loss of livelihood and increased gender inequalities in the long term. Reporting or seeking services for GBV can lead to further threats of violence, social stigma and ostracization. GBV is also a key barrier to women and girls accessing other lifesaving services, such as food, shelter and healthcare.

Crises are not short-term occurrences . Climate-related disasters can create recurrent crises and many women and girls who are forcibly displaced can end up living in temporary accommodation for years.

This exposes women and girls to GBV for longer and can draw out and compound the effects of that violence for decades, hampering long-term resilience and empowerment.

Two women and a man sit in a circle and share a conversation.

Preventing gender-based violence

While GBV continues to be a huge risk that women and girls face daily, there are ways to prevent it. Some of these include:

Keeping girls in school
Empowering women economically
Using feminist approaches to tackle gender inequality, including in the home
Providing women and girls with safe spaces
Giving women cash support
Engaging male allies
Including women in decision-making at leadership level
Supporting local women-led and women's rights organizations

Comprehensive GBV services need to be established quickly in times of crisis to protect women and girls and reduce their exposure to violence, while increasing their chances of recovery and resilience.

Humanitarian organizations should bring a feminist approach to programming , that takes into account the unequal power balance between genders when designing support and interventions for crisis-affected populations.

Yet, despite knowing the scope of the problem, the serious and at times fatal effects of GBV, and that we can prevent and respond to it, GBV is still not prioritized with enough urgency during humanitarian responses. In 2021, just 28% of GBV funding requirements were met , the lowest proportion reported over the previous four years and down from 32% in 2020.

A young girl in the classroom poses for a photo while writing in her notebook.

The IRC response

The IRC prioritizes the needs of women and girls across its programming. We work to support the resilience and dignity of women and girls exposed to violence in crisis settings in over 50 countries worldwide.

The IRC delivers essential healthcare, GBV case management and psychosocial support to survivors, including through safe spaces and outreach teams. In 2022, we provided 177,404 women and girls with psychosocial support and registered 43,817 GBV survivors for case management, ensuring that they receive necessary emotional, medical, psychosocial and other support services throughout their recovery journey.

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Explore related topics:

Women and girls

Addressing Gender-Based Violence: A Critical Review of Interventions

Andrew Morrison (corresponding author) is a lead economist in the Gender and Development Group at the World Bank; his email address is [email protected] .

Mary Ellsberg is senior advisor for Gender, Violence, and Human Rights at PATH; her email address is [email protected] .

Sarah Bott is an independent consultant; her email address is [email protected] .

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Andrew Morrison, Mary Ellsberg, Sarah Bott, Addressing Gender-Based Violence: A Critical Review of Interventions, The World Bank Research Observer , Volume 22, Issue 1, Spring 2007, Pages 25–51, https://doi.org/10.1093/wbro/lkm003

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This article highlights the progress in building a knowledge base on effective ways to increase access to justice for women who have experienced gender-based violence, offer quality services to survivors, and reduce levels of gender-based violence. While recognizing the limited number of high-quality studies on program effectiveness, this review of the literature highlights emerging good practices. Much progress has recently been made in measuring gender-based violence, most notably through a World Health Organization multicountry study and Demographic and Health Surveys. Even so, country coverage is still limited, and much of the information from other data sources cannot be meaningfully compared because of differences in how intimate partner violence is measured and reported. The dearth of high-quality evaluations means that policy recommendations in the short run must be based on emerging evidence in developing economies (process evaluations, qualitative evaluations, and imperfectly designed impact evaluations) and on more rigorous impact evaluations from developed countries.

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Encyclopedia of Critical Psychology pp 767–771 Cite as

Gender-Based Violence

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Introduction

Gender-based violence (GBV) refers to violence directed towards an individual or group on the basis of their gender. Gender-based violence was traditionally conceptualized as violence by men against women but is now increasingly taken to include a wider range of hostilities based on sexual identity and sexual orientation, including certain forms of violence against men who do not embody the dominant forms of masculinity.

While most earlier sources take gender-based violence as synonymous with violence against women (United Nations General Assembly, 1993 ), O’Toole and Schiffman ( 1997 ) offer a broad definition to include “any interpersonal, organisational or politically orientated violation perpetrated against people due to their gender identity, sexual orientation, or location in the hierarchy of male-dominated social systems such as family, military, organisations, or the labour force” (p. xii). This definition is useful in that it potentially includes not only...

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Introduction

What is gender-based violence.

“GBV is an umbrella term for any harmful act that is perpetrated against a person’s will, and that is based on socially ascribed gender differences between males and females. Acts of GBV violate a number of universal human rights protected by international instruments and conventions. Many, but not all, forms of GBV are illegal and criminal acts in national laws and policies.

Around the world, GBV has a greater impact on women and girls than on men and boys. The term gender-based violence is often used interchangeably with the term violence against women.

The term gender-based violence highlights the gender dimension of these types of acts; in other words, the relationship between females’ subordinate status in society and their increased vulnerability to violence. It is important to note, however, that men and boys may also be victims of gender-based violence, especially sexual violence.”

Inter-Agency Standing Committee, 2005. Guidelines for GBV Interventions in Humanitarian Settings: Focusing on Prevention of and Response to Sexual Violence in Emergencies, page 7.

Note that sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV) is also used by some agencies to refer to gender-based violence (GBV).

GBV exists across the world and in a range of contexts. Situations of displacement often increase the risks of GBV as community protective mechanisms may be weakened or destroyed. Displacement sites, instead of providing a safe environment for their residents, can sometimes increase exposure to violence.

Worldwide, GBV occurs both within the family and community, and is perpetrated by persons in positions of power. This may include spouse/partners, parents, members of extended family, police, guards, armed forces/groups, peacekeepers and humanitarian aid workers.

Sexual violence is the most obvious and widely recognised type of GBV. However, all forms of GBV can increase in humanitarian contexts, including domestic violence, trafficking for the purpose of sexual exploitation, early and forced marriage, harmful traditional practices such as female genital mutilation, sexual exploitation, forced prostitution, honour killings and denial of the right to widow inheritance. For example, living under stress in overcrowded spaces can lead to increased domestic violence, and early or forced marriage may be used as a protection mechanism or a measure to address economic hardship.

In camp settings vulnerable groups are particularly exposed to GBV risks. It is important to note that although the vast majority of those who experience GBV are women and girls, men and boys may also experience violence, including of a sexual nature, based on their gender. In all cases, survivors of violence should receive timely referrals to confidential and appropriate care and support.

While women and girls remain the most at risk of GBV, it is important to acknowledge that men and boys may also experience GBV and are provided with the support they need. As in the case of providing services for women and girls, assisting male survivors of violence requires specialised expertise.

Gender-based Violence Against Men and Boys

GBV against men and boys may include both sexual violence and other forms of violence in which men are targeted based on the socially ascribed roles of men. Men and boys may be exposed to several forms of GBV. This includes physical, sexual and psychological violence against men perceived to be transgressing ascribed gender roles; for example, transgender individuals, men who have sex with men, or men and boys who do not conform to the expected norms of masculinity in the culture.

The Camp Management Agency plays a pivotal role in decreasing the risks of these multiple forms of violence by ensuring that the needs of all persons are understood, addressed and monitored across sectors intervening in the camp. Assisting GBV survivors in a way that meets their specialised needs requires careful consideration and collaboration between multiple sectors and national stakeholders. It is the responsibility of the Camp Management Agency to work within a protection framework and understand the protection risks that women, girls, men and boys face.

Factors Contributing to GBV

Gender discrimination is an underlying cause of GBV. The risks of GBV are often heightened during conflict or while in flight, and can continue during displacement. The environment of the camp must ensure that everyone living there is safe and protected. The following are examples of how camp responses may exacerbate the risk to GBV:

registration: Women not individually registered may not be able to access services, food and non food items, and as a result may be at higher risk of sexual exploitation and abuse.
camp layout: Female-headed households who arrive and register once much of the camp is already established may be pushed toward the camp outskirts. This isolation can expose them to opportunistic rape and/or attack from hostile surrounding communities, bandits or armed actors. Camp layout should take into consideration, among others, the location of military posts and markets.
site infrastructure: Where service delivery is poor or inadequate, women and girls are most often tasked with leaving the camp and traveling long distances in search of food, fuel and water. This exposes them to risk of attack.
psychosocial stress: The danger and uncertainty of emergencies and displacement place great strain on individuals, families and communities, often contributing to the likelihood of violence within the home or family.
livelihoods: The absence of livelihoods in the camp might lead individuals to engage in maladaptive practices, such as child marriage or sex work.
distributions: How, where and when food and non-food items are targeted and distributed can either increase or reduce the risks to women and girls. Distribution points should be safely accessible to women and girls, and distribution monitoring should look at safety issues that arise both during and after the distribution.
others factors, like overcrowding in camps, poor or no lighting in common areas, unlit and unlockable latrines, poor access to education and vocational activities, absence of women or child friendly spaces can increase the risk of GBV during the staying in a camp.

