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New Perspectives on Gender Based Violence: from Research to Intervention, volume II

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This Research Topic is the second volume of the series New Perspectives on Gender based Violence: from Research to Intervention .

The first volume is available here:

The first volume is available here: Volume I

The European Institute for Gender Equality and the WHO underlined that the Gender based violence (GBV) and the Violence Against Women (VAW) involves principally women but also men, families and the societies in which they live. The GBV and the VAW reinforce the gender inequalities which are steeped in the cultural aspects and gender roles that either support and justify it. The United Nation defines VAW as "any act of gender-based violence that results in, or is likely to result in physical, sexual, or mental harm or suffering to women, including threats of such acts, coercion or arbitrary deprivation of liberty, whether occurring in public or in private life." Many organizations, practitioners, and researchers have emphasized how GBV and VAW have increased exponentially since the outbreak of the Covid 19 Pandemic and how access to protection and advocacy services has become increasingly difficult.

In 2015 the EU Agency for Fundamental Rights affirmed that violence against women can be considered as a violation of human rights and dignity. In the European Union 1 in 3 women experience physical and/or sexual violence, 1 in 2 sexual harassment, 1 in 20 has been raped, and 1 in 5 has experienced stalking.  95% of victims trafficked for sexual exploitation in EU are women. GBV and VAW can manifest itself under different manifestation, from the most common forms (i.e. Intimate Partner Violence), to the newer forms mediated, for example, by the use of new technology (i.e. the use of devices and online mode). However, DV remains largely under-reported due to fear of reprisal by the perpetrator, hope that DV will stop, shame, loss of social prestige due to negative media coverage: 90% of cases of DV continue to be identified as a non-denounced violence. Violence towards men should also not be neglected, as it increases in number every year. Its dynamics may differ, and most of it is generated by other men.

The aim of this Research Topic is to gather updated scientific and multidisciplinary contributions about issues linked to gender based violence, violence against women, including intimate partner violence, same sex intimate partner violence, female genital mutilation, online violence and the impact of the social environment in which this is taking place, such as pandemics and armed political conflict, as well as structural factors such as inequality and poverty. We encourage contributions from a variety of areas including original qualitative and quantitative articles, systematic reviews, meta-analyses, theories and clinical case studies on biological, psycho-social and cultural correlates, risk and protective factors, and the associated factors related to the etiology, assessment, and treatment of both victims/survivors and perpetrators.

We would like to acknowledge that Tommaso Trombetta has acted as coordinator and has contributed to the preparation of the proposal for this Research Topic.

Keywords : gender violence, domestic violence, intimate partner violence, victims/survivors, perpetrators, societal attitudes, intervention and prevention, relevant research, same sex intimate partner violence, same sex domestic violence

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Pioneering research to fight gender-based violence

Gender and Equity

“Gender-based violence is too niche. There’s very little existing data on the issue—it would be too hard to pursue as a research topic.”

That’s how her journey began. 

Karmini speaking at a podium

From an early age, Karmini heard firsthand from her female family members and fellow students stories of “horrific” experiences of sexual harassment across India and in her hometown of New Delhi. Then in 2012, faced with the news of the Nirbhaya rape case of a student in Delhi, Karmini’s frustration peaked. “It was a game changer for me,” Karmini says. “Everyone around me lived in fear after the incident. It changed our DNA.” 

After she started her PhD in economics at the University of Warwick in 2015, Karmini began looking into the academic research around gender-based violence and harassment, only to find that there was very little—particularly on economic solutions to the problem. Should she shift her research focus to this topic that deeply inspired her? The lack of focus, funding and academic mentors on the subject posed serious obstacles. 

She grew increasingly disillusioned, academically and personally, feeling that she wasn’t compelled and motivated to move forward with her studies. “I was frustrated and angry that [gender-based violence] has been happening for so long and that no one was addressing it in mainstream economics,” she said. Watching her disillusionment grow, her family and friends encouraged her to start exploring it further, and to “give it a go.” After much introspection, she pivoted her academic focus, using the tools of economics to investigate issues around sexual harassment, gender segregation, and discrimination.

So Karmini started talking with NGOs that were working on gender-based violence with programs on the ground. She attended their workshops and observed their sexual harassment awareness trainings. She attended training sessions, collected qualitative data, talked to women on streets near campuses, and formulated research plans.

Then #MeToo happened. 

The 2017 #MeToo movement in the US catapulted public awareness and sensitivity to issues of sexual harassment and sexual assault, both in the United States and around the world. By the time #MeToo arrived in India in 2018, Karmini saw that she was ahead of the curve with her research plans already in place. “Because I had been preparing for it and thinking about it for so long,” she explains,  “right at the beginning of #MeToo, I was prepared with my research ideas. I feel like everything prepared me for that moment.” The world turned its attention to gender-based violence and research funding began to flow. She began collaborating with nonprofit Safecity, and with guidance from academic advisors and support from The Abdul Latif Jameel Poverty Action Lab , she began undertaking a randomized controlled trial that surveyed 5,000 male and female students across three colleges in Delhi in order to understand the impact of awareness trainings on actual sexual harassment incidents reported by women in these institutions.

“It’s very important to me not to overly intellectualize this topic. I really want to start talking about solutions,” she explains. In 2022, Karmini became a postdoctoral fellow at the King Center on Global Development, opening new doors to pursue a long-held dream of convening researchers to focus on the topic of gender-based violence. She saw the need to leverage research from around the world to explore solutions in low- and middle-income countries, where the problem can be acute, and to create connections between emerging researchers and those already established in the field. Karmini explains that her King Center fellowship, “gave me the freedom, resources, traction, and access to people who would listen seriously.”

A group of conference attendees chatting

The resulting 2023 Violence and Harassment Against Women Conference , hosted by the King Center from November 30 to December 1 at Stanford University, and supported by Arnold Ventures and the USC Marshall School of Business, was a unique convening. Alongside Karmini, organizers Emily Nix, Assistant Professor of Finance and Business Economics at USC Marshall, and Alessandra Voena, Professor of Economics at Stanford University, brought together 13 leading researchers from 12 universities around the world, to present papers on the topic. “This conference brought together some of the best minds working on the issues of harassment and violence against women,” explains Nix. “Having everyone in a single venue, along with funders, NGO leaders, and others will hopefully allow this field to grow in a way that has an important impact on future policy in this area.”

The conference included sessions on: the economic costs of violence against women; causes of intimate partner violence; harassment at work; violence in the household; as well as policy solutions such as female help desks, targeted attitude interventions and sexual harassment awareness trainings. Karmini presented her paper “ Tackling Sexual Harassment: Short and Long Run Experimental Evidence from India. ” 

Conference co-organizer Voena describes Karmini as “a phenomenal driving force.”  Nix adds, “Karmini's research is really innovative in terms of how to address harassment. What I especially admire about her contribution and perspective is that she is also focused on finding solutions to these problems, and building a community of scholars with that goal in mind.”

All the attendees of the 2023 Violence and Harassment Against Women Conference

As Karmini concludes her King Center fellowship and joins Imperial College London as an assistant professor of economics in January 2024, a question remains: “As a young researcher in a field that is very skewed toward publishing papers—how do you orient your energy toward policy and action-making change? For me, it’s not just about research, it's also about changing people's lives. My goal is to continue learning about this from other researchers, here at Stanford and elsewhere, who have succeeded at integrating research with social change.”

Editor’s note: The subject of this story prefers that the author refer to her by first name only due to personal considerations.

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Cite this chapter

research questions for gender based violence

  • Denise Buiten 2 , 3  

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Calling domestic and family violence ‘gender-based’ invokes a decades-long set of debates and must be contextualised against the contested position of feminism more broadly. This chapter seeks theoretical clarity on what we mean when we call violence gender-based. Drawing on feminist scholarship and the example of intimate partner violence, it considers how violence is shaped by gender at three interrelated levels: gender identities and norms; gendered doings and interactions; and gendered structures and structural inequalities (Anderson in Violence Against Women 15:1444–1457, 2009). It outlines the most salient and defining features of gender-based violence, and how the concept can help us to understand domestic and family violence not only against women but against children as well. It proposes clarifying what we mean when we talk about gender-based violence, vital for persuasively articulating the utility of a gender lens.

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Gender-Based Violence (Violence Against Women and Girls)

The World Bank

Photo: Simone D. McCourtie / World Bank

Gender-based violence (GBV) or violence against women and girls (VAWG), is a global pandemic that affects 1 in 3 women in their lifetime.

The numbers are staggering:

  • 35% of women worldwide have experienced either physical and/or sexual intimate partner violence or non-partner sexual violence.
  • Globally, 7% of women have been sexually assaulted by someone other than a partner.
  • Globally, as many as 38% of murders of women are committed by an intimate partner.
  • 200 million women have experienced female genital mutilation/cutting.

This issue is not only devastating for survivors of violence and their families, but also entails significant social and economic costs. In some countries, violence against women is estimated to cost countries up to 3.7% of their GDP – more than double what most governments spend on education.

Failure to address this issue also entails a significant cost for the future.  Numerous studies have shown that children growing up with violence are more likely to become survivors themselves or perpetrators of violence in the future.

One characteristic of gender-based violence is that it knows no social or economic boundaries and affects women and girls of all socio-economic backgrounds: this issue needs to be addressed in both developing and developed countries.

Decreasing violence against women and girls requires a community-based, multi-pronged approach, and sustained engagement with multiple stakeholders. The most effective initiatives address underlying risk factors for violence, including social norms regarding gender roles and the acceptability of violence.

The World Bank is committed to addressing gender-based violence through investment, research and learning, and collaboration with stakeholders around the world.

Since 2003, the World Bank has engaged with countries and partners to support projects and knowledge products aimed at preventing and addressing GBV. The Bank supports over $300 million in development projects aimed at addressing GBV in World Bank Group (WBG)-financed operations, both through standalone projects and through the integration of GBV components in sector-specific projects in areas such as transport, education, social protection, and forced displacement.  Recognizing the significance of the challenge, addressing GBV in operations has been highlighted as a World Bank priority, with key commitments articulated under both IDA 17 and 18, as well as within the World Bank Group Gender Strategy .

The World Bank conducts analytical work —including rigorous impact evaluation—with partners on gender-based violence to generate lessons on effective prevention and response interventions at the community and national levels.

The World Bank regularly  convenes a wide range of development stakeholders  to share knowledge and build evidence on what works to address violence against women and girls.

Over the last few years, the World Bank has ramped up its efforts to address more effectively GBV risks in its operations , including learning from other institutions.

Addressing GBV is a significant, long-term development challenge. Recognizing the scale of the challenge, the World Bank’s operational and analytical work has expanded substantially in recent years.   The Bank’s engagement is building on global partnerships, learning, and best practices to test and advance effective approaches both to prevent GBV—including interventions to address the social norms and behaviors that underpin violence—and to scale up and improve response when violence occurs.  

World Bank-supported initiatives are important steps on a rapidly evolving journey to bring successful interventions to scale, build government and local capacity, and to contribute to the knowledge base of what works and what doesn’t through continuous monitoring and evaluation.

Addressing the complex development challenge of gender-based violence requires significant learning and knowledge sharing through partnerships and long-term programs. The World Bank is committed to working with countries and partners to prevent and address GBV in its projects. 