Certain groups may also be at heightened risk of GBV, such as female heads of households, persons with physical or mental disabilities, or associated with armed forces or groups. Adolescent boys and girls, particularly those who are unaccompanied, are in foster families, or are child mothers, are also a group subject to high levels of GBV. Notably, adolescent girls may lack social power due to the combination of their age and gender, and often missed in traditional child protection interventions in emergencies, such as child-friendly spaces, but also cannot be reached with the same programming used to reach women.

☞ For more information on GBV, see the Inter-Agency Standing Committee’s Guidelines for Gender-based Violence Interventions in Humanitarian Settings in the References section.

The consequences of GBV can be physical, psychological and social in nature. The below table, although not exhaustive, lists a few examples of possible consequences.

☞ For more information on the health effects of GBV, see World Health Organization (WHO), 1997. Violence Against

A woman who has experienced sexual assault has just 72 hours to access care to prevent the potential transmission of HIV or infections, 120 hours to prevent unwanted pregnancy, and sometimes just a few hours to ensure that life-threatening injuries do not become fatal. Although medical services are essential, they are not the only lifesaving aspect of emergency GBV interventions. The Camp Management Agency should advocate for case management, including both basic psychological first aid and safety planning, which is also critical and necessitates the establishment of specialised GBV programming. Wherever possible, these services should build on and work in collaboration with existing support structures, such as local civil society organisations and governmental social service institutions. Finally, efforts to reduce risks to women and girls must be mainstreamed across all sectors in humanitarian response. The Camp Management Agency plays an essential role in reducing risks, preventing GBV and ensuring that all actors recognise and take responsibility in this area.

Chapter Listing

Gender Data Portal

Violence against women and girls – what the data tell us

Trigger warnings: rape, sexual violence, domestic violence/abuse.

Gender-based violence takes many forms: physical, sexual, emotional, and psychological. Examples include female genital mutilation, killing in the name of so-called ‘honor’, murder, forced and early marriage, and sex trafficking. Two of the most prevalent types of violence that women experience are intimate partner violence (IPV) and non-partner sexual violence (NPSV).

Almost one in three women across the world have experienced one or both of these forms of violence at least once in their lifetime. This story presents the latest findings based on the WHO study published in 2021 that estimated global and regional prevalence of intimate partner violence and non-partner sexual violence against women.

Slow and steady progress in building the evidence base

As prevalent as violence against women is, building the global evidence base on it has been a slow process.

It was not until long ago that women’s rights to bodily integrity were fully recognized and enshrined in international law. The United Nations’ (UN) first Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women ( CEDAW ) wasn’t published until 1979, recording the UN’s action plan on gender equality. Violence against women was officially added as a form of gender-based discrimination in the updated 1992 version, recognizing this as a violation of women’s human rights ( OHCHR ).

Violence against women was first recognized as a violation of human rights in 1992.

Data on gender based violence, and sexual violence in particular, has been extremely important in putting this development issue at the center of gender equality efforts. With support from the World Health Organization (WHO), and the United States Agency for International Development (USAID), countries have significantly scaled up efforts to collect data on violence against women. Whereas in 2010 only 82 countries had survey data available on the subject, that number has since risen to 161 ( WHO 2021 ).

The new World Bank Gender Data Portal , curates these data, making them accessible to policymakers, alongside research-informed resources on tackling the problem. The first step in designing essential prevention and support services for survivors of gender based violence is understanding the full magnitude of the problem. Who is experiencing violence? When is violence most likely to occur? And where?

Here is what the data tell us about gender based violence perpetrated by partners and non-partners.

Intimate partner violence

Intimate Partner Violence (IPV) includes psychological, sexual, and physical violence committed by a current or former intimate partner or husband. All IPV statistics refer to ‘ever-partnered’ women. This means that the denominator for calculating these estimates only includes women who have ever been in an intimate relationship or in a marriage.

More than 1 in 4 women (26%) aged 15 years and older have suffered violence at the hands of their partners at least once since the age of 15. Applying this percentage to the 2018 population data from World Population Prospects , the WHO estimates that 641 million women have been affected. And an estimated 245 million (or 10% of women ages 15 and above) have experienced IPV in the last 12 months alone .

245 million women ages 15 and above have experienced intimate partner violence in the last 12 months alone.

These estimates are large, yet the true figures are likely to be even larger because of the difficulties women face in being open about experiences of violence. Evidence shows that violence from an intimate partner can often go unrecorded, due to social stigma and women not wanting to make things worse for themselves ( WHO ).

Women in every single country where data are collected have experienced IPV in the last year.

The two regions with the highest-known prevalence of IPV are Sub-Saharan Africa , where 33% of women aged 15–49 years have suffered IPV in their lifetime and 20% in the last year alone, and South Asia , where 35% of women in the same age bracket have experienced it in their lifetime and 19% in the last year.

Intimate partner violence affects women in every country

Adolescent girls are more at risk than adult women.

Young women aged 15 to 19 are the most affected by IPV. By the time they are 19 years old, almost 1 in 4 adolescent girls (24%) who have been in a relationship have already been physically, sexually, or psychologically abused by a partner ( WHO ).

By the time they are 19 years old, 1 in 4 adolescent girls who have been in a relationship will already have been physically, sexually, or psychologically abused by a partner.

IPV among teenagers is most common in Sub-Saharan Africa and South Asia: 1 in 5 of them have experienced IPV in the last 12 months. And in some regions, such as East Asia and the Pacific , teenagers aged 15 to 19 are three times more likely than women over 45 to face IPV.

Adolescent girls and young women are most affected by intimate partner violence

Non-partner sexual violence.

In addition to violence from intimate partners, non-partner sexual violence (NPSV) poses a risk to women’s safety and bodily integrity. NPSV refers to acts of sexual violence committed by any person that is not a current or former husband or male intimate partner. NPSV can be perpetrated by a family member, friend, acquaintance, or stranger. Since all women can be exposed to this type of violence, the denominator for calculations includes all women and not only those who have ever been married or had an intimate partner.

Worldwide, an estimated 6% of women and girls aged 15 to 49 years have been subject to sexual violence from a non-partner at least once since age 15.

6% of women worldwide have been subject to sexual violence from a non-partner.

The reported occurrence of NPSV is very different to intimate partner violence. It is more common in higher-income countries, especially Australia and New Zealand , where it has affected 19% of women, and North America , where 15% of women have been affected ( WHO ). In contrast, the estimated prevalence rates in Southern Asia (2%) and Sub-Saharan Africa (6%) are much lower.

However, these estimates need to be interpreted with caution. This form of violence is also stigmatized, and in traditional or patriarchal societies, survivors are often blamed and so might avoid disclosure to reduce potential consequences. As such, actual rates are likely to be much higher than estimated for low- and middle-income countries ( WHO ).

Drivers of sexual violence

The drivers of violence against women are complex and multi-faceted. Research has identified several factors at the individual, family, community, and national level that are associated with higher risks of experiencing IPV.

Growing up in an abusive household can create a cycle of violence. Studies show that boys who witness their mothers being abused are more likely to become perpetrators of IPV later in life and girls who witness the same are twice as likely to experience IPV in adulthood (Kishor and Johnson 2004). Experience of childhood family aggression communicates the acceptability of family aggression, increasing the likelihood of its occurrence in the next generation ( Kalmuss, D. 1984 ).

A woman’s risk of experiencing IPV differs by type of marriage. Polygamous marriage (where one person has multiple spouses) and getting married before the age of 18 each increase the odds by 22% . A husband that often drinks to excess is also dangerous, increasing a woman’s risk fivefold ( Voice and Agency report ).

A husband that drinks to excess increases a woman’s risk of intimate partner violence fivefold.

Cultural norms, laws, and individual attitudes are deeply intertwined and shape the acceptability of violence against women. In countries where IPV is outlawed, women’s acceptance of it is lower, and fewer women experience violence ( Voice and Agency report ). In contrast, in countries such as Guinea, Mali and Timor-Leste, more than 3 in 4 people think that wife beating is justified, for as little as burning the food or going out without telling their husband. Women who agree with these justifications for wife beating are 45% more likely to experience violence ( Voice and Agency report ).

Sexual violence is more prevalent in areas experiencing conflict. In these situations, unequal gender norms can be predominant and unchallenged. Other unstable situations, such as displacement and natural disasters, can also increase sexual violence. For example, a multi-country study found that forcibly displaced women in Colombia and Liberia were at 40% and 55% greater risk , respectively, of experiencing IPV in the past year compared to non-displaced women ( World Bank ).

Consequences of gender based violence

Violence causes lifelong damages to women, affecting their physical, mental, sexual, and reproductive health.

Physical consequences associated with experiencing IPV include acute injuries, chronic pain, gastrointestinal illness, gynaecological problems, substance abuse, sexually transmitted infections including HIV, a two- to three-fold increased risk of depression ( Beydoun, Hind A et al. , World Bank ), and even suicide ( Devries, Karen et al. ).