Knowledge sharing and learning

Violence against Women and Girls: Lessons from South Asia is the first report of its kind to gather all available data and information on GBV in the region. In partnership with research institutions and other development organizations, the World Bank has also compiled a comprehensive review of the global evidence for effective interventions to prevent or reduce violence against women and girls. These lessons are now informing our work in several sectors, and are captured in sector-specific resources in the VAWG Resource Guide: www.vawgresourceguide.org .

The World Bank’s  Global Platform on Addressing GBV in Fragile and Conflict-Affected Settings  facilitated South-South knowledge sharing through workshops and yearly learning tours, building evidence on what works to prevent GBV, and providing quality services to women, men, and child survivors.  The Platform included a $13 million cross-regional and cross-practice initiative, establishing pilot projects in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Nepal, Papua New Guinea, and Georgia, focused on GBV prevention and mitigation, as well as knowledge and learning activities.

The World Bank regularly convenes a wide range of development stakeholders to address violence against women and girls. For example, former WBG President Jim Yong Kim committed to an annual  Development Marketplace  competition, together with the Sexual Violence Research Initiative (SVRI) , to encourage researchers from around the world to build the evidence base of what works to prevent GBV. In April 2019, the World Bank awarded $1.1 million to 11 research teams from nine countries as a result of the fourth annual competition.

Addressing GBV in World Bank Group-financed operations

The World Bank supports both standalone GBV operations, as well as the integration of GBV interventions into development projects across key sectors.

Standalone GBV operations include:

  • In August 2018, the World Bank committed $100 million to help prevent GBV in the DRC . The Gender-Based Violence Prevention and Response Project will reach 795,000 direct beneficiaries over the course of four years. The project will provide help to survivors of GBV, and aim to shift social norms by promoting gender equality and behavioral change through strong partnerships with civil society organizations. 
  • In the  Great Lakes Emergency Sexual and Gender Based Violence & Women's Health Project , the World Bank approved $107 million in financial grants to Burundi, the DRC, and Rwanda  to provide integrated health and counseling services, legal aid, and economic opportunities to survivors of – or those affected by – sexual and gender-based violence. In DRC alone, 40,000 people, including 29,000 women, have received these services and support.
  • The World Bank is also piloting innovative uses of social media to change behaviors . For example, in the South Asia region, the pilot program WEvolve  used social media  to empower young women and men to challenge and break through prevailing norms that underpin gender violence.

Learning from the Uganda Transport Sector Development Project and following the Global GBV Task Force’s recommendations , the World Bank has developed and launched a rigorous approach to addressing GBV risks in infrastructure operations:

  • Guided by the GBV Good Practice Note launched in October 2018, the Bank is applying new standards in GBV risk identification, mitigation and response to all new operations in sustainable development and infrastructure sectors.
  • These standards are also being integrated into active operations; GBV risk management approaches are being applied to a selection of operations identified high risk in fiscal year (FY) 2019.
  • In the East Asia and Pacific region , GBV prevention and response interventions – including a code of conduct on sexual exploitation and abuse – are embedded within the Vanuatu Aviation Investment Project .
  • The Liberia Southeastern Corridor Road Asset Management Project , where sexual exploitation and abuse (SEA) awareness will be raised, among other strategies, as part of a pilot project to employ women in the use of heavy machinery. 
  • The Bolivia Santa Cruz Road Corridor Project uses a three-pronged approach to address potential GBV, including a Code of Conduct for their workers; a Grievance Redress Mechanism (GRM) that includes a specific mandate to address any kinds gender-based violence; and concrete measures to empower women and to bolster their economic resilience by helping them learn new skills, improve the production and commercialization of traditional arts and crafts, and access more investment opportunities.
  • The Mozambique Integrated Feeder Road Development Project identified SEA as a substantial risk during project preparation and takes a preemptive approach: a Code of Conduct; support to – and guidance for – the survivors in case any instances of SEA were to occur within the context of the project – establishing a “survivor-centered approach” that creates multiple entry points for anyone experiencing SEA to seek the help they need; and these measures are taken in close coordination with local community organizations, and an international NGO Jhpiego, which has extensive experience working in Mozambique.

Strengthening institutional efforts to address GBV  

In October 2016, the World Bank launched the  Global Gender-Based Violence Task Force  to strengthen the institution’s efforts to prevent and respond to risks of GBV, and particularly sexual exploitation and abuse (SEA) that may arise in World Bank-supported projects. It builds on existing work by the World Bank and other actors to tackle violence against women and girls through strengthened approaches to identifying and assessing key risks, and developing key mitigations measures to prevent and respond to sexual exploitation and abuse and other forms of GBV. 

In line with its commitments under IDA 18 , the World Bank developed an Action Plan for Implementation of the Task Force’s recommendations , consolidating key actions across institutional priorities linked to enhancing social risk management, strengthening operational systems to enhance accountability, and building staff and client capacity to address risks of GBV through training and guidance materials.

As part of implementation of the GBV Task Force recommendations, the World Bank has developed a GBV risk assessment tool and rigorous methodology to assess contextual and project-related risks. The tool is used by any project containing civil works.

The World Bank has developed a Good Practice Note (GPN) with recommendations to assist staff in identifying risks of GBV, particularly sexual exploitation and abuse and sexual harassment that can emerge in investment projects with major civil works contracts. Building on World Bank experience and good international industry practices, the note also advises staff on how to best manage such risks. A similar toolkit and resource note for Borrowers is under development, and the Bank is in the process of adapting the GPN for key sectors in human development.

The GPN provides good practice for staff on addressing GBV risks and impacts in the context of the Environmental and Social Framework (ESF) launched on October 1, 2018, including the following ESF standards, as well as the safeguards policies that pre-date the ESF: 

  • ESS 1: Assessment and Management of Environmental and Social Risks and Impacts;
  • ESS 2: Labor and Working Conditions;
  • ESS 4: Community Health and Safety; and
  • ESS 10: Stakeholder Engagement and Information Disclosure.

In addition to the Good Practice Note and GBV Risk Assessment Screening Tool, which enable improved GBV risk identification and management, the Bank has made important changes in its operational processes, including the integration of SEA/GBV provisions into its safeguard and procurement requirements as part of evolving Environmental, Social, Health and Safety (ESHS) standards, elaboration of GBV reporting and response measures in the Environmental and Social Incident Reporting Tool, and development of guidance on addressing GBV cases in our grievance redress mechanisms.

In line with recommendations by the Task Force to disseminate lessons learned from past projects, and to sensitize staff on the importance of addressing risks of GBV and SEA, the World Bank has developed of trainings for Bank staff to raise awareness of GBV risks and to familiarize staff with new GBV measures and requirements.  These trainings are further complemented by ongoing learning events and intensive sessions of GBV risk management.

Last Updated: Sep 25, 2019

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Gender-Based Violence

Gender-based violence violates a person’s most fundamental human rights, causing enduring harm to their health, safety, and autonomy. Women, men, and children may be exposed to gender-based violence (GBV), but global figures indicate violence is most prevalent among women and girls. One in three women worldwide will be exposed to some form of physical or sexual abuse in her lifetime, and figures suggest that global trends, including COVID-19 and climate change, are exacerbating women’s vulnerability to abuse. 

Using the most rigorous research, monitoring, and evaluation methods, NORC provides robust evidence to inform policy and programming on pivotal GBV topics, such as violence and sexual harassment in the informal sector, online exploitation and abuse, and the impact of GBV on political participation. For the GBV Impunity Regional Study in Latin America and the Caribbean, NORC studied structural barriers, enabling environments, and social norms that perpetuate or challenge impunity, developing key operational recommendations to inform USAID investments for GBV prevention, recovery, and justice. To improve the effectiveness of global investments to reduce GBV, NORC is evaluating USAID’s Gender Equality and Women’s Empowerment Hub (GenDev) portfolio of women’s economic empowerment activities, collective action initiatives, and projects creating resilient and inclusive environments as they relate to reducing, preventing, or responding to GBV. NORC’s extensive literature review of Technology-Facilitated Gender-Based Violence provided USAID with actionable evidence on forms of GBV that use information and communication technology (ICT) in Asia, including how COVID-19 affected technology-facilitated GBV in India, Bangladesh, and Thailand.

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Home > Topics > SGBV

Sexual and Gender-Based Violence

Submissions from 2024 2024.

Selam Medirashachin (Safe Arrival) Project: Addressing the risk of trafficking, violence, and sexual abuse among newly arriving migrant girls in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia , Annabel Erulkar and Eyasu Hailu

Submissions from 2023 2023

Examining the longitudinal relationship between intimate partner violence and couples’ marital quality in rural India , Sangeeta Chatterji, Nicole Johns, Mohan Ghule, Shahina Begum, Sarah Averbach, Madhusudan Battala, and Anita Raj

The multidimensional, intersecting impacts of COVID-19 on young people's lives: Evidence from cross-sectional surveys in Mexico, India, and Kenya , Ann Gottert, Isabel Vieitez Martínez, René Nevárez, Karen Austrian, Eva Ireri Muluve, Sangram Kishor Patel, Niranjan Saggurti, Ashish Bajracharya, Jessica DeMulder, Erica Soler-Hampejsek, and Thoai Ngo

What interventions are effective to prevent or respond to female genital mutilation? A review of existing evidence from 2008–2020 , Dennis Matanda, Nina Van Eekert, Melanie Croce-Galis, Jill Gay, Maria Johanna Middelburg, and Karen Hardee

Country level data for the "The Radical Power of Education" report , Arindam Nandi, Nicole Haberland, and Thoai Ngo

Evaluating a scalable ARCHES (Addressing Reproductive Coercion in Health Settings) model in government health facilities in Uasin Gishu county, Kenya: Study protocol for a cluster-randomized controlled trial , Erin Pearson, Jasmine Uysal, Jamie Menzel, Chi-Chi Undie, George Odwe, Wilson Liambila, and Jay G. Silverman

Best Practices to Prevent and Respond to Sexual Violence: Evidence review and programme considerations , Sycona

"How can I tell my mom such a story?": Sexual violence against children in Kenya , Chi-Chi Undie and Margaret Mak'anyengo

Effects of a clinic-based reproductive empowerment intervention on proximal outcomes of contraceptive use, self-efficacy, attitudes, and awareness and use of survivor services: A cluster-controlled trial in Nairobi, Kenya , Jasmine Uysal, Sabrina Boyce, Chi-Chi Undie, Wilson Liambila, Seri Wendoh, Erin Pearson, Nicole E. Johns, and Jay G. Silverman

Submissions from 2022 2022

Changes in prevalence of violence and risk factors for violence and HIV among children and young people in Kenya: A comparison of the 2010 and 2019 Kenya Violence Against Children and Youth Surveys , Francis B. Annor, Laura F. Chiang, Patricia Oluoch, Vivienne Mang'oli, Marygorret Mogaka, Mary Mwangi, Anne Ngunjiri, Francis Obare Onyango, Thomas Achia, Pragna Patel, Greta M. Massetti, Linda L. Dahlberg, Thomas R. Simon, and James A. Mercy