IPV has severe consequences for women’s reproductive control and health. Two decades of research have documented that IPV is linked to adverse reproductive outcomes for women and girls. In some studies, women subjected to IPV are twice as likely to report an unintended pregnancy than women who do not experience violence in their relationships ( Silverman and Raj, 2014 ). One study found that women in Ukraine, Moldova and Azerbaijan who have experienced IPV not only had higher risk of unintended pregnancies, but also a higher risk of their last pregnancy ending in abortion or an unwanted baby ( USAID ).

A global pandemic requiring local solutions

The data are clear: gender based violence is a pandemic. Thirty years since the landmark UN CEDAW commitment to end all forms of violence against women and girls, the problem remains immense. Understanding the prevalence of sexual violence and associated risk factors, however, is only the first step in developing essential prevention and support services for survivors.

The challenge is to put those data into action to help women and girls ( World Bank ). Combining data sources and examining multiple risk factors can help understand why violence against women and girls is still so pervasive.

Gender based violence is more prevalent when there are no legal consequences, sexist and patriarchal cultural norms, and in humanitarian emergencies or conflict. Younger people are more at risk, as are girls who grow up in abusive households. Women who married before 18 or are one of many wives are also more at risk.

Addressing these risk factors will require a close look at local circumstances as effective prevention and survivor services are built on contextual knowledge. An upcoming data story will look at successful interventions and how they potentially enable better outcomes for survivors of gender based violence. Such initiatives and investments are fundamental for effective protection for women and girls against violence.

Note: Portrait within header image from Cavan-Images/Shutterstock.com.

Violence against women must stop; five stories of strength and survival

After suffering in a violent and abusive relationship, Layla went to the police, accompanied by a friend.

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Conflicts, humanitarian crises and increasing climate-related disasters have led to higher levels of violence against women and girls (VAWG), which has only intensified during the COVID-19 pandemic, bringing into sharp focus the urgent need to stem the scourge.

Globally, nearly one-in-three women have experienced violence, with crises driving the numbers even higher.

Gender-based violence (GBV), the most pervasive violation of human rights, is neither natural, nor inevitable, and must be prevented.

Marking the 16 Days of Activism to combat violence against women and girls, UN Women is showcasing the voices of five survivors, each of whose names has been changed to protect their identity. Be forewarned that each character sketch includes descriptions of gender-based violence.

‘Convinced’ she would be killed

From the Argentine province of Chaco, 48-year-old mother of seven, Diana suffered for 28 years before finally deciding to separate from her abusive partner.

“I wasn't afraid that he would beat me, I was convinced that he would kill me,” she said.

At first, she hesitated to file a police complaint for fear of how he might react, but as she learned more about the services provided by a local shelter, she realized that she could escape her tormentor. She also decided to press charges.

Living with an abusive father, her children also suffered psychological stress and economic hardship.

Leaving was not easy, but with the support of a social workers, a local shelter and a safe space to recover, Diana got a job as an administrative assistant in a municipal office.

Accelerate gender equality

Violence against women and girls is preventable.
Comprehensive strategies are needed to tackle root causes, transform harmful social norms, provide services for survivors and end impunity.
Evidence shows that strong, autonomous women’s rights movements are critical to thwarting and eliminating VAWG.
The Generation Equality Forum needs support to stem the VAWG violence.

“I admit that it was difficult, but with the [mental health] support, legal aid and skills training, I healed a lot,” she explained.

Essential services for survivors of domestic violence are a lifeline.

“I no longer feel like a prisoner, cornered, or betrayed. There are so many things one goes through as a victim, including the psychological [persecution] but now I know that I can accomplish whatever I set my mind to”.

Diana is among 199 women survivors housed at a shelter affiliated with the Inter-American Shelter Network, supported by UN Women through the Spotlight Initiative in Latin America. The shelter has also provided psychosocial support and legal assistance to more than 1,057 women since 2017.

Diana’s full story is here .

Survivor now ‘excited about what lies ahead’

Meanwhile, as the COVID-19 pandemic swept through Bangladesh, triggering a VAWG surge, many shelters and essential services shut down

Romela had been married to a cruel, torturous man.

“When I was pregnant, he punched me so hard I ended up losing my baby...I wanted to end my life”, she said.

She finally escaped when her brother took her to the Tarango women’s shelter, which in partnership with UN Women, was able to expand its integrated programme to provide safe temporary accommodations, legal and medical services, and vocational training to abused women who were looking for a fresh start.

Living in an abusive relationship often erodes women’s choices, self-esteem and potential. Romela had found a place where she could live safely with her 4-year-old daughter.

Opening a new chapter in her life, she reflected, “other people always told me how to dress, where to go, and how to live my life. Now, I know these choices rest in my hands”.

“ I feel confident, my life is more enjoyable ,” said the emancipated woman.

Tarango houses 30–35 survivors at any given time and delivers 24/7 services that help them recover from trauma, regain their dignity, learn new skills, and get job placement and a two-month cash grant to build their economic resilience.

“Our job is to make women feel safe and empowered, and to treat them with the utmost respect and empathy,” said Programme Coordinator Nazlee Nipa.

Click here for more on her story.

Romela escaped her abusive marriage when her brother took her to a women’s shelter in Bangladesh.

Uphill battle with in-laws

Goretti returned to western Kenya in 2001 to bury her husband and, as dictated by local culture, remained in the family’s homestead.

“But they wouldn’t give me food. Everything I came with from Nairobi – clothes, household items – was taken from me and divided between the family,” she recounted.

For nearly 20 years after her husband’s death, Goretti was trapped in a life of abuse until her in-laws they beat her so badly that she was hospitalized and unable to work.

Afraid to go to law enforcement, Goretti instead reached out to a local human rights defender, who helped her get medical attention and report the case to the local authorities.

They wouldn’t give me food. Everything...was taken from me and divided between the family – Survivor

However, she quickly discovered that her in-laws had already forged with the police an agreement in her name to withdraw the case.

“But I cannot even write”, Goretti said.

Human rights defenders in Kenya are often the first responders to violations, including GBV. Since 2019, UN Women and the UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights ( OHCHR ) have been supporting grass-roots organizations that provide legal training and capacity-building to better assist survivors.

In addition to reporting the issue to local police and the courts, human rights defender Caren Omanga, who was trained by one of these organizations, also contacted the local elders.

“I was almost arrested when confronting the officer-in-charge”, Ms. Omanga explained. But knowing that the community would be against Goretti, she started “the alternative dispute-resolution process, while pushing the case to court”.

Finally, with her case settled out of court, Goretti received an agreement granting her the property and land title that she had lost in her marriage dowry, and the perpetrators were forced to pay fines to avoid prison.

“It is like beginning a new life after 20 years, and my son is feeling more secure… I’m thinking of planting some trees to safeguard the plot and building a poultry house”, she said.

Read Goretti’s story in its entirety here.

Goretti (right) speaks with Caren Omanga of the Nyando Social Justice Centre in Kenya.

Raising consciousness

In Moldova, sexual harassment and violence are taboo topics and, fearing blame or stigmatization, victims rarely report incidents.

At age 14, Milena was raped by her boyfriend in Chisinau. She was unaware that her violation was a sexual assault and continued to see her abuser for another six months before breaking up. Then she tried to forget it.

“This memory was blocked, as if nothing happened”, until two years later, upon seeing an Instagram video that triggered flashbacks of her own assault, she said.

Almost one-in-five men in Moldova have sexually abused a girl or a woman, including in romantic relationships, according to 2019 research co-published by UN Women.

Determined to understand what had happened to her, Milena learned more about sexual harassment and abuse, and later began raising awareness in her community.

Last year, she joined a UN Women youth mentorship programme, where she was trained on gender equality and human rights and learned to identify abuse and challenge sexist comments and harassment.

Milena went on to develop a self-help guide for sexual violence survivors , which, informed by survivors aged 12 – 21, offers practical guidance to seek help, report abuse, and access trauma recovery resources.

Against the backdrop of cultural victim-blaming, which prevents those who need it from getting help, the mentoring programme focuses on feminist values and diversity, and addresses the root causes of the gender inequalities and stereotypes that perpetuate GBV and discrimination.

“The programme has shown that youth activism and engagement is key to eliminating gender inequalities in our societies”, explained Dominika Stojanoska, UN Women Country Representative in Moldova.

Support survivors, break the cycle of violence

A 2019 national survey revealed that only three-out-of-100 sexual violence survivors in Morocco report incidents to the police as they fear being shamed or blamed and lack trust in the justice system.

Saliha Najeh, Police Chief at Casablanca Police Unit for Women Victims of Violence.

Layla began a relationship with the head of a company she worked for. He told her he loved her, and she trusted him.

“But he hit me whenever I disagreed with him. I endured everything, from sexual violence to emotional abuse…he made me believe that I stood no chance against him”, she said.

Pregnant, unmarried and lonely, Layla finally went to the police.

To her great relief, a female police officer met her, and said that there was a solution.

“I will never forget that. It has become my motto in life. Her words encouraged me to tell her the whole story. She listened to me with great care and attention”, continued Layla.

She was referred to a local shelter for single mothers where she got a second chance.

Two years ago, she gave birth to a daughter, and more recently completed her Bachelor’s Degree in mathematics.

“I was studying while taking care of my baby at the single mother’s shelter”, she said, holding her daughter’s hand.

UN Women maintains that building trust and confidence in the police is an integral part of crime prevention and community safety.

When professionally trained police handle GBV cases, survivors are more likely to report abuse and seek justice, health and psychosocial services that help break the cycle of violence while sending a clear message that it is a punishable crime.

Over the past few years, the General Directorate of National Security, supported by UN Women, has restructured the national police force to better support women survivors and prevent VAWG.

Today, all 440 district police stations have dedicated personnel who refer women survivors to the nearest specialized unit.

“It takes a lot of determination and courage for women to ask the police for support”, said Saliha Najeh, Police Chief at Casablanca Police Unit for Women Victims of Violence, who, after specialized training through the UN Women programme, now trains her police officers to use a survivor-centred approach in GBV cases.

As of 2021, 30 senior police officers and heads of units have been trained through the programme.

“Our role is to give survivors all the time they need to feel safe and comfortable, and for them to trust us enough to tell their story”, she said.

Prompted by the COVID-19 pandemic, Morocco has also expanded channels for survivors to report and access justice remotely through a 24-hour toll-free helpline, an electronic complaints mechanism, and online court sessions.

Click here for the full story.

These stories were originally published by UN Women.

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Essay on Violence

Gender Based Violence Essays Example

Type of paper: Essay

Topic: Violence , Goals , Physical Abuse , Women , Gender , Development , Domestic Violence , Society

Words: 2250

Published: 03/01/2020

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Impacts of Gender based violence on International Development

Gender based violence refers to the violence that is experienced in the course of cross gender interactions. However, history has been in such a position that, gender based violate refers to the violence that is normally passed on women. In the societal setting, it happens that there are instances that lead to the mistreatment of a certain group at the expense of another group. In a nutshell, gender based violence is an instance that cannot be labeled as one that affects a particular society; however, it is a phenomenon that cuts across all cultures. In essence, gender based violence cuts across all countries as well as classes. The old myth that gender based violence was only a practice of the poor and the lowly in the society has been overtaken by the events that keep on happening in the world. As a matter of fact, Gender based violence is an instance that has found positions in the society to an extent that it has ended up being a social issue (Naekery, 2013, pp. 4-34). In essence, as it will be seen in this discussion, Gender based violence affects the manner in which international development operates. In these regards, international development depends upon the provisions that, equality is emphasized between various kinds and groups of people. In these regards, most countries especially those that are located within the sub-Saharan Africa, have been known for having instances that touch on the position of women in light of the societal setting of these countries. At most instances, women have been subjected to circumstances that can better be described as inhuman and unfit for the existence of any one (Geraldine, 2010, pp. 23-56). As a matter of fact, such instances have made it impossible for these marginalized groups to effectively engage in commercial activities that are important for the development of international trade and commerce. In essence, not only women are the victims of this gender based baseless and violence. Men have also reported instances that surround on their exploitations by their fellow women. In most cases, the world has been characterized by instances that are oriented towards proliferating one group. What such societies fail to understand is that the society cannot be made up of different groups of people who hold similar positions when it comes to significance and relevance (Morna, 2009, pp. 34-37). The events that are oriented towards gender based violence are positioned in such a way that, they bring on board instances that reduce the ability of a certain society in concentrating in matters that are relevant to its developmental instances. Gender based violence in this case can best be described as domestic violence. In this regard, it is a common phenomenon that the victims of these events are often than not positioned at the front that makes it impossible for the victims of the occurrences. In the case where a woman is mistreated by his or her husband, it follows that, the same woman will be defrauded and prevented from engaging in instances that are either oriented on commerce or at some point are purposed to aid and abet the instances that are under the direct victimization of a person under the receiving end of the consequences of gender based violence. However, it should be regarded that these instances are not in abstract, they are based from stereotypical societies. Due to bias, it is obvious that women are taken as lesser beings that do not hold the same positions as the men. The effect of these instances that are directly oriented in domestic set ups of most nations is that, international development is oriented towards ensuring that, equality s maintained in almost all spheres of the world(Santos, 2013, pp. 90-134). It matters not the type or the position of gender, all that matters as far as it is in the eyes of international development, is the fact that we are all human beings. As a matter of fact, international l development cannot be achieved in the event people are not treated as equals in matters that matter most. In these cases, the events that matter most are those that touch on the direct lives of people. When taking a person who has been violated against as a result of societal positions on gender, it is obvious that such people do not have a positive mind to engage in the developmental projects, in the society. Domestic violence to the men means more than a mere act, it impacts heavily on how they view that the world. On the same note, gender based violence leads to a situation that leads to a society that is divided (Orbourne, 2010, pp. 45-50). In essence the division is facilitated by the fact that, the individuals who feel that the violence is directed to their sides unfairly will quit off from the other group which is mostly referred to as the oppressing group. How can we expense the international developmental aspects to develop? It is obvious that gender based violence hampers international development to a great extent. However, there is always a way to escape such instances that origin from the settings of the society, the instances that surround domestic violence can be abetted in the event measures are taken by the society in general so as to come to more realistic and holistic grounds that will provide for a society that shall lead to the development. In as far as this context is concerned; the development should be according to international standards. On the same note, international development is facilitated by factors that are oriented along, cooperation, social equality, inclusiveness and having a general goal that guides the activities that people engage in (Morrison, 2010, pp. 21-24). Wrangles in communities in as far as domestic violence is related, waste the time that people would be used to engage in more profitable activities such a trade. In essence, gender bade violence has been calling for a lot of revenues in problem solving instances. On the other hand, Gender based violate instances deviate the country in the strategies that it was making so as to develop and diversity its affairs. In these regards, it’s significant to denote that, a sober society in as far as inclusivity and development of social structures can greatly lead to the development of international positions and platforms (The Women Council, 2009, pp. 200-209). In a nutshell, it follows that, for international development to be adequately, realized, adequate measures are placed so as to abet the likely occurrence of Gender based violence. Gender based violence retrogresses nations and reduces the positions that can be achieved by such countries if the same conditions are kept constant In as far as he Millennium Development Goals are concerned, it follows that, millennium development goals are a significant hallmark towards the development of structures that are purposed towards the development of the society in as far as the social, economic and political set up. In these regards, Millennium Development Goals have pillars that support their functionality and manifestation in the society. As a matter of fact, millennium development goals that are purposed to extent to the year 2015 are purposed towards ensuring that, the society is well developed along spheres that center on the development. In these regards, it is significant to note that, the development takes the shape of social, economic and political areas(Nnowna, 2013, pp. 1-30). In as far as the social parameter, it follows that, the Millennium Development Goals are purposed to ensure that, the society well developed in the context of the provision of services such as hospitals and schools. With special consideration of these facilities, it follows that, the millennium development goals are oriented in such a way that calls for cooperation and inclusivity in all the areas that pertain these instances. As a matter of fact, it is unlawful for a certain group of persons to have access to schools at the expense of the other group. In essence, the groups form part and parcel of what is used by the millennium development goals in ensuring that, within a period of three or five years, our society will be diversified ad changed for the betterment of the future lives of our children. As a matter of fact, Millennium Development Goals are significant to ensure that, the economic position of our country is in order. In these regard, the Millennium Development Goals are positioned in such a manner that calls for ultimate cooperation from all sectors that forms part parcel of the developmental facets of any country. In fact, groups have been called for by the objects and the guidelines of this Millennium Development Goals that are oriented towards ensuring that we have a sane environment that is well oriented along parameters that are under the direct appreciated of all classes and Gender as equal(United Millenium Project, 2009, pp. 56-59). On the other hand, on the political arm that is supported by Millennium Development Goals, it follows that, millennium development goals are purposed to lead to a political situation that aims at ensuring that the society is founded along parameters that call for equality. As a matter of fact, in the provisions that guide the Millennium Development Goals, it is believed that, by the end of the period that ismarked by the entailment of the Millennium Development Goals, the country and the whole world should be well aware that all human beings are equal and do have a right to fight any injustices that are orchestrated at their expense. On the face of it, Millennium Development Goals are purposed to solve the existing instances such as Gender Based Violence. The MillenniumDevelopment Goals are not just mere puffs. However, they are positioned in such a way that, they are guided by the rule of law. In as far as leadership is oriented; Millennium Development Goals are directly proportional to sanity in the society. However, the issue of domestic violence cannot be taken as an issue that has gone beyond the tenability and the discretion of human beings, the following instances can be employed so as to abet and reduce on the impacts of domestic violence and the larger consideration, its end. It is researched by sociologists that Gender based violence is oriented along instances that guided by stereotypes and feelings of supremacy among different groups of people. In essence, the societies that we live are the biggest contributors to the attitudes and feelings that we hold towards other people. In these instances, the people under study are individuals that are either disadvantaged or fall victims of gender based violence. So as to reduce the Gender based violence, the society can be integrated in such a way that, both men and women interact in a way that that brings on board instances that support the idea that, both men and women are equal beings. As a result of discriminations, Violence manifests itself. As a matter of fact, if people’s minds and congenital positions in General are well catered for and given education that is relevant in this effect, it follows that the effects of Gender based Violence can be sorted. Similarly, Gender based violence can be solved if people are taught other methods of resolving conflicts. Violence is not the best decision that people can take at this time and age (Lombrone, 2009, pp. 34-58). Had it been in the medieval times when people knew not their rights, domestic violence and Gender based violence would be given a scope to that effect. However, today, the rule of law and laws that are along the provisions of the equity should adequately be utilized so as to lead to a sober society. On the same note, if strict laws are incorporated into the system that centers on ensuring that laws are abided to and those that breach the laws are punished, on the sane note, Gender based violence will be a gone case.