The syndemic of substance use, high-risk sexual behavior, and violence: A qualitative exploration of the intersections and implications for HIV/STI prevention among key populations in Lagos, Nigeria , Osasuyi Dirisu, Mayokun Adediran, Adekemi Omole, Akinwumi Akinola, Bassey Ebenso, Elizabeth Shoyemi, George I. Eluwa, Waimar Tun, and Sylvia Adebajo

Witnessing intimate partner violence impacts schooling and labor market outcomes for young women in India , Teralynn Ludwick, Marie Ishida, Sapna Desai, and Ajay Mahal

Assessing layered HIV prevention programming: Optimizing outcomes for adolescent girls and young women , Sanyukta Mathur, Raman Mishra, Bidhubhusan Mahapatra, Craig Heck, and Jerry Okoth Okal

How to Conduct Research with Children Ethically , Franziska Meinck, Chi-Chi Undie, Anita Burgund Isakov, Elizabeth Dartnall, and Angelica Pino

Effects of men’s lifetime adverse events experience on violence, HIV risk, and wellbeing: Insights from three countries , Julie Pulerwitz, Tracy McClair, Ann Gottert, Patrick Shabangu, Cherie Cawood, Effie Chipeta, and Sanyukta Mathur

What to expect when girls are expecting: Psychosocial support challenges and opportunities in the context and aftermath of teenage pregnancy in Kenya , Chi-Chi Undie and Harriet Birungi

If we ask, will they tell? (and then, what?): Screening for sexual violence against children in Kenya , Chi-Chi Undie and Margaret Mak'anyengo

Exposure to violence, adverse life events and the mental health of adolescent girls in Nairobi slums , Yohannes Dibaba Wado, Karen Austrian, Benta Abuya, Beth Kangwana, Nicole Maddox, and Caroline W. Kabiru

Submissions from 2021 2021

Management of intimate partner violence in health care settings: A training manual for health care providers , Division of Reproductive and Maternal Health

Extent and causes of increased domestic violence during the COVID-19 pandemic: Community health worker perspectives from Kenya, Bangladesh, and Haiti , Ann Gottert, Timothy Abuya, Sharif M.I. Hossain, Alain Casseus, Charlotte E. Warren, and Pooja Sripad

Using the Gender and Power Metrics Database—A Research Skills Workshop , Leah Jarvis, Katey Peck, and Elizabeth Tobey

Findings from the violence outcomes in COVID-19 era study (VoCes-19): Baseline results , Silvana Larrea-Schiavon, Lina López-Lalinde, Isabel Vieitez Martínez, Ricardo Regules, Juan Pablo Gutiérrez, René Nevárez, Cristina MacGregor, Pablo López, Nicole Haberland, and Thoai Ngo

Resultados del estudio sobre violencia en la era COVID-19 (VoCes-19): Línea base reporte , Silvana Larrea-Schiavon, Lina López-Lalinde, Isabel Vieitez Martínez, Ricardo Regules, Juan Pablo Gutiérrez, René Nevárez, Cristina MacGregor, Pablo López, Nicole Haberland, and Thoai Ngo

Is cohabitation as a form of union formation a licence to intimate partner physical violence in Uganda? , Charles Lwanga, Ishmael Kalule-Sabiti, Kamil Fuseini, Stephen Ojiambo Wandera, Kudzaishe Mangombe, and Fred Maniragaba

Crezcamos felices: Manual sobre prevención de la violencia para mentoras del programa Abriendo Oportunidades , Population Council

Understanding the relationship between adverse childhood experiences, peer-violence perpetration, and gender norms among very young adolescents in Indonesia: A cross-sectional study , Astha Ramaiya, Ifta Choiriyyah, Lori L. Heise, Julie Pulerwitz, Robert Wm. Blum, Ruti G. Levtov, Rebecka Lundgren, Lisa Richardson, and Caroline Moreau

Measuring gender-based household maltreatment in urban slums of Mumbai, India , Julie Ritter, Anindita Dasgupta, Anita Raj, Michele R. Decker, Saritha Nair, Amruta Trivedi, Dattaram Naik, Balaiah Donta, Niranjan Saggurti, and Jay G. Silverman

Long-term impact of exposure to a gender-transformative program among young men: Findings from a longitudinal study in Bihar, India , K.G. Santhya and A.J. Francis Zavier

Decolonised and Inclusive: Reflections on the Generation of Violence Against Women (VAW) Prevention Evidence for African Women’s Rights Organisations , Sexual Violence Research Initiative

Status of Research on Violence Against Women (VAW) in Africa—‘Voices from the South’ Africa Report Launch: Contributing to the Production of Evidence on VAW and VAC , Sexual Violence Research Initiative

Research in forced displacement: Guidance for a feminist and decolonial approach , Neha S. Singh, Michelle Lokot, Chi-Chi Undie, Monica A. Onyango, Rosemary Morgan, Anne Harmer, Jane Freedman, and Shirin Heidari

Solutions Summit Event | Data Driven Prevention to End All Forms of VAC in Humanitarian Settings , The Alliance for Child Protection in Humanitarian Action

Finding the Path Forward: Promoting Equity and Ethics in Research on GBV among Refugee Populations in the Global South , The Global Women's Institute

Data collection and ethical challenges associated with VAC studies , Chi-Chi Undie

Submissions from 2020 2020

Reflections from Five Years of Research on FGM/C , Lori S. Ashford, Reshma Naik, and Charlotte Greenbaum

Dataset: Adolescent Girls Initiative-Kenya (AGI-K) , Karen Austrian, Erica Soler-Hampejsek, John Maluccio, Benta Abuya, Beth Kangwana, and Yohannes Wado Dibaba

Women’s and girls’ experiences of reproductive coercion and opportunities for intervention in family planning clinics in Nairobi, Kenya: A qualitative study , Sabrina Boyce, Jasmine Uysal, Stephanie M. DeLong, Nicole Carter, Chi-Chi Undie, Wilson Liambila, Seri Wendoh, and Jay G. Silverman

A cross-sectional analysis of intimate partner violence and family planning use in rural India , Grace L. Chen, Jay G. Silverman, Anvita Dixit, Shahina Begum, Mohan Ghule, Madhusudana Battala, Nicole E. Johns, Anita Raj, and Sarah Averbach

The use of case advocates to manage child survivors of sexual violence in public health facilities in Kenya: A qualitative study exploring the perceptions of child survivors, care givers and health care providers , Lina Digolo, Carol Ajema, Millicent Kiruki, Maryline Mireku, Ronald Kotut, and Chi-Chi Undie

Understanding barriers to clinical management of rape (CMR) services among survivors of rape in crisis settings in Borno state , Osasuyi Dirisu

Provision of clinical management of rape (CMR) in crisis settings: Analysis of factors affecting delays in accessing services in Borno state, Nigeria , Osasuyi Dirisu, Mayokun Adediran, Akinwumi Akinola, and Solomon Kongyamba

A diagnostic assessment of the health system's response to FGM/C management and prevention in Nigeria , Osasuyi Dirisu, Adetayo Adetunji, Mayokun Adediran, and Otibho Obianwu

A diagnostic assessment of the health system's response to FGM/C management and prevention in Nigeria—Brief , Osasuyi Dirisu, Adetayo Adetunji, Mayokun Adediran, and Otibho Obianwu

Health care providers' and mothers' perceptions about the medicalization of female genital mutilation or cutting in Egypt: A cross-sectional qualitative study [Arabic] , Omaima El-Gibaly and Mirette Aziz

Gender and Power Metrics Database: A living database of scales that have been used to measure constructs of gender, agency, power, and control , Evidence Project

Examining the relationship between physical and sexual violence and psychosocial health in young people living with HIV in rural South Africa , Lindsey M. Filiatreau, Danielle Giovenco, Rhian Twine, F. Xavier Gómez-Olivé, Kathleen Kahn, Nicole Haberland, and Audrey Pettifor

Gender integration in social and behavior change , Debora B. Freitas Lopez, Sanyukta Mathur, Haley Brightman, Kathryn Berryman, and Kamden Hoffmann

Practice-based learning: Medico-legal evidence collection as part of post-rape care in refugee contexts , Michael Gaitho, Ronald Kotut, Anne Ngunjiri, Jane T. Thiomi, Josephine Ngebeh, and Chi-Chi Undie

Gaining traction: Promising shifts in gender norms and intimate partner violence in the context of a community-based HIV prevention trial in South Africa , Ann Gottert, Julie Pulerwitz, Nicole Haberland, Rhandzekile Mathebula, Dumisani Rebombo, Kathryn Spielman, Rebecca West, Aimée Julien, Rhian Twine, Dean Peacock, Mi-Suk Kang, Dufour F. Xavier, F. Xavier Gómez-Olivé, Audrey Pettifor, Sheri A. Lippman, and Kathleen Kahn

Promoting gender egalitarian norms and practices among boys in rural India: The relative effect of intervening in early and late adolescence , Ashish Kumar Gupta and K.G. Santhya

Addressing intimate partner violence and power in intimate relationships in HIV testing services in Nairobi, Kenya , Nicole Haberland, Charity Ndwiga, Katharine McCarthy, Julie Pulerwitz, Rose Kosgei, Margaret Mak'anyengo, Amelia Peltz, Vincent Wong, and Sam Kalibala

No to circumcision’: The road to effective social marketing campaigns in Egypt [Arabic] , Salma Abou Hussein and Sarah Ghattass

Improving the documentation of female genital mutilation or cutting (FGM/C) abandonment interventions and their evaluations , Caroline W. Kabiru

Female genital mutilation/cutting in Nigeria: Is the practice declining? A descriptive analysis of successive demographic and health surveys and multiple indicator cluster surveys (2003–2017) , Ngianga-Bakwin Kandala, Glory Atilola, Chibuzor Christopher Nnanatu, Emmanuel Ogundimu, Lubanzadio Mavatikua, Paul Komba, Zhuzhi Moore, and Dennis Matanda

Modelling and mapping of regional disparities associated with female genital mutilation/cutting prevalence among girls aged 0–14 Years in Senegal: Evidence from Senegal (SDHS) Surveys 2005–2017 , Ngianga-Bakwin Kandala, Paul Komba, Chibuzor Christopher Nnanatu, Glory Atilola, Lubanzadio Mavatikua, Zhuzhi Moore, and Dennis Matanda

Modelling and mapping of state disparities associated with female genital mutilation/cutting prevalence among girls aged 0–14 years in Nigeria: Evidence from DHS and MICS 2003–2017 , Ngianga-Bakwin Kandala, Paul Komba, Chibuzor Christopher Nnanatu, Glory Atilola, Lubanzadio Mavatikua, Zhuzhi Moore, and Dennis Matanda

Associations between female genital mutilation/cutting and early/child marriage: A multi-country DHS/MICS analysis , Jamlick Karumbi and David Gathara

A diagnostic assessment of the health system's response to female genital mutilation/cutting management and prevention in Kenya: A case study of West Pokot County , Samuel Kimani

Exploring barriers to seeking health care among Kenyan Somali women with female genital mutilation: A qualitative study , Samuel Kimani, Caroline W. Kabiru, Jacinta Muteshi-Strachan, and Jaldesa Guyo

Female genital mutilation/cutting: Emerging factors sustaining medicalization related changes in selected Kenyan communities , Samuel Kimani, Caroline W. Kabiru, Jacinta Muteshi-Strachan, and Jaldesa Guyo