Bibliography

Geraldine , T. (2010). Gender-based Violence. New York: Oxfam Publishers. Lombrone, J. (2009). Global Crises, Global Solutions: Costs and Benefits. Kiel: Cambridge University Press. Morna, C. (2009). The Gender Based Violence Indicators Study: Botswana. Washington: African Books Collective Publishers. Morrison, A. (2010). Addressing Gender-based Violence in the Latin American and Caribbean Region: A Critical Review of Interventions. Washington: World Bank Publications. Naekery, K. (2013). Gender-based Violence and Public Health: International perspectives on budgets and policies. Chicago: Routledge. Nnowna, F. (2013). Millennium Development Goals: Achievements and Prospects of Meeting the Targets in Africa. Pretoria: African Books Collective Publishers. Orbourne, K. (2010). Gender Based Violence: Genocide in Rwanda. Kigali: GRIN Verlag. Santos, M. (2013). Consensus: combating gender based violence through Islam, tradition, and law. New York: Kachere Series. The Women Council. (2009). Gender-based violence: a resource document for services and organisations working with and for minority ethnic women. New York: The Women's Health Council Publishers. United Millenium Project. (2009). The Millennium Development Goals: A Latin American and Caribbean Perspective. Chicago: United Nations Publications.

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Violence Against Women

Hegemonic Masculinity as a Catalyst for Intimate Partner Violence

Hassaan Nadeem University of Guelph Undergraduate Student

This essay explores the interplay between violence against women and hegemonic masculinity, focusing specifically on how hegemonic masculinity serves as a catalyst for intimate partner violence (IPV). A radical feminist lens is applied to examine how patriarchal power dynamics and societal norms perpetuate IPV, a social issue that disproportionately impacts women. By exploring the structural roots of IPV and the role of hegemonic masculinity in reinforcing gender-based inequalities, there is a need for comprehensive responses to address this global social issue. Insights from radical feminism underscore the importance of dismantling patriarchal structures and engaging men as allies in promoting positive expressions of masculinity as a step toward achieving social change.

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Home — Essay Samples — Social Issues — Gender Inequality — A Discussion on Gender-Based Violence

Gender-based Violence: Effects and Prevention Methods

Categories: Gender Gender Inequality Race and Gender

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Published: Jul 17, 2018

Words: 382 | Page: 1 | 2 min read

Gender-based violence: essay introduction

Works cited.

World Health Organization. (2013). Global and regional estimates of violence against women: Prevalence and health effects of intimate partner violence and non-partner sexual violence. Retrieved from https://apps.who.int/iris/bitstream/handle/10665/85239/9789241564625_eng.pdf
United Nations. (n.d.). Violence against women: Facts everyone should know. Retrieved from https://www.unwomen.org/en/what-we-do/ending-violence-against-women/facts-and-figures
Heise, L. L., & Kotsadam, A. (2015). Cross-national and multilevel correlates of partner violence: An analysis of data from population-based surveys. The Lancet Global Health, 3(6), e332-e340. doi: 10.1016/S2214-109X(15)00013-3
García-Moreno, C., Hegarty, K., d'Oliveira, A. F., Koziol-McLain, J., Colombini, M., & Feder, G. (2015). The health-systems response to violence against women. The Lancet, 385(9977), 1567-1579. doi: 10.1016/S0140-6736(14)61837-7
Jewkes, R., Flood, M., & Lang, J. (2015). From work with men and boys to changes of social norms and reduction of inequities in gender relations: A conceptual shift in prevention of violence against women and girls. The Lancet, 385(9977), 1580-1589. doi: 10.1016/S0140-6736(14)61683-4
United Nations Development Programme. (n.d.). Ending violence against women. Retrieved from https://www.undp.org/content/undp/en/home/sustainable-development-goals/goal-5-gender-equality/overview/ending-violence-against-women.html
Krug, E. G., Mercy, J. A., Dahlberg, L. L., & Zwi, A. B. (2002). The world report on violence and health. The Lancet, 360(9339), 1083-1088. doi: 10.1016/S0140-6736(02)11133-0
Human Rights Watch. (n.d.). Violence against women. Retrieved from https://www.hrw.org/topic/womens-rights/violence-against-women
United Nations Women. (n.d.). Gender-based violence. Retrieved from https://www.unwomen.org/en/what-we-do/ending-violence-against-women/facts-and-figures/gender-based-violence
World Bank. (n.d.). Gender-based violence. Retrieved from https://www.worldbank.org/en/topic/gbv

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Analysis and Conclusion on Gender Violence Research Paper

Understanding structural roots of gender violence, consequences of structural violence, human trafficking and displacement, women trends in war, conclusions and recommendations, works cited.

In 1993, the Canadian Panel on violence against Women coined one of the greatest statements on violence and intimidation against women. To this panel, violence against women in the society draws inspiration from inequality structures in the patriarchal nature of many societies. Therefore, developing a sustainable solution to this ill depends on the ability of leading elites to develop adequate equality and equity structures between men and women in the society. Until then, gender violence will remain elusive. In the Eastern Europe’s case, there exists a link to detach to gender violence against women in the post war error from the real drivers of the vice (Hepburn and Simon 57). More emphasis seems to get diversion towards the structural rooting of violence in the society. During and after the war, women suffered in the hands of men as sex pets, and commercial sex workers. Much focused aimed at clearing men of the vices committed rather than seeking justice for the women in question. The root driver of this school of thought draws inspiration from the conservative societies that believe women lack equal position in the society and should play a subordinate role to men.

In similarity to the universality and pervasiveness of conflicts and wars, gender violence spreads out across geographical, cultural, social, and ethnic borders. Even though the international community and human right watchdogs continue to play a vital role in fighting gender violence, the intensity of its persistence remains high (Andrijasevic 42). Gender violence across these boundaries harbors relatively similarly consequences and trends with women as the major casualties. Such an observation, based on the historical manifestations of violence, draws inspiration from the socio-economic and political contexts within which women exist. Social stratification and male-dominated societies produce these gender discrimination tendencies within class, caste, and patriarchal social relations in which male individuals enjoy super power over female counterparts. Even though direct and physical violence against women lead to physical injury and physiological trauma, use of women as sex pets and commercial sex workers during the disintegration of the Soviet Union created a social and psychological damage to the vulnerable women during and after the wars. In the Bosnia and Serbia conflict, women used as sex slave remained in psychological trauma giving up their desire to fight for dignity and self-esteem. This violence, coupled with the embedment social gender stratification normalized the violence leading to loss of dignity in women (Gallagher 72).

In war and post war economies, women and children often represent the casualties. The consequences of war on women are far reaching ranging from physical injury to psychological traumatic situations (Wilson, Friedman, and Lindy 91). Since inequality sustained the during the fall of Soviet Union and the Bosnian-Serbian conflict , the cumulative impacts of these conflicts stemmed inequality within the society with women. Denial of fundamental human rights and exploitation of sex values in women remained the great drivers of violence during these two conflicts. Violence set up within societies with conservative opinions about the roles of women presented great impact on the women suffrage especially in mental, sexual, and reproductive health (Dudley, Silove, and Gale 33). Forced sex led to unwanted pregnancies and sexually transmitted infections. The worst part of this violence occurs during the pregnancy stages of a victim with injuries on fetus and infants. Fatal situations during this war caused miscarriage among women leading trauma and other mental health problems such as depression, fear, anxiety, and obsessive behaviors.

According to statistics at the United Nations, conservative estimates indicate that more than two million people are victims of human trafficking. Among the casualties of the vice are migrants and refugees. War refugees and other individual fleeing their countries for safety often land in the hands of greedy and egocentric individual ready to earn some money from the desperate state of the affected individuals. Women and children represent the social groups suffering from this vice. Soldiers and other corrupt security officers in the immigration and security sectors act as the ambassador of human trafficking (Downe 65).

At the United Nations, data on human on human trafficking indicate that sexual exploitation of women and young girls from war torn regions are high. According to the Norwegian discourse on the sex purchase law, human trafficking becomes rampant in areas of war in which gender and social structures in which women serve as subordinates to their male counterparts in the society. Dang and Suphang (77), in their analysis of wartime sexual violence argue that sexual orientation in the society plays a role in in human displacement and sexual abuse of women. In the piece, they maintain that in societies with conservative opinions about the role of women in relation to those of the male counterparts, stands high chances of women and girl child exploitation in times of war compared to societies with relative equality between the two genders. During the fall of Soviet Union and the post-integration conflicts, women and girl in the region suffered not only physical and emotional problems, but also trans-locational effects. Several young girls and women, on the run for safety, landed on the hand of human trafficking leading to more damage.it is also important to note that women and girls presented the highest number of casualties of the refugees in the Bosnian war with Serbia. The role of men in the military and the militia groups partly explains the gender distribution in many refugee camps. In a setting where women and girls congest a given refugee camps, limited resources cause a state of disparity. For this reason, women become desperate to earn a living from any activity. For this reason, human trafficking often takes an easy course as some women willingly move into the activity for the sake of leaving a congested camp (Yakushko 173).

In the wake of globalization and technological advancements, the demands for resources continue to rise. Several conflicts over natural resources and other factor arise across the world forcing a large number of people into displacement. For this reason, there has been an increase in the number of refugee camps. As communism ended, the demand for control of resources to serve the rising independent states set precedence for increased number of conflicts (Tepfenhart 89). Several countries broke out together but disintegrated due to lack of agreement over control of resources. As the number of international conflicts increased, several vices occur within the displacement facets of the affected populations. With little disregard to the plight of the displaced refugees, there exists a disconnect between the human rights group striving to serve and rehabilitate the depressed refugees and the unscrupulous soldiers and other institutional officials seeking to earn few bucks from the desperate situations of the refugees. In the Bosnia war with Serbia, several women displaced from their original homes based on ethnicity and violence got refuge in the camps under military protection. In such camps, some soldiers not only subjected them to sexual exploitation but also engaged in further displaced through human trafficking. The trauma resulting from loss of family during war and conflict coupled with the separation of women from their cultures offered a prerequisite for trauma and depression (Tepfenhart 93).

In the history development of wars, women and girls as casualties stand out as one of the uniform phenomenon. Smock (23) in her analysis of the plight women and young girls argue that media, and political leaders continue to unravel the relatively quiet and unexplored tragic stories of rape during wars. Even though rape exists in the society with or without wars, in the war context it takes a relatively traumatic course as victims often suffer without any legal proceedings against the perpetrators. Apart from the absence of judicial proceedings against the perpetrators of this vice, nepotism, favoritism, and tribalism sets out as a factor of rape and sex slavery in many war camps (Downie 63). Women in each society have a culture and way of life. In the war camps the war camps, things change. It remains a norm for women to play subordinate roles to the soldiers and serve as slaves. Women with relatively masculine and stronger genes get better treatment and service in order to sire children with abilities to serve in the military. Women with weak and unwanted traits on the other hand act as sex pets and customers to the human trafficking syndicate with the camps.

In the Bosnia-Serbian war, there existed not only rape but also forced reproduction of perpetrators genes to eliminate the genes considered inferior in the society (Kourvetaris 163). Despite the biological believes and facts about children being a balance of the genes from the biological parents, the Serbian perpetrators of rape and gender violence in this war believed that the genes from the perpetrators dominated the child’s biological characteristics. The Serbians therefore, in their superiority complex’ war with the Bosnians, exploited this fact on Muslim women in the war camps with the aim of cleansing the inferior Muslim minority. In the refugee camps during this war, the Serbian soldiers raped and abused women refugees until death or conception. The victims who conceived were further concentrated in the camps to ensure zero abortion procurement (Marchak 16). Through these inhumane acts, the Serbian soldiers aimed at increasing their ethnicity and eliminating the Bosnians. On the Bosnian side, more than two thousand women from the Serbian communities underwent the same activities during the war (Vlachova and Biason 63).

Sexual objectification theory remains evident in this explanation of rape and ethnic cleansing in the refugee camps during the Bosnia-Serbia war. Evidence show that soldiers from both camps used the women as an object of developing a new and superior identity irrespective of the traumatic problems the women went through. As objects of developing a new and superior identity, the soldiers raped, maimed, and in some cases killed women who failed to conceive. As described the objectification theory that sees women as objects and means to an end for the male in the society, the Bosnia-Serbian war presents a great example in which this theory stands out as the leading school of thought especially among the soldiers (Fairchild and Rudman 347).

Structural rooting of gender violence in the society plays a vital role in the culture and bearing of women roles in the society. In order to develop a society devoid of gender violence, the change towards equality and equity among the gender remains overdue. Gender empowering and creation of social cultures that appreciate the role and differences in the gender act as a basis for stemming out gender violence (Bronstein 71). In times of war and conflict, human rights and social activists need highly developed systems of monitoring the military activities taking place in the refugee camps to ensure protection of women and vulnerable person living in the camps.

Structural and cultural violence towards women remains evident in many societies. Inequalities and discrimination against women in the education, employment, and leadership opportunities presents an ample environment increased violence and gender disparities. Given the patriarchal nature of many societies, there is need for sensitized women focused development to stem out the culture of discrimination. Developing and in depth understanding of the root drivers of gender and violence against women offer the opportunities for unmasking the gruesome patriarchal structures which encourage women victimization (Schumacher and Slep 235). In the objectification theory, scholars need to develop adequate points against such a school of thought and encourage women to embrace their dignity and live in equality with the male counterparts. Offering women equal opportunities with the male counterparts improves their abilities to withstand violence and the traumatic problems associated with war and effects of war.

In the social empowerment and capacity building perspective, women need to develop sustainable income earning activities to reduce overdependence on their male counterparts. Economic independence offers basis for social independence thus reducing vulnerability of women during war (Smolak and Murnen 510). As some organization and international non-governmental organization continue to develop women empowerment programs through community groups’ investment and small business enterprises, there remains a need for improved funding of women empowerment initiates to reduce the level of women dependency on male earnings.

Andrijasevic, Rutvica. “Beautiful Dead Bodies: Gender, Migration And Representation In Anti-trafficking Campaigns.” Feminist Review 86 (2007): 24-44. Palgrave Macmillan . Web.

Bronstein, Carolyn. Battling Pornography: The American Feminist Anti-Pornography Movement, 1976-1986 . Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2011. Print.

Dang, Nguyen, and Chanthawanit Suphang. Uprooting People for Their Own Good?: Human Displacement, Resettlement and Trafficking in the Greater Mekong Sub-Region . Hanoi: Social Sciences Pub. House, 2004. Print.

Downie, Pamela. “Two Stories of Migrant Sex Work, Cross Border Movement and Violence.” Canadian Women Studies 25.2 (2006): 61-66. Print.

Dudley, Michael, Derrick Silove, and Fran Gale. Mental Health and Human Rights: Vision, Praxis, and Courage . Oxford: Oxford UP, 2012. Print.

Fairchild, Kimberly, and Laurie Rudman. “Everyday Stranger Harassment and Women’s Objectification.” Social Justice Research 21.3 (2008): 338-357. Print.

Gallagher, Tom. The Balkans in the New Millennium: In the Shadow of War and Peace . London: Routledge, 2005. Print.

Hepburn, Stephanie, and Rita Simon. Human Trafficking Around the World: Hidden in Plain Sight . New York: Columbia University press, 2013. Print.

Kourvetaris, George. “Ethnonationalism and subnationalism: The case of former Yugoslavia.” Journal of Political and Military Sociology 24.2 (1996): 163. Print.

Marchak, Patricia. No Easy Fix: Global Responses to Internal Wars and Crimes against Humanity . Montreal: McGill-Queen’s UP, 2008. Print.

Schumacher, Julie, and Amy Slep. “Attitudes and Dating Aggression: A Cognitive Dissonance Approach.” Prevention Science 5.4 (2004): 231-243. Print.

Smock, David R. Teaching About the Religious Other . Washington: United States Institute of Peace, 2005. Print.

Smolak, Linda, and Sarah Murnen. “Gender, Self-Objectification and Pubic Hair Removal.” Sex Roles 65.7/8 (2011): 506-517. Print.

Tepfenhart, Mariana. “The Causes of Ethnic Conflicts.” Comparative Civilizations Review 68.2 (2013): 84-97. Print.

Vlachova, Marie, and Lea Biason. Making the World a More Secure Place: Combating Violence against Women . Geneva: DCAF, 2004. Print.

Wilson, John, Matthew Friedman, and Jacob Lindy. Treating Psychological Trauma and Ptsd . New York: Guilford Press, 2001. Print.

Yakushko, Oksana, Megan Watson, and Sarah Thompson. “Stress and Coping in the Lives of Recent Immigrants and Refugees: Considerations for Counseling.” International Journal for The Advancement of Counselling 30.3 (2008): 167-178. Print.

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Gender-based violence in South Africa

Gender-based violence in south africa – understand.

Civil society organisations across the country formed the National Strategic Plan on Gender-Based Violence campaign, demanding a fully-costed, evidence-based, multi-sectoral, inclusive and comprehensive NSP to end GBV. [Photo: Alexa Sedgwick, Sonke Gender Justice]

Introduction

Gender-based violence (GBV) is a profound and widespread problem in South Africa, impacting on almost every aspect of life. GBV (which disproportionately affects women and girls) is systemic, and deeply entrenched in institutions, cultures and traditions in South Africa.