Appendices—Female genital mutilation/cutting: A review of laws and policies in Kenya and Nigeria , Samuel Kimani and Otibho Obianwu

Female genital mutilation/cutting: A review of laws and policies in Kenya and Nigeria , Samuel Kimani and Otibho Obianwu

A diagnostic assessment of the health system’s response to female genital mutilation/cutting management and prevention in Kenya , Samuel Kimani and Chantalle Okondo

Violence Outcomes in COVID-19 EPOCH Study (VOCES): A cohort study with adolescents and young adults in Mexico , Silvana Larrea, René Nevárez, Isabel Vieitez Martínez, Ricardo Regules-García, Lina López, Nicole Haberland, Thoai Ngo, and Ana Cristina Gómez Ugarte Valerio

Considerations for collecting and documenting FGM/C data by health care providers , Dennis Matanda

Measurement of female genital mutilation/cutting status: Perspectives from healthcare providers, policymakers, programme implementers, and researchers , Dennis Matanda

Female genital mutilation/cutting in Senegal: Is the practice declining? Descriptive analysis of Demographic and Health Surveys, 2005–2017 , Dennis Matanda, Glory Atilola, Zhuzhi Moore, Paul Komba, Lubanzadio Mavatikua, Chibuzor Christopher Nnanatu, and Ngianga-Bakwin Kandala

Lessons from a five-year research programme on FGM/C and their relevance for policy and programmes in Kenya , Dennis Matanda, Agnes K. Meroka-Mutua, and Samuel Kimani

Domestic work, sexual abuse, and exploitation in Tanzania , James K. Matheka, Elizabeth Shayo, and Annabel Erulkar

Pratiques du HCR et de ses partenaires en matière de protection communautaire dans les secteurs dans la région de l’Afrique de l’Est, de la Corne de l’Afrique et des Grands Lacs , Charles Mballa, Josephine Ngebeh, Machtelt De Vriese, Katie Drew, Abigayil Parr, and Chi-Chi Undie

Shughuli za UNHCR na Washirikiza Ulinzi kwa Jamii baina ya Sekta katika Maeneo ya Masharik na, Pembe ya Afrika na Maziwa Makuu , Charles Mballa, Josephine Ngebeh, Machtelt De Vriese, Katie Drew, Abigayil Parr, and Chi-Chi Undie

UNHCR and partner practices of community-based protection across sectors in the East and Horn of Africa and the Great Lakes Region , Charles Mballa, Josephine Ngebeh, Machtelt De Vriese, Katie Drew, Abigayil Parr, and Chi-Chi Undie

UNHCR and partner practices of community-based protection across sectors in the East and Horn of Africa and the Great Lakes Region [Arabic] , Charles Mballa, Josephine Ngebeh, Machtelt De Vriese, Katie Drew, Abigayil Parr, and Chi-Chi Undie

Exploring changes in female genital mutilation/cutting: Shifting norms and practices among communities in Fafan and West Arsi zones, Ethiopia , Getaneh Mehari, Asabneh Molla, Ayantu Mamo, and Dennis Matanda

Commentary: Using law more effectively towards abandonment of FGM/C in Kenya , Agnes K. Meroka-Mutua

Assessing the role of law in reducing the practise of FGM/C in Kenya , Agnes K. Meroka-Mutua, Daniel Mwanga, and Charles Owuor Olungah

Male adolescents’ gender attitudes and violence: Implications for youth violence prevention , Elizabeth Miller, Alison J. Culyba, Taylor Paglisotti, Michael Massof, Qi Gao, Katie A. Ports, Jane Kato-Wallace, Julie Pulerwitz, Dorothy L. Espelage, Kaleab Z. Abebe, and Kelley A. Jones

Effect of a community-based gender norms program on sexual violence perpetration by adolescent boys and young men: A cluster randomized clinical trial , Elizabeth Miller, Kelley A. Jones, Alison J. Culyba, Taylor Paglisotti, Namita Dwarakanath, Michael Massof, Zoe Feinstein, Katie A. Ports, Dorothy L. Espelage, Julie Pulerwitz, Aapta Garg, Jane Kato-Wallace, and Kaleab Z. Abebe

Tracing change in female genital mutilation/cutting through social networks: An intersectional analysis of the influence of gender, generation, status, and structural inequality , Amadou Moreau and Bettina Shell-Duncan

Girl Empower—A gender transformative mentoring and cash transfer intervention to promote adolescent wellbeing: Impact findings from a cluster-randomized controlled trial in Liberia , Berk Ozler, Kelly Hallman, Marie-France Guimond, Elizabeth A. Kelvin, Marian Rogers, and Esther Karnley

Population Council-led partnership influences national and global efforts to end female genital mutilation/cutting , Population Council

SWEDD & COVID-19: Gender-based violence and adolescent girls , Population Council

Understanding local variation in how female genital mutilation/cutting declines, changes, or persists: Analysis of household survey data for Kenya, Nigeria, and Senegal , Population Reference Bureau

Exploring the nature and extent of normative change in FGM/C in Somaliland , Richard A. Powell, Mohamed Yussuf, Bettina Shell-Duncan, and Caroline W. Kabiru

End of Programme Webinar Series: Using research to understand and accelerate abandonment of FGM/C , Bettina Shell-Duncan, Jacinta Muteshi-Strachan, Agnes K. Meroka-Mutua, Samuel Kimani, and Flavia Mwangovya

Masculine gender ideologies, intimate partner violence, and alcohol use increase risk for genital tract infections among men , Kiyomi Tsuyuki, Balaiah Donta, Anindita Dasgupta, Paul Fleming, Mohan Ghule, Madhusudana Battala, Saritha Nair, Jay G. Silverman, Niranjan Saggurti, and Anita Raj

Data collection and COVID-19: What’s gender got to do with it? , Chi-Chi Undie, Nicole Haberland, Sanyukta Mathur, Isabel Vieitez Martínez, and Julie Pulerwitz

Asking and telling: An assessment of the feasibility of screening children for sexual violence in Kenyan school and health facility contexts , Chi-Chi Undie and Margaret Mak'anyengo

Opportunities for SGBV data collection in the time of COVID-19: The value of implementation science , Chi-Chi Undie, Sanyukta Mathur, Nicole Haberland, Isabel Vieitez Martínez, and Julie Pulerwitz

Practice-based learning: Establishing simple monitoring systems to support SGBV programming in refugee settings , Chi-Chi Undie, Josephine Ngebeh, Jane Harriet Namwebya, Michael Gaitho, George Odwe, Nachela Chelwa, Harriet Birungi, and Michael Mbizvo

Gender integration in social and behavior change: What does it take? , University Research Co. and Breakthrough RESEARCH

Protocol for a matched-pair cluster control trial of ARCHES (Addressing Reproductive Coercion in Health Settings) among women and girls seeking contraceptive services from community-based clinics in Nairobi, Kenya , Jasmine Uysal, Nicole Carter, Nicole Johns, Sabrina Boyce, Wilson Liambila, Chi-Chi Undie, Esther Muketo, Jill Adhiambo, Kate Gray, Seri Wendoh, and Jay G. Silverman

Important lessons on FGM/C abandonment from four research studies in Egypt , Nada Wahba, Nahla G. Abdel-Tawab, and Abeer Salem

Understanding female genital mutilation/cutting abandonment in Egypt , Nada Wahba, Hania El Banhawi, and Amira El Ayouti

Quand et comment la loi est-elle efficace pour réduire la pratique des MGF/E: une étude transfrontalière au Burkina Faso et au Mali , Josephine Wouango, Susan L. Ostermann, and Daniel Mwanga

When and how does law effectively reduce the practice of female genital mutilation/cutting? , Josephine Wouango, Susan L. Ostermann, and Daniel Mwanga

When and how the law is effective in reducing the practice of FGM/C: A cross-border study in Burkina Faso and Mali , Josephine Wouango, Susan L. Ostermann, and Daniel Mwanga

Exploring the capacity of the Somaliland healthcare system to manage female genital mutilation/cutting-related complications and prevent the medicalization of the practice: A cross-sectional study , Mohamed Yussuf, Dennis Matanda, and Richard A. Powell

Submissions from 2019 2019

Spousal violence against women in India: A social–ecological analysis using data from the National Family Health Survey 2015 to 2016 , Jaleel Ahmad, Nizamuddin Khan, and Arupendra Mozumdar

Shifts in FGM/C practice in Sudan: Communities’ perspectives and drivers , Nafisa Bedri, Huda Sherfi, Ghada Rudwan, Sara Elhadi, Caroline W. Kabiru, and Wafaa Amin

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April 16, 2024

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From forced kisses to power imbalances, research suggests violence against women in sport is endemic

by Fiona Giles and Kirsty Forsdike, The Conversation

women football

Former Spanish football federation chief Luis Rubiales may face significant consequences for his non-consensual kiss of Spanish soccer star Jenni Hermoso .

But this is not the norm for perpetrators of gender-based violence in sport. Our research —which reviewed 25 years of studies examining women's experiences of gender-based violence in sport—found perpetrators are rarely held to account.

More commonly, they are free to continue abusing victims with impunity.

Even after millions of people watched Rubiales' actions, it was obvious that Hermoso's experience was minimized , that powerful organizations attempted to coerce her into stating it was consensual , and that it took the collective voices of women standing with Hermoso to fight back with a resounding "no."

The shocking reality of gender-based violence in sport

Women's sport is championed as a platform for empowerment and equality but previous studies have shown gender-based violence is highly prevalent, ranging from 26 to 75% across psychological, physical and sexual violence , depending on how the violence has been defined and measured.

There have been many historical and contemporary cases of abuse, bringing to light some of the concerns about how perpetrators were able to continue their abuse for so long.

Our research systematically gathered and analyzed the collective voices of women who experienced gender-based violence in sport to understand their experiences better and to inform future prevention and response initiatives. Participants included current and former athletes, coaches, umpires and managers.

The research found women in sport experience multiple types of violence (sexual, physical, psychological, financial), often by more than one perpetrator. Coaches or other authority figures are the most common perpetrators, followed by male athletes or members of the public.

We found a "normalization" of these violent behaviors in the sporting context; they were seen as expected and were routinely excused in order to get results.

Beware of 'sporting family violence'

When women do speak up and complain, our research highlighted that organizational responses are impotent at best, actively malevolent and cruel at worst.

Complaints often go nowhere, codes of conduct may not exist, and there is a strong lack of confidentiality because "everyone knows everyone."

In some cases, women were mocked and told they'd imagined the abuse, a deliberate strategy by the organization to put "success" and "winning" before the safety of women.

Instead, women are left to do their own safety work by avoiding the perpetrator(s) or leaving the sport entirely.

Justice is sometimes only achieved when women act as a group to voice their experiences and confront abusers.

Importantly, our research found the unique context of sport as an extended or surrogate family created the conditions for "sporting family violence ."

Athletes spend significant time within the sporting family unit, creating close relationships with their coach, other authority figures and teammates.

The coach as a father figure

The coach as a father figure was a consistent theme across several studies, with some athletes stating the coach knew more about them than their parents.