This introduction will explore what GBV is and some of the forms it takes, examine GBV in South Africa, and begin to explore what different actors are doing to respond to GBV.

What is gender-based violence?

GBV occurs as a result of normative role expectations and unequal power relationships between genders in a society.

There are many different definitions of GBV, but it can be broadly defined as “the general term used to capture violence that occurs as a result of the normative role expectations associated with each gender, along with the unequal power relationships between […] genders, within the context of a specific society.” [1]

The expectations associated with different genders vary from society to society and over time. Patriarchal power structures dominate in many societies, in which male leadership is seen as the norm, and men hold the majority of power. Patriarchy is a social and political system that treats men as superior to women – where women cannot protect their bodies, meet their basic needs, participate fully in society and men perpetrate violence against women with impunity [2].

Forms of gender-based violence

There are many different forms of violence, which you can read more about here . All these types of violence can be – and almost always are – gendered in nature, because of how gendered power inequalities are entrenched in our society.

GBV can be physical, sexual, emotional, financial or structural, and can be perpetrated by intimate partners, acquaintances, strangers and institutions. Most acts of interpersonal gender-based violence are committed by men against women, and the man perpetrating the violence is often known by the woman, such as a partner or family member [3].

Violence against women and girls (VAWG)

GBV is disproportionately directed against women and girls [4]. For this reason, you may find that some definitions use GBV and VAWG interchangeably, and in this article, we focus mainly on VAWG.

Violence against LGBTI people

However, it is possible for people of all genders to be subject to GBV. For example, GBV is often experienced by people who are seen as not conforming to their assigned gender roles, such as lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and/or intersex people.

More information

For more information on intimate partner violence and domestic violence, read this WHO brief

Intimate partner violence (IPV)

IPV is the most common form of GBV and includes physical, sexual, and emotional abuse and controlling behaviours by a current or former intimate partner or spouse, and can occur in heterosexual or same-sex couples [5].

Domestic violence (DV)

Domestic violence refers to violence which is carried out by partners or family members. As such, DV can include IPV, but also encompasses violence against children or other family members.

Sexual violence (SV)

Sexual violence is “any sexual act, attempt to obtain a sexual act, unwanted sexual comments or advances, or acts to traffic, or otherwise directed, against a person’s sexuality using coercion, by any person regardless of their relationship to the victim, in any setting, including but not limited to home and work.” [6]

What is violence?

For more information on forms of violence, read our introduction on " What is violence? "

Indirect (structural) violence

Structural violence is “where violence is built into structures, appearing as unequal power relations and, consequently, as unequal opportunities.

Structural violence exists when certain groups, classes, genders or nationalities have privileged access to goods, resources and opportunities over others, and when this unequal advantage is built into the social, political and economic systems that govern their lives.”

Because of the ways in which this violence is built into systems, political and social change is needed over time to identify and address structural violence.

GBV in South Africa

Societies free of GBV do not exist, and South Africa is no exception [7].

Although accurate statistics are difficult to obtain for many reasons (including the fact that most incidents of GBV are not reported [10] ), it is evident South Africa has particularly high rates of GBV, including VAWG and violence against LGBT people.

Population-based surveys show very high levels of intimate partner violence (IPV) and non-partner sexual violence (SV) in particular, with IPV being the most common form of violence against women.

Whilst people of all genders perpetrate and experience intimate partner and or sexual violence, men are most often the perpetrators and women and children the victims [7].
More than half of all the women murdered (56%) in 2009 were killed by an intimate male partner [8].
Between 25% and 40% of South African women have experienced sexual and/or physical IPV in their lifetime [9, 10].
Just under 50% of women report having ever experienced emotional or economic abuse at the hands of their intimate partners in their lifetime [10].
Prevalence estimates of rape in South Africa range between 12% and 28% of women ever reporting being raped in their lifetime [10-12].
Between 28 and 37% of adult men report having raped a women [10, 13].
Non-partner SV is particularly common, but reporting to police is very low. One study found that one in 13 women in Gauteng had reported non-partner rape, and only one in 25 rapes had been reported to the police [10].
South Africa also faces a high prevalence of gang rape [14].
Most men who rape do so for the first time as teenagers and almost all men who ever rape do so by their mid-20s [15].
There is limited research into rape targeting women who have sex with women. One study across four Southern African countries, including South Africa, found that 31.1% of women reported having experienced forced sex [16].
Male victims of rape are another under-studied group. One survey in KwaZulu-Natal and the Eastern Cape found that 9.6% of men reported having experienced sexual victimisation by another man [17].

Drivers of GBV

Drivers of GBV are the factors which lead to and perpetuate GBV. Ultimately, gendered power inequality rooted in patriarchy is the primary driver of GBV.

GBV (and IPV in particular) is more prevalent in societies where there is a culture of violence, and where male superiority is treated as the norm [18]. A belief in male superiority can manifest in men feeling entitled to sex with women, strict reinforcement of gender roles and hierarchy (and punishment of transgressions), women having low social value and power, and associating masculinity with control of women [18].

These factors interact with a number of drivers, such as social norms (which may be cultural or religious), low levels of women’s empowerment, lack of social support, socio-economic inequality, and substance abuse.

In many cultures, men’s violence against women is considered acceptable within certain settings or situations [18] - this social acceptability of violence makes it particularly challenging to address GBV effectively.

In South Africa in particular, GBV “pervades the political, economic and social structures of society and is driven by strongly patriarchal social norms and complex and intersectional power inequalities, including those of gender, race, class and sexuality.” [19].

Impact of gender-based violence

GBV is a profound human rights violation with major social and developmental impacts for survivors of violence, as well as their families, communities and society more broadly.

On an individual level, GBV leads to psychological trauma, and can have psychological, behavioural and physical consequences for survivors. In many parts of the country, there is poor access to formal psychosocial or even medical support, which means that many survivors are unable to access the help they need. Families and loved ones of survivors can also experience indirect trauma, and many do not know how to provide effective support.

Jewkes and colleagues outline the following impacts of GBV and violence for South Africa as a society more broadly [20]:

South African health care facilities – an estimated 1.75 million people annually seek health care for injuries resulting from violence
HIV – an estimated 16% of all HIV infections in women could be prevented if women did not experience domestic violence from their partners. Men who have been raped have a long term increased risk of acquiring HIV and are at risk of alcohol abuse, depression and suicide.
Reproductive health - women who have been raped are at risk of unwanted pregnancy, HIV and other sexually transmitted infections.
Mental health - over a third of women who have been raped develop post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), which if untreated persists in the long term and depression, suicidality and substance abuse are common. Men who have been raped are at risk of alcohol abuse, depression and suicide.

Violence also has significant economic consequences. The high rate of GBV places a heavy burden on the health and criminal justice systems, as well as rendering many survivors unable to work or otherwise move freely in society.

A 2014 study by KPMG also estimated that GBV, and in particular violence against women, cost the South African economy a minimum of between R28.4 billion and R42.4 billion, or between 0.9% and 1.3% of gross domestic product (GDP) in the year 2012/2013. [21]

What do we do?

South Africa is a signatory to a number of international treaties on GBV, and strong legislative framework, for example the Domestic Violence Act (DVA) (1998), the Sexual Offences Act (2007) and the Prevention and Combatting of Trafficking in Human Persons (2013) Act” [22].

Response services aim to support and help survivors of violence in a variety of ways. Prevention initiatives look at how GBV can be prevented from happening.

Whilst international treaties and legislation is important it is not enough to end GBV and strengthen responses.

Addressing GBV is a complex issue requiring multi-faceted responses and commitment from all stakeholders, including government, civil society and other citizens. There is growing recognition in South Africa of the magnitude and impact of GBV and of the need to strengthen the response across sectors.

Prevention and Response

For more information, check the page What Works in preventing GBV

Broadly speaking, approaches to addressing GBV can be divided into response and prevention . Response services aim to support and help survivors of violence in a variety of ways (for instance medical help, psychosocial support, and shelter). Prevention initiatives look at how GBV can be prevented from happening. Response services can in turn contribute towards preventing violence from occurring or reoccurring.

Responses are important. Major strides are being made internationally on how to best respond and provide services for survivors of violence. WHO guidelines describe an appropriate health sector response to VAW – including providing post-rape care and training health professionals to provide these services [32].

WHO does not recommend routine case identification (or screening) in health services for VAW exposure, but stresses the importance of mental health services for victims of trauma.

Need to address underlying causes

Much of our effort in South Africa has been focused on response. However – our response efforts need to be supported and complemented by prevention programming and policy development. By addressing the underlying, interlinked causes of GBV, we can work towards preventing it from happening in the first place.

SACQ: Primary prevention

For more information on prevention programmes that work, have a look at the South African Crime Quarterly 54 on evidence-based primary prevention.

Violence prevention policies and programmes should be informed by the best evidence we have available. Programmes that are evidence based are [35]:

built on what has been done before and has been found to be effective;
informed by a theoretical model;
guided by formative research and successful pilots; and
multi-faceted and address several causal factors.

Several GBV prevention programmes which have support for effectiveness have been implemented in South Africa. A summary of the prevention programmes mentioned below can be found in the South African Crime Quarterly 51: Primary prevention (see table on pgs. 35-38):

Thula Sana: Promote mothers’ engagement in sensitive, responsive interactions with their infants
The Sinovuyo Caring Families Programme: Improve the parent–child relationship, emotional regulation, and positive behaviour management approaches
Prepare: Reduce sexual risk behaviour and intimate partner violence, which contribute to the spread of sexually transmitted diseases (STIs)
Skhokho Supporting Success: Prevent IPV among young teenagers
Stepping Stones: Promote sexual health, improve psychological wellbeing and prevent HIV
Stepping Stones / Creating Futures: Reduce HIV risk behaviour and victimisation and perpetration of different forms of IPV and strengthen livelihoods
IMAGE (Intervention with Microfinance for AIDS and Gender Equity): Improve household economic wellbeing, social capital and empowerment and thus reduce vulnerability to IPV and HIV infection

Importance to develop evidence base

At the same time, it is important to develop the evidence base further by exploring a range of other interventions that have the potential to be effective in a South African context. Many actors, including government, civil society and funders, as well as community members, are working in creative and innovative ways every day to address GBV.

For example, several civil society organisations are working with women’s groups to build their agency and empower them to address the issues that impact their lives, such as structural and interpersonal violence. Others are tackling specific drivers of GBV, such as substance abuse and gangsterism. Still others take a “whole community” approach to dealing with GBV, involving community members and leaders in the fight against violence in their communities.

Many of these interventions have not yet been formally documented, but they are nevertheless promising models which play an important role in the overall fight against GBV.

While South Africa has high levels of GBV, we are also a leader in the field of prevention interventions in low and middle income countries [36].

We are identifying models which work to respond to and prevent violence, and we can work on scaling those up to reach more people. At the same time, as a society, we can work together to find new ways to address GBV, building the current evidence base and responding to this national crisis.

[1] Bloom, Shelah S. 2008. “Violence Against Women and Girls: A Compendium of Monitoring and Evaluation Indicators.” Carolina Population Center, MEASURE Evaluation, Chapel Hill, North Carolina. https://www.measureevaluation.org/resources/publications/ms-08-30

[2] Sultana, Abeda, Patriarchy and Women’s Subordination: A Theoretical Analysis, The Arts Faculty Journal, July 2010-June 2011 http://www.bdresearch.org/home/attachments/article/nArt/A5_12929-47213-1-PB.pdf

[3] World Health Organisation, 2005, WHO multi-country study on women's health and domestic violence against women. REPORT - Initial results on prevalence, health outcomes and women's responses http://www.who.int/reproductivehealth/publications/violence/24159358X/en/

[4] Decker MR et al., Gender-based violence against adolescent and young adult women in low- and middle-income countries , The Journal of Adolescent Health, 2015. 56(2): p. 188-96.

[5] 1 Garcia-Moreno, C., Responding to intimate partner violence and sexual violence against women. WHO clinical and policy guidelines - what’s new?, in SVRI Forum 2013: Evidence into Action, 14 – 17 October 2013. 2013, Sexual Violence Research Initiative: Bangkok, Thailand.

[6] 2 Jewkes, R., P. Sen, and C. Garcia-Moreno, Sexual Violence in World Report on Violence and Health, E. Krug, et al., Editors. 2002, World Health Organization: Geneva.

[7] 3 Dartnall, E. and R. Jewkes, Sexual Violence against Women: The scope of the problem. Best Practice & Research Clinical Obstetrics & Gynaecology, 2012. Special Issue.

[8] 4 Abrahams, N., et al., Intimate Partner Femicide in South Africa in 1999 and 2009. PLoS medicine, 2013. 10(4).

[9] 5 Jewkes, R., J. Levin, and L. Penn-Kekana, Risk factors for domestic violence: findings from a South African cross-sectional study. Social science & medicine, 2002. 55(9): p. 1603-17.

[10] 6 Machisa, M., et al., The War at Home. 2011, Genderlinks, and Gender and Health Research Unit, South African Medical Research Council (MRC) Johannesburg.

[11] 7 Dunkle, K.L., et al., Prevalence and patterns of gender-based violence and revictimization among women attending antenatal clinics in Soweto, South Africa. American journal of epidemiology, 2004. 160(3): p. 230-9.

[12] 8 Jewkes, R., et al., Understanding Men's Health and Use of Violence: Interface of rape and HIV in South Africa. 2009.

[13] 9 Jewkes, R., et al., Gender inequitable masculinity and sexual entitlement in rape perpetration South Africa: findings of a cross-sectional study. PloS One, 2011. 6(12).

[14] 10 Jewkes, R., Streamlining: understanding gang rape in South Africa. 2012: Forensic Psychological Services, Middlesex University.

[15] 11 Jewkes, R., et al., Why, when and how men rape? Understanding rape perpetration in South Africa. South African Crime Quarterly, 2010. 34(December).

[16] Sandfort, TGM, et al, Forced sexual experiences as risk factor for self-reported HIV Infection among Southern African lesbian and bisexual women, PLoS ONE, 8:1, 2013.

[17] Dunkle, K, et al, Prevalence of consensual male–male sex and sexual violence, and associations with HIV in South Africa: a population-based cross-sectional study, PLoS Medicine, 10:6, 2013.

[18] Jewkes, R, Intimate partner violence: causes and prevention. Lancet, 2002. 359: 1423–29.

[19] Cornelius R., T. Shahrokh and E. Mills. Coming Together to End Gender Violence: Report of Deliberative Engagements with Stakeholders on the Issue of Collective Action to Address Sexual and Gender-based Violence, and the Role of Men and Boys . Evidence Report, 2014. 12 (February), Institute of Development Studies.

[20] 12 Jewkes, R., et al. Preventing Rape and Violence in South Africa: Call for Leadership in A New Agenda For Action. MRC Policy Brief, 2009.

[21] Muller R, Gahan L & Brooks L (2014). Too costly to ignore – the economic impact of gender-based violence in South Africa. Available online . Accessed 16 July 2015.

[22] Moolman, B. Human Sciences Research Council (HRSC) (2016). Research Report on the Status of Gender-based Violence Civil Society Funding in South Africa.

[23] Van Dorn, R., J. Volavka, and N. Johnson, Mental disorder and violence: is there a relationship beyond substance use? Soc Psychiatry Psychiatr Epidemiol, 2012. Mar(47(3)): p. 487-503.

[24] Eckenrode, J., M. Laird, and D. J., School performance and disciplinary problems among abused and neglected children. Dev Psychol., 1993. 29: p. 53-62.

[25] Anda, R.F. and V.J. Felliti, The Relationship of Adverse Childhood Experiences to Adult Medical Disease, Psychiatric Disorders, and Sexual Behavior: Implications for Healthcare., in The Hidden Epidemic: The Impact of Early Life Trauma on Health and Disease., L.R.a.V. E, Editor. 2009, Cambridge University Press: Cambridge.

[26] Anda RF, et al., The enduring effects of abuse and related adverse experiences in childhood. Eur Arch Psychiatry Clin Neurosci, 2006. 256: p. 174-186.

[27] Westad, C. and D. McConnell, Child welfare involvement of mothers with mental health issues. . Community Mental Health Journal, 2012. 48: p. 29-37.

[28] Committee on Child Maltreatment Research, Policy, and Practice for the Next Decade: Phase II; , A.C. Petersen, J. Joseph, and M. Feit, Editors. 2014 Board on Children, Youth, and Families; Committee on Law and Justice; Institute of Medicine; National Research Council: Washington (DC).

[29] Messman-Moore, T.L. and P.J. Long, The role of childhood sexual abuse sequelae in the sexual revictimization of women. Clinical psychology review, 2003. 23(4): p. 537-571.

[30] Millett, L.S., et al., Child maltreatment victimization and subsequent perpetration of young adult intimate partner violence: an exploration of mediating factors. Child Maltreat. , 2013. 18(2)(May): p. 71-84.

[31] Jewkes, R., Rape Perpetration: A review. 2012, Sexual Violence Research Initiative, hosted by the South African Medical Research Council: Pretoria.

[32] WHO, Responding to intimate partner and sexual violence against women: WHO clinical and policy guidelines., D.o.R.H.a. Research, Editor. 2013, World Health Organisation: Geneva.

[33] Jewkes, R., et al., Prospective study of rape perpetration by young South African men: incidence & risk factors for rape perpetration. PLoS ONE, 2012. 7(5): p. e38210.

[34] Jewkes, R., Intimate partner violence: causes and prevention. Lancet, 2002. 359(9315): p. 1423-9.

[35] Dartnall, E. and A. Gevers, Editorial. South African Crime Quarterly, 2015. In press.

[36] Shai NJ and Y. Sikweyiya, Programmes for change: Addressing sexual and intimate partner violence in South Africa. South African Crime Quarterly, 2015. 51(March) .

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