If a coach was regarded as "the best," often no one questioned him. This gave coaches enormous power, which they used to isolate women they abused from both the sport family and their actual family, exerting coercive control to maintain an environment of secrecy and dominance .

Finally, our research found women are still seen as inferior to men and treated as "other" in the sporting context. Consequently, there is a hostility to women, who are perceived as a threat to the hegemonic masculinity of sport.

This was a particularly strong theme in non-traditional female sports such as judo and boxing , and for women in management or official roles .

Power is a key factor running through all our findings, and while women may be able to exercise some power through collective resistance, power often remains with men and sports institutions that are complicit.

Initiatives to address gender-based violence in sport must recognize the many forms of violence women experience, and the different ways in which power and violence play out.

Some positive signs, but much more is needed

There are some positive signs of change. A recent report into the culture of abuse in swimming in Australia made several recommendations that are now being actioned.

And in the UK, laws that prohibit coaches from having relationships with players are being developed and acted upon.

Also, several collective survivor advocacy groups have been established, such as The Army of Survivors , Sport and Rights Alliance and Gymnasts for Change .

Of course, this still shows the extent of the collective voice needed to push for change.

While we applaud this and the reckoning of Rubiales' actions, and cheer for the collective voice standing with women like Jenni Hermoso, it would be negligent to forget the many silenced women's voices in sport who bear the brunt of violence within a space often considered their family.

Provided by The Conversation

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Knowledge, Experience and Perception of Gender-Based Violence Health Services: A Mixed Methods Study on Adolescent Girls and Young Women in Tanzania

Caroline mtaita.

1 Heidelberg Institute of Global Health, Im Neuenheimer Feld 130.3, 69120 Heidelberg, Germany; [email protected] (M.M.); [email protected] (E.S.); [email protected] (A.J.)

Samuel Likindikoki

2 Department of Psychiatry and Mental Health, School of Medicine, Muhimbili University of Health and Allied Sciences, Dar es Salaam 65001, Tanzania; moc.liamg@ikokidnikil

Maureen McGowan

Rose mpembeni.

3 Department of Epidemiology, School of Public Health and Social Sciences, Muhimbili University of Health and Allied Sciences, Dar es Salaam 65015, Tanzania; moc.liamg@inebmepmcr

Elvis Safary

Albrecht jahn, associated data.

The full dataset (transcripts) generated and analyzed during the study are not publicly available due to privacy concerns because of the nature of the study. Data can be made available by reasonable request through the corresponding author.

Many adolescent girls and young women (AGYW) experience gender-based violence (GBV) in Tanzania and only few seek GBV health services following violence. The objectives of our study are (1) to evaluate knowledge of gender-based violence among AGYW, (2) to explore their perceptions of and experiences with GBV health service quality and (3) to evaluate access to comprehensive GBV services. This study employed an explanatory, sequential mixed methods design in two districts of Dar es Salaam, Tanzania (Kinondoni and Temeke). A quantitative cross-sectional survey among AGYW (n = 403) between 15–24 years old was performed to assess their knowledge of GBV as well as perceptions of and experiences with GBV health services. The quantitative data was complemented by 20 semi-structured in-depth interviews with participants. Out of 403 study participants, more than three quarters (77.9%) had moderate to good knowledge of how GBV is defined and what constitutes gender-based violence. However, few participants (30.7%, n = 124) demonstrated knowledge of GBV health services offered at local health facilities. For example, only 10.7% (n = 43) of participants reported knowledge of forensic evidence collection. Additionally, of 374 participants (93% of total participants) who reported to have received GBV education sessions, only 66% accessed GBV health services (n = 247) and about half of these (52.7%, n = 130) were satisfied with these services. The study indicated that—despite good knowledge about what constituted GBV—knowledge about the roles and availability of GBV health services was limited and utilization of GBV health services remained low. Coordinated actions need to be strengthened to reach AGYW who remain unaware of GBV health services offered at health facilities by improving GBV service quality, bettering interventions aimed at reducing GBV among AGYW in Tanzania, and scaling-up integrated service models, such as GBV one-stop centers.

1. Introduction

Violence against women is a major impediment to the fulfillment of women’s rights and to the achievement of the sustainable development goals (SDGs) [ 1 ]. The World Health Organization (WHO) defines violence as the intentional use of physical force or power (threatened or actual) against oneself, another person or a group/community that results in, or has a high likelihood of resulting in injuries, death, psychological harm or deprivation [ 2 , 3 ]. The risk of being subjected to gender-based violence (GBV) is prominent among women and girls, particularly those belonging to ethnic minorities, those of low socioeconomic status and those who are poorly educated resulting in severe social, economic, physical and mental health consequences [ 4 , 5 , 6 ]. The term gender-based violence enables one to understand the intersection between different forms of violence and gender [ 7 ]. A sociological theory of gender-based violence as used in our study further defines these intersections as existing within micro (e.g., one’s own understanding of gender roles and norms), meso (e.g., interpersonal relationships consistent with gender norms) and macro (e.g., systematic gender constructs) levels [ 8 ].

According to a WHO 2013 report, nearly one-third of women globally aged 15 years and above have experienced physical and/or sexual violence with the highest instances of GBV reported in Africa and Asia [ 9 ]. A WHO study on violence and women’s health across 10 countries including Tanzania, reported that between 13–62% of women had experienced physical violence over the course of their lifetime, 29% reported violence within the past year, while only 3% had sought GBV health services [ 10 ]. Additionally, the report demonstrated that GBV particularly in African countries was a major cause of ill health among women and girls, as it can cause disability due to injuries, a range of physical and mental impairments and can even result in death [ 11 ]. A study conducted in Kenya aiming to explore the uptake of GBV services, found that the majority GBV survivors had no knowledge of available GBV recovery services (GBVR), the benefits of treatment, nor their need for treatment. There were also limited records of service utilization despite GBVR being free of charge [ 12 ]. Similarly, a study conducted in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) revealed that 85% of women reported being victims of sexual violence while nearly half (45%) reported never having received GBV health services [ 13 ].

Access to GBV health services among adolescent girls and young women (AGYW) is a growing body of concern [ 14 ]. Several studies have reported that health care seeking behavior is a multifarious, reflecting socio-demographics and health characteristics which can thereby challenge access to GBV services [ 15 , 16 , 17 ]. Increasing importance is also being given to aspects of GBV (e.g., impact of violence, its consequences and nature of violence) and its health service response [ 18 , 19 , 20 , 21 , 22 ]. Health systems play a critical role in supporting women, minimizing the impact of violence and preventing future violence. Health practitioners are often the first responders for abused women and when health care workers (HCWs) can identify and treat victims of violence, they represent a valid opportunity to direct women to communities and services that can provide legal assistance [ 23 , 24 ]. However, there is rampant underutilization of GBV health services in sub-Saharan Africa countries with some countries having no record of accessed services at all [ 25 ].

As it is in other parts of the world, Tanzania is no exception to GBV and many forms of violence are in fact considered socially acceptable [ 26 ]. The vast majority of AGYW in Tanzania experience violence in their homes by someone familiar to them (partner/husband, family member, friend or neighbor) [ 26 ]. As per the 2016 Tanzania Demographic Health Survey (TDHS 2016), 43.6% of women aged 15–49 reported experiencing lifetime physical and/or sexual violence by their partner, husband or stranger. Additionally, sexual violence among AGYW was shown to be as high as 46% in Dar es Salaam [ 27 ]

The number of women who seek GBV health services in Tanzania remains low [ 27 ]. The TDHS 2016 indicates that less than 1.1% of women aged 15–49 years who experienced physical and sexual violence sought GBV health care services [ 27 ]. Furthermore, a study conducted in rural Tanzania (Morogoro district), revealed that women who had only completed primary school education had lesser GBV knowledge compared to those who had secondary school education- thereby highlighting additional barriers to GBV service access [ 28 ]. Considering these challenges, the Government of Tanzania in collaboration with the Ministry of Health, Community Development, Gender, Elderly and Children (MoHCDGEC) and other stakeholders have gone to great lengths to strengthen the health service response for GBV survivors. For example, the development of the National Plan of Action for the Prevention and Eradication of Violence against Women and Children (NPA-VAWC) 2017/18–2021/22 highlights the importance of efficient and effective police response, gender-sensitive prosecution services, as well as health and social welfare services to address violence against women and children. For example, one-stop centers have been established that provide medical, legal and psycho-social services for GBV survivors under one roof [ 27 ]. The strategy further supports the provision of easily accessible information on GBV services available to women and children [ 27 ]. Thus, special attention has been given by the Government of Tanzania to train and motivate health care workers to make GBV health services accessible, acceptable, appropriate and more user-friendly to victims of GBV.

Despite government initiatives and programs to facilitate utilization of GBV services in Tanzania, there is evidence that barriers persist. For example, a study indicated that women were more likely to seek health services when violence was perpetrated by a stranger—thereby posing challenges seeking health services when violence was committed by someone familiar to the victim [ 26 ]. Additionally, GBV within sex work poses major challenges to women reporting instances of GBV and visiting health facilities [ 29 ]. Even though some barriers to GBV services access have been identified, little is known about the influence of GBV knowledge and prior GBV service experiences on GBV service access.

This study aimed to better understand the knowledge of gender-based violence among adolescent girls and young women and to analyze their perceptions of and experiences with GBV health services in terms of access and quality. This research will inform the design of future GBV prevention interventions to support current victims of violence and to prevent future instances of violence.

2. Materials and Methods

2.1. study setting.

The study sites were in Temeke and Kinondoni districts of Dar es Salaam. Dar es Salaam is the largest city in Tanzania and comprises of five districts (Temeke, Kinondoni, Ilala, Ubungo and Kigamboni). Temeke and Kinondoni districts were selected for this study because research conducted in Tanzania found that AGYW in these districts reported the highest incidences of GBV [ 30 ].

2.2. Study Design and Population

The study utilized a mixed method, explanatory sequential design where quantitative data was first collected followed by qualitative data [ 31 ]. This study was part of a larger ongoing community-based project (John Hopkins Program for International Education in Gynecology and Obstetrics, JHPIEGO SAUTI), which was conducted among adolescent girls and young women 15–24 years old in Temeke and Kinondoni districts. The basis of this study was to explore AGYW knowledge of GBV as well as their perceptions of experience with GBV health services following violence. The study has been divided into two parts: part one indicating the quantitative study and part two indicating the qualitative study.

2.3. Study Context

This study functioned within an ongoing JHPIEGO SAUTI project, a comprehensive community outreach program that implements a peer-based HIV and GBV prevention intervention for AGYW in 14 regions of Tanzania. The project’s overarching aim is to reduce instances of HIV infections among vulnerable populations including AGYW, sex workers and people who inject drugs by providing biomedical (e.g., HIV testing, STI screening and family planning services) and structural interventions (e.g., GBV interventions and alcohol and drug screenings) at community level. The JHPIEGO SAUTI project identifies target groups through snowballing methods in hotspots including brothels, bars, markets, mining centers and truck shops.

In each target district within this study (Kinodoni and Temeke districts), JHPIEGO SAUTI partnered with civil society organizations (CSOs) working with the target population. Selected CSOs employed peer educators who were responsible for identifying AGYW and escorting them to a project representative for GBV service provision through traceable linkages to care, treatment or other referral services defined as “escorted referrals”. Further information about the JHPIEGO SAUTI project can be found under https://www.usaid.gov/documents/1860/sauti-project (accessed on 12 August 2021).

2.3.1. Inclusion Criteria

AGYW were eligible for study inclusion if they were 15–24 years old and enrolled in the JHPIEGO SAUTI project, self-reported experiencing at least one form of violence (physical, mental and/or sexual violence), resided in either Temeke or Kinondoni districts and voluntarily agreed to participate in the study.

2.3.2. Exclusion Criteria

AGYW who were not enrolled in the ongoing JHPIEGO SAUTI project and those who were physically and/or mentally unfit to be interviewed (or unable to provide consent) were not included in the study.

2.4. Part one: Quantitative Study

2.4.1. study design.

We conducted a cross-sectional survey on knowledge of GBV as well as perceptions of and experiences with GBV health services among a population of AGYW. Participants were selected by CSOs working in collaboration with the JHPIEGO SAUTI project.

2.4.2. Sampling and Sample Size

In step one, a required sample size of 404 participants was calculated by a 40% proportion of GBV among AGYW in Dar es Salaam using a 95% confidence interval and 5% margin of error [ 32 ]. One questionnaire was incomplete and was therefore not included in analysis, hence a total of 403 respondents were recorded. In step two, proportionate sampling was used to calculate the number of participants required from each district which was determined by dividing the district CSOs by the total number of CSOs in the JHPIEGO SAUTI and multiplied by the required sample size ( D i s t r i c t   C S O s T o t a l   C S O s ) × 404 . A total of 162 participants were recruited from Kinondoni district and 242 participants from the Temeke district. In step three, we obtained two separate lists of all AGYWs, one list of AGYW who had received GBV services through JHPIEGO SAUTI and the second list of those who did not receive GBV health services. In step four, participants were randomly selected from each of these lists interchangeable until the desired number was reached. Figure 1 illustrates the sampling methods used in this study.

An external file that holds a picture, illustration, etc.
Object name is ijerph-18-08575-g001.jpg

Proportionate sampling tree for AGYW participants.

2.4.3. Quantitative Data Collection

Participants were interviewed using an administered survey developed between researchers and JHPIEGO SAUTI. Data on socio-demographics (e.g., age, marital status, occupation, income and highest educational level attained), knowledge of GBV definitions, perceptions of and experiences with GBV health services including reasons for refusing GBV health referrals were obtained. The face-to-face survey took approximately 40–55 min to administer. This was used to obtain a deeper understanding on the topics. The research assistants received a one-day training delivered by the lead researcher on survey delivery techniques and the content of the survey.

2.4.4. Data Analysis

Descriptive statistics (frequencies and proportions) were used to present the data. We operationalized our outcomes as follows: (a) knowledge of GBV definition. This was an open-ended question and correct answers were scored according to our interpretation of the GBV definition provided by the WHO [ 9 ]. According to our interpretation of the WHO definition of GBV, a correct definition of GBV captures the range of acts committed by a perpetrator, subjective experiences of a victim, consequences of harm and forms of violence. The results were scored as “good”, if a respondent mentioned all four parameters, “moderate” if a respondent mentioned at least two out of the four parameters, and “limited” if none or one parameter was mentioned; (b) perceptions of and experiences with GBV health services were measured on a five-point Likert scale (strongly agree, agree, neutral, disagree and strongly disagree). For statistical analyses, we categorized the Likert scale as “strongly agree/agree”, “neutral” (neither agree nor disagree) or “strongly disagree/disagree”; (c) access to GBV health services and (d) reasons for refusing GBV health services referral following GBV education services. Outcomes were defined and explained to the participants for ease of understanding. Quantitative data was collected and compiled using Microsoft Excel. We employed STATA 13.0 statistical software (StataCorp, College Station, TX, USA).

2.5. Part Two: Qualitative Study

2.5.1. study design.

The qualitative element of this study utilized a narrative approach to conduct and analyze in-depth interviews by focusing on contextual meaning of the text obtained from the narrative responses as described by H.F. Hsieh and S.E. Shannon [ 33 ]. This approach gives the interviewee the opportunity to express her experiences and perceptions on a topic of interest while allowing the interviewer flexibility to explore new areas of interest. Here the interviewers collected data that fell into three thematic areas (a) knowledge about the definition of gender-based violence; (b) perceptions of and experience with GBV health services; and (c) reasons for refusing GBV health service referral.

2.5.2. Sampling and Sample Size

This study purposively sampled 10 participants from each target district for a total of 20 in-depth interviews. Participants provided insights to their knowledge about GBV as well as their perceptions of and experiences with GBV health services.

2.5.3. Qualitative Data Collection

The in-depth interviews (IDIs) were conducted in the local language (Kiswahili) with participants regarding their perceptions of and experiences with GBV health services and their understanding of what constitutes GBV. Interviewers probed during the interviews whenever necessary to enrich the data collected to obtain a deeper understanding of the participant’s perspectives [ 34 ]. All interviews were conducted in quiet and private places (e.g., homes or places within the community) chosen by the participants to ensure safety regarding the sensitive nature of this study. Each IDI took approximately 30–45 min to conduct.

2.5.4. Qualitative Data Analysis

Researchers used preliminary data analysis to identify emergent themes. The IDIs were audio-recorded, transcribed verbatim and translated from Kiswahili into English by two independent Tanzanian researchers. Two authors read all of the transcripts multiple times for familiarization and deep understanding of the information. The data was indexed and grouped into themes for easy retrieval, review and further exploration. The transcripts were then exported into Microsoft Excel for thematic analysis. A thematic framework was drawn from the inductive codes which arose from the interviews. Inductive codes were subsequently added from GBV literature to address knowledge of GBV, perceptions of and experiences with GBV health services, as well as access to GBV health services. The transcripts and codes were reviewed and agreed upon via consensus by three independent researchers. The final step of the analysis was connecting interrelated themes to construct a narration [ 33 ]. Qualitative analyses were manually performed using Microsoft Word.

2.5.5. Mixed Methods Integration

We triangulated quantitative results with results from qualitative thematic content analysis to frame our results. We specifically used a narrative approach to structure the identified themes in the qualitative study to guide our explanatory results. According to Fetters et al. (2013) [ 35 ], when similar conclusions are obtained from merged numeric and textual data, confirmation of findings provide greater credibility to the results.

2.6. Ethical Considerations

This study respected the principles of the Declaration of Helsinki. All methods performed in this study were in accordance with the ethical standards of the institutions and national research committees. The study was granted ethical approval by the Medical Research Coordinating Committee (MRCC) of the National Institute for Medical Research (NIMR) in Tanzania (NIMR/HQ/R.8a/Vol.IX/2986) and Ethics Committee of the Medical Faculty of Heidelberg University (S-737/2018). Approval to collect data was obtained through official permission from respective central and local government authorities and leaders. Permission to access the AGYW groups was granted by the JHPIEGO SAUTICountry Director. All participants provided written informed consent for participation in the study and for participants < 18 years old, consent was obtained from their parent or guardian. Confidentiality of the participants is maintained in which no names or identifying information are used in the presentation of this research.

We present our results according to three topic areas: (1) knowledge of gender-based violence among AGYW, (2) perceptions of and experiences with GBV health services among AGYW and (3) access to and refusal of GBV health services among AGYW. For each topic, key quantitative results are presented alongside qualitative findings.

3.1. Socio-Demographic Characteristic of Study Participants

One questionnaire was incomplete, hence a total of 403 participants were included in the final analysis. Out of 403 AGYW, 243 (60%) were from Temeke District. The majority of AGYW were in the age group between 21 and 24 years old. Most of the AGYW attained a primary level of education (59.6%) and their primary occupations were sex work or owned small businesses. Most (55.6%) AGYW reported to have no children and about one third (31.5%) were either single or had partner but did not cohabitate with them. The majority of AGYW had an estimated income of less than TZS.25,000 (~USD 11) per day ( Table 1 ).

Socio-demographic characteristics of participants (n = 403).

1 USD = 2300 TZS.

3.2. Knowledge of Gender-Based Violence Definition among AGYW

Table 2 describes the levels of knowledge on gender-based violence among AGYW. Out of 403 AGYW, about 8 out of 10 (77.9%) participants reported to have a moderate and good levels of knowledge in defining GBV. A majority (79.9%) of participants correctly identified sexual violence as a form of gender-based violence. Even though sexual violence was the most frequently mentioned form of violence in both quantitative and qualitative study elements, a majority of participants reported that this was largely accepted by their communities because of their religious beliefs and community expectations for women to be submissive to their partners. However, when violence progressed to more severe levels, for example being forced to engage in anal sex was often described by participants as intolerable.

Knowledge of gender-based violence definition among AGYW.

Values are expressed as number (percentage).

Physical violence was viewed by many participants as a normal behavior between partners. Women expressed that, at times they expected and accepted physical violence due to its frequent occurrence. Furthermore, emotional violence was reported as the least tolerable form of violence among women.

“My partner calls me names and abuses me all the time. He makes all of the decision when it comes to how we use all the money. I think with this, I am already used to it but am scared when he beats me” (AGYW, 19)

Despite the high levels of violence, some participants reported that no form of violence was neither acceptable nor tolerable, even between intimate partners. This clearly reflects a progressive thinking among AGYW towards community tolerability of GBV.

Similarly, qualitative results showed that participants were knowledgeable about what constitutes GBV. Some of the participants understood the typology of GBV, particularly sexual and physical violence to including acts of pushing, slapping, kicking, knocking, hitting, throwing objects and violent sexual behaviors. Participants often described the general concepts of gender-based violence using real examples of their own lived experiences. Most participants also described what constitutes gender-based violence using five Kiswahili terms. The term “fujo” (chaos and disorder), “kupigwa” (physical violence), “kudhalilishwa” (insults/name calling), “ugomvi” (quarrel) and “kubakwa” (rape).

Despite participant’s knowledge about GBV and its typology, participants described that there is a tendency to either justify, normalize, or accept acts of violence among AGYW.

“GBV… it is something normal and usually happens to most of us. I know many girls who have experienced GBV including myself who has been raped and beaten. I was burnt by a cigarette when I refused a man’s advancement [proceeded to show interviewer healed burn wound]” (AGYW, 01)
“Sometimes women can be stubborn and a man can beat you to correct you, you know how women can be sometimes [chuckling] but when the beating becomes too much and without any good reason then it becomes a problem” (AGYW, 04)

Some participants also suggested that men should be involved in future GBV interventions to increase their knowledge to mitigate violence perpetration.

“Many of us [AGYW] in this group understand what GBV is, but the problem is with men. They are the ones who beat and rape us. I think it would be good if men are involved in such [JHPIEGO SAUTI] projects and not only women” (AGYW 12)

3.3. Perceptions of and Experiences with GBV Health Services

Table 3 demonstrates perceptions of and experiences with GBV health services among AGYW. On average, about 31% of the participants strongly agreed or agreed with the following statements about available GBV health services. Most of them (47.6%, n = 192) disagreed with the statements that HCWs can prevent GBV reoccurrence. The least reported and known GBV health service among participants was the collection of forensic evidence (10.7%, n = 43) which includes collection of semen, saliva, clothing fibers, hair and blood samples. About half of participants (50.4%, n = 203) agreed that health care facilities could link them to legal bodies ( Table 3 ).

Perceptions of and experiences with GBV health services among AGYW.

Values are expressed as n (%); HCWs—Health care workers; PEP—Post-Exposure Prophylaxis; EC—Emergency Contraception.

The qualitative results mirrored the quantitative Likert scale results regarding perceptions of and experiences with GBV health services among AGYW. Some participants mentioned that they were aware of the availability of HIV screening services for GBV survivors at health facilities. However, others were not aware about the process of receiving HIV prevention services, specifically post-exposure prophylaxis (PEP) following sexual assault. Similarly, some participants were aware of provision of pregnancy tests at health facilities but were not aware that emergency contraceptive services available to prevent pregnancy.

“Haaa…it can never be…how can one remove the HIV virus from your blood after being raped by someone who has the virus…it is impossible. Likewise, how can one stop pregnancy when you have been raped and conceived. Unless one chooses to abort. I don’t think this is ever possible” (AGYW 09)

Some participants mentioned that they were aware of linkages to legal aid services such as the police GBV division from the health care facilities, but they were afraid to go to the police station for fear of name calling.

“When I was once violated, I went to the police to report it for further action, however the police were not supportive and even started asking me what I was doing late at night with men. They even started condemning me that I was prostituting. I would rather not go back to them.” (AGYW 03)

Qualitative findings also indicated that some participants were not aware of psychological and social services available to GBV survivors.

“As I told you I was raped when I went to the club on my form four graduation day [approximately 18 years old] where I ended up being raped by four strangers. My mother took me to a health facility where I was treated, and the doctor told me to forgive and forget what was done to me. How do I just forgive and forget? [starts crying angrily] And no, I was not linked to any social worker, how are they supposed to help?” (AGYW 07)

3.4. Access to Gender-Based Violence Services among AGYW

As illustrated in Figure 2 , of all 403 participants in our study who had experienced lifetime gender-based violence (as per the study inclusion criteria), only about 20% had accessed GBV health services prior to joining the JHPIEGO SAUTI project. Most participants (about 93%), reported having received the JHPIEGO SUATI social behavior change and communication education (SBCC) program which entailed education on GBV, HIV, family planning and drug abuse prevention and provided escorted referrals to GBV health facilities. However, only 66% agreed to access GBV health services even after having received the education program. Overall, very few participants utilized GBV services prior to the JHPIEGO SAUTI project but after enrolment into the project, the number of participants utilizing GBV escorted referral services increased by 46%.

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Access to GBV health services pre-and post- JHPIEGO SAUTI project implementation.

Further, Table 4 expands on the reasons for refusing GBV escorted referrals following the educational intervention. About three quarters (73.7) of the participants cited fear of HIV testing, confirming an HIV positive results or not having physical health issues as the main reasons for refusing escorted referrals to GBV services, thereby challenging successful linkage to GBV services.

Reasons for refusing escorted referral to GBV services following SBCC training.

Values are expressed as n (%); SBCC—sexual and behavior changes communication; JHPIEGO—Johns Hopkins Program for International Education in Gynecology and Obstetrics.

In the qualitative element of this study, most participants additionally identified that time was not an important factor to accessing immediate GBV health services following GBV if they eventually sought help when deemed necessary by the participant. For our study, time was defined as 0–72 h following violence.

“When I was raped, I decided to keep quiet, I did not even tell my mother I was only 15 years old. I started to bleed [vaginal bleeding] but still kept quiet hoping it would somehow stop. After a week I started having painful abdominal pain and bad smell from my private area. I had to tell my mother who eventually took me to the hospital. The doctor blamed me for not reporting [the incident] sooner, so not much could be done. He gave me several pills and I got better eventually. That incident has affected me so badly. I still hate men, I am 23 years now and don’t wish to be with a man again.” (AGYW 17)

Some participants who visited health facilities also reported that they were informed by HCWs that it was difficult to obtain forensic evidence for AGYW who were late to health facilities, especially for victims of sexual violence.

“After joining this [JHPIEGO SAUTI] project, they advised me to go the hospital because I was raped once. The doctor at the hospital informed me if it happens again, I should rush to the hospital immediately so that I can get pills to prevent from HIV and pregnancy and also, to get evidence for the police” (AGYW 15)

4. Discussion

The findings of this study provided important insights into the GBV health service response among adolescent girls and young women in Tanzania. In summary, the majority of AGYW had relatively good GBV knowledge regarding its definition and forms of violence. However, AGYW had poor perceptions of and experiences with GBV health services, particularly surrounding information related to emergency contraceptives and post-exposure prophylaxis (PEP) as well as the availability of psychological and referral services (e.g., social workers and legal bodies). Even though AGYW had good GBV knowledge, the majority did not access the GBV services and even fewer were satisfied with the health services they had received.

4.1. Knowledge of GBV among AGYW

AGYW maintained relatively good knowledge of GBV with regards to its definition and knowledge of forms of violence experienced by Tanzanian AGYW. Relatively good understanding of GBV may be attributed to the fact that our study participants were enrolled into an ongoing project that provided GBV education (i.e., SBCC education). Additionally, GBV knowledge can also be attributed to ongoing GBV interventions offered by the government initiatives, international development partners and non-governmental organization. Knowledge of GBV among AGYW was similar to findings from another study conducted in three regions of Tanzania (Mbeya, Dar-es-Salaam and Iringa) where participants maintained relatively high awareness (78.4%) of what constitutes GBV and were able to identify a range of violent behaviors including physical aggression, insults, beatings, being threatening with an object and the intended destruction of property [ 36 ]. However, in our study, not all respondents had sufficient knowledge of GBV despite enrollment in the JHPIEGO SAUTI project, thereby indicating a need for a more comprehensive educational intervention at community level. Future interventions should aim not only to mitigate GBV risk associated with high-risk social behaviors (e.g., engaging in concurrent sexual relationships, drugs and alcohol misuse) but should also aim to promote health and wellness.

Physical and sexual violence were the most frequent forms of violence reported by AGYW who often stated forms of violence that they themselves had experienced. Surveys administered in other African countries and around the globe similarly revealed that participants often only reported violence which they had encountered themselves [ 37 ]. This information is important to understand what GBV survivors perceive as violence and how they can be reached with sensitive care and support. Further, although the AGYW interviewed in this study had good knowledge about what constitutes GBV; there was often acceptance of GBV, likely perpetuated by cultural norms and gender roles which need to be addressed to increase uptake and continuation of GBV health services. According to United Nations Economic Commission for Africa and the African Centre for Gender and Social Development (2010), there are numerous reasons why GBV may be accepted by young women including the predominance of a patriarchal system, acceptance of GBV as a cultural norm or stigma attached to being a female victim of violence [ 38 ]. Interestingly, some cultural and social norms may perpetrate specific forms of violence. The participants in our study expressed that men have a right to control or discipline women through physical means and women’s acceptance of this thereby made them vulnerable to continued violence. Our study indicated that cultural and social norms value men as superior and more powerful than women. These norms and cultures subordinate women in many life’s spheres, from economic independence to decision-making power [ 39 ]. This often happens in contexts where societal norms allow the use of GBV to reprimand women and where men are expected to have the final say as a means to control women [ 40 ]. Our findings mirror that of studies conducted in Nigeria [ 40 , 41 ] where women described that cultural norms encouraged them to tolerate and accept acts of violence perpetrated against them. A further study conducted in South Africa by Safer-Spaces even attributed high rates of rape to the South African patriarchy [ 42 ]. These prevailing cultural gender norms may additionally give insight as to why physical and sexual violence in intimate relationships (e.g., domestic rape) are still considered culturally acceptable in Tanzania [ 43 ]. Additionally, marital rape is not recognized by Tanzanian law thereby preventing married women from seeking help and from obtaining appropriate services following sexual violence [ 44 ]. However, some AGYW in our study held a different view- that no form of violence is acceptable and tolerable even among intimate partners. Thus, these girls could function as peer champions to encourage other AGYW to access GBV services. Emotional and economic violence were the least frequent forms of violence reported by AGYW in our study. Experience with name calling yelling, threats, and financial control were of less concern to the participants than physical violence. This may be attributed by the fact that men always want to be seen in control of everything. In addition, women do not often talk for fear of the aggressors; threat against themselves and their children or relatives. However, other studies have reported emotional and economic violence may have a substantial impact on women’s mental wellbeing [ 45 , 46 ]. Thus, it is important for future interventions to focus on all forms of violence.

The gendered nature of violence against women in Tanzania are attributed in part to the patriarchal social system, norms of masculinity linked to male dominance, laws granting men control over women’s behaviors, attitudes that accept male violence as a way of resolving conflict and an inadequate provision of policies and infrastructure to successfully address GBV [ 47 , 48 ]. Additionally, some AGYW in our study mentioned that men were the main perpetrators of GBV and hence male involvement in GBV education is of vital importance. This finding is similar to other research conducted by Fleming et al. (2015) that echoed men as the main perpetrators of violence particularly in communities where power is concentrated in the hands of the male partner [ 43 ]. In the household level, GBV may be used to legitimize the dominant position of men while at the societal level, cultural norms allow men to use violence to maintain control. Despite the discriminatory and suppressive culture towards adolescent girls, gender attitudes and norms amongst AGYW that justify violence against them are beginning to change in Tanzania.

4.2. Perceptions of and Experiences with GBV Health Services among AGYW

Participants in this study were part of a national project that expanded coverage of a peer-based HIV and GBV prevention intervention for AGYW. However, AGYW had poor perceptions of and experiences with GBV health services such as emergency contraception and post-exposure prophylaxis, as well as psychological and referral services (i.e., social workers and legal bodies) which can negatively influence the utilization of future GBV services [ 14 , 49 , 50 ].These can have severe consequences on the health of GBV survivors including psychological suffering (e.g., anxiety, depression) and poor physical outcomes (e.g., injuries, shock and infectious diseases) [ 51 ]. These findings are similar to those found in a WHO multi-country study on women’s health and violence where perception of the availability and accessibility of HIV and GBV services for GBV survivors was on average 47% [ 52 ]. Additionally, our qualitative results indicated that AGYW were aware of the availability of HIV screening services following rape but were unaware of post-exposure prophylaxis for HIV prevention. This unique finding highlights a gap in GBV service awareness and should be considered by stakeholders to develop more comprehensive HIV and GBV education.

Other studies have indicated that access to GBV health services, among women who reside in remote settings and have highlighted the relevance of socio-economic factors in knowledge and uptake of reproductive and child health services including GBV health services [ 53 , 54 ].

4.3. Access to Gender-Based Violence Health Services among AGYW

Social Behavior Change Communication (SBCC) education was provided to the AGYWs through the JHPIEGO SAUTI project with the aim of developing communication strategies to promote positive behaviors and empower women regarding access to HIV and GBV services. Our study (both quantitative and qualitative data) indicated however that many AGYW still declined GBV health services following the provision of SBCC education and escorted referrals. The majority of participants reported fear around HIV testing and confirming HIV positive results as primary reasons for declining escorted referrals. Further, AGYW often declined escorted referrals by their peers when they felt physically healthy. This meant a failure to seek medical support which may result in missed opportunities for proper diagnoses and treatment of underlying conditions associated with GBV. Thus, GBV education is insufficient and the government as well as other stakeholders should seek innovative models for enrolling women into care. Similarly, other studies mirrored our findings and confirmed that adolescent girls and women were afraid of testing and knowing their HIV status, consequently causing underutilization of health services [ 55 , 56 , 57 ]. Access to GBV care, is an essential element in achieving quality of life for AGYW, hence it is important for policy makers and project implementers to educate AGYW about the available GBV health services to improve access to GBV health services. Based on our findings, the empowerment and facilitation of GBV health service access for AGYW is vital for treating the consequences of GBV and preventing future instances of GBV. Measures such as comprehensive information distribution regarding the availability of GBV health service provision at health facilities and other referral services is vital to increase the uptake of GBV services. Additionally, health care providers should educate AGYW about the importance of seeking GBV services immediately following violence (0–72 h following an instance of violence) to increase efficacy of preventative (e.g., HIV and pregnancy prevention) and forensic services (e.g., body fluid collection). Health care providers should also link GBV survivors to psychosocial support in order to provide early mental health intervention and to provide a safety plan to prevent future violence. For instance, the JHPIEGO SAUTI project was involved in implementing income-generating activities with the aim of economically empowering AGYW. This approach speaks to the findings of a previous systematic review in low-and-middle-income countries which found out that higher education and household economic factors are critical in determining GBV knowledge and type of services access [ 58 ].

Even though this analysis highlights valuable insights to GBV knowledge as well as perceptions of and experiences with GBV health services, the study was not without limitations. As a retrospective cross-sectional study, the study had an inherent weakness of recall bias, however all efforts were made to ensure the effect of the recall bias was minimal. Furthermore, study participants were sampled from an ongoing GBV intervention (i.e., JHPIEGO SAUTI) which may have an influenced their knowledge of GBV services. It should be noted however that participants were randomly selected from the population to be included in the JHPIEGO SAUTI project, thereby presenting a representative sample of urban AGYW in Tanzania.

5. Conclusions

The study indicates that—despite fairly good knowledge of GBV—the knowledge of the specific roles and content of GBV health services was limited and accessibility and the use of GBV health services was low. Yet the study was conducted in urban Dar es Salaam where services are expected to be accessible. Major barriers were posed by the participants including fear of HIV testing, confirmation of a HIV—positive result and stigma associated with HIV treatment. Thus, a key challenge to accessing GBV health services is the user-friendliness and quality of care surrounding HIV prevention and HIV treatment. In this context, one-stop health care centers are possible facilitators to provide comprehensive GBV services (including HIV services) because all services can be provided under one roof.

Health systems should foremost promote and train health care workers on client-provider interactions to improve health system responsiveness and avoid stigma in the healthcare settings, thus, improving the health care experience. Furthermore, continued education about GBV and GBV health services should be required to dispel stigma and discrimination among health care workers and to enhance participation in care and support activities. Additionally, civil society organizations and program implementers should increase uptake of GBV health activities at the community level to strengthen referral and linkage to care for GBV survivors.

Finally, many AGYW are exposed to and live in unsafe environments hence broader efforts such as community sensitization campaigns via community stakeholders including local government authorities and religious leaders in partnership with the Ministry of Health can increase access to comprehensive GBV health services. Community sensitization programs should focus on addressing HIV and GBV health services to improve access to GBV health services and increase GBV health service experiences. The current study has potential to inform and contribute to the treatment guidelines for gender-based violence in Tanzania. Overall, our study aims to inform the design of future AGYW GBV interventions to subsequently reduce instances of HIV, sexually transmitted infections, pregnancy and future GBV thereby working towards universal access to sexual and reproductive health and reproductive rights as outlined in the SDG 5.

Acknowledgments

The authors gratefully acknowledge the support of the district medical officers of both Temeke and Kinondoni districts for granting support to conduct this research. We also appreciate JHPIEGO SAUTI and the participating civil society organizations for assisting us to access the participants who were recruited for the study. We would also like to thank all participants for sharing their stories, without them this research would not have been possible.

Author Contributions

All authors substantially contributed to the study and to the manuscript. A.J.; C.M. and E.S. conceptualized and designed the study. All authors critically appraised the tools used. C.M. and local research assistants conducted field data collection. C.M. and E.S. consolidated the relevant data and documents and performed analysis, supervised by S.L.; R.M. and A.J. All authors substantially contributed to the interpretation and presentation of the results. C.M. drafted the paper, and all listed authors critically revised the structure and content. M.M. as a native English speaker conducted a language and grammar check. All authors contributed equally to proofreading the manuscript and approved of the final version of the manuscript. All authors have read and agreed to the published version of the manuscript.

We acknowledge financial support by the Open Access Publication Fund of Ruprecht-Karls Universität Heidelberg. Caroline Mtaita received doctoral funding from Brot für die Welt. The sponsors were not involved in design of the study, data collection, analysis, interpretation of the data or writing the manuscript.

Institutional Review Board Statement

The study was conducted according to guidelines of the Declaration of Helsinki and approved by the ethical committees of Heidelberg University (S-737/2018) and the Medical Research Coordinating Committee (MRCC) of the National Institute for Medical Research (NIMR) in Tanzania (NIMR/HQ/R.8a/VolIX/2986). All methods were in accordance with the ethical standards of the institutions and/or national research committees. Ethical consent for local data collection was obtained by central and local government authorities and leaders. Permission to access AGYW groups was granted by the JHPIEGO Country Director.

Informed Consent Statement

Participation was voluntary. Written informed consent was sought from all respondents. Confidentiality and anonymity in the data process was assured and no individual interviewed during the study can be identified by name. All participants were informed both verbally and in writing that the findings would be published in a scientific journal and that the findings would be presented in form of examples/quotes provided by the participants.

Data Availability Statement

Conflicts of interest.

The authors declare that they have no competing interests.

Publisher’s Note: MDPI stays neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations.

research questions for gender based violence

  • Opinion & Analysis

Empowering Youth Voices: Addressing Gender-Based Violence in South Africa

Youth@SAIIA

The South African Youth Gender Action Plan is a youth-driven policy framework that provides a roadmap for addressing gender-based violence and creating gender-inclusive spaces.

The South African Youth Gender Action Plan (SA YGAP) is an initiative crafted by over 1,000 young representatives from 150 organisations across the nation. This youth-driven policy framework aims to guide policymakers, government bodies, civil society organisations, and academic institutions toward creating more gender-inclusive spaces. Developed through a collaborative effort led by the Youth Programmes at the South African Institute of International Affairs (Youth@SAIIA) and the Youth Policy Committee (YPC), the SA YGAP emerged from a series of national workshops, dialogues, and conferences.

Following its drafting and publication, the document was officially presented to officials from the Department of Women, Youth and Persons with Disabilities, and UN Women South Africa Multi-Country Office on 25 August 2023, in Johannesburg. In a bid for wider accessibility, translations of the SA YGAP into isiZulu and Afrikaans are underway, with plans for additional translations into other official languages of South Africa.

Launch of the South African Youth Gender Action Plan

While acknowledging the strides made by the South African government and civil society in promoting gender inclusivity and combatting gender-based violence (GBV), the SA YGAP underscores the need for intensified efforts. Recognising the disproportionate impact of violence on marginalised communities, particularly in South Africa, youth advocates stress the importance of sustainability, affordability, and accessibility in GBV eradication strategies. The SA YGAP emphasises the necessity of inclusive policy-making, ensuring the representation of marginalised voices throughout its development. The thematic pillars outlined in the SA YGAP provide a roadmap for addressing GBV and promoting gender equality across various sectors. Pillar 4, specifically focused on GBV, acknowledges the nuanced nature of the issue and advocates for tailored interventions. Sub-sections within Pillar 4n highlight key areas for intervention, including ‘Police and Security Services’, ‘GBV and Capacity Building’, and ‘GBV in Educational Institutions and the Workplace’.

The SA YGAP calls for comprehensive trauma-support programmes within law enforcement agencies, recognising the critical role of the South African Police Services (SAPS) in supporting GBV survivors. It emphasises the need for systemic change, urging collaborative efforts to disseminate information on GBV prevention and support mechanisms.

Furthermore, the SA YGAP addresses GBV within educational and workplace settings, advocating for proactive measures to address systemic issues and create safer environments. By targeting root causes and promoting awareness and empowerment, the initiative aims to dismantle barriers perpetuating GBV.

In conclusion, the SA YGAP serves as a testament to the collective efforts of South African youth in combating GBV. By amplifying marginalised voices and advocating for systemic change, the initiative paves the way for a more inclusive and equitable society. As stakeholders unite behind principles of empathy and empowerment, the SA YGAP offers a beacon of hope in the struggle to end GBV.

This article was first published in Collective Action Magazine .

22 Apr 2024

Research by.

Chiara Jeptha Simphiwe Masilo Arvash Sewpaul

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research questions for gender based violence

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What the data says about gun deaths in the U.S.

More Americans died of gun-related injuries in 2021 than in any other year on record, according to the latest available statistics from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC). That included record numbers of both gun murders and gun suicides. Despite the increase in such fatalities, the rate of gun deaths – a statistic that accounts for the nation’s growing population – remained below the levels of earlier decades.

Here’s a closer look at gun deaths in the United States, based on a Pew Research Center analysis of data from the CDC, the FBI and other sources. You can also read key public opinion findings about U.S. gun violence and gun policy .

This Pew Research Center analysis examines the changing number and rate of gun deaths in the United States. It is based primarily on data from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) and the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI). The CDC’s statistics are based on information contained in official death certificates, while the FBI’s figures are based on information voluntarily submitted by thousands of police departments around the country.

For the number and rate of gun deaths over time, we relied on mortality statistics in the CDC’s WONDER database covering four distinct time periods:  1968 to 1978 ,  1979 to 1998 ,  1999 to 2020 , and 2021 . While these statistics are mostly comparable for the full 1968-2021 period, gun murders and suicides between 1968 and 1978 are classified by the CDC as involving firearms  and  explosives; those between 1979 and 2021 are classified as involving firearms only. Similarly, gun deaths involving law enforcement between 1968 and 1978 exclude those caused by “operations of war”; those between 1979 and 2021 include that category, which refers to gun deaths among military personnel or civilians  due to war or civil insurrection in the U.S . All CDC gun death estimates in this analysis are adjusted to account for age differences over time and across states.

The FBI’s statistics about the types of firearms used in gun murders in 2020 come from the bureau’s  Crime Data Explorer website . Specifically, they are drawn from the expanded homicide tables of the agency’s  2020 Crime in the United States report . The FBI’s statistics include murders and non-negligent manslaughters involving firearms.

How many people die from gun-related injuries in the U.S. each year?

In 2021, the most recent year for which complete data is available, 48,830 people died from gun-related injuries in the U.S., according to the CDC. That figure includes gun murders and gun suicides, along with three less common types of gun-related deaths tracked by the CDC: those that were accidental, those that involved law enforcement and those whose circumstances could not be determined. The total excludes deaths in which gunshot injuries played a contributing, but not principal, role. (CDC fatality statistics are based on information contained in official death certificates, which identify a single cause of death.)

A pie chart showing that suicides accounted for more than half of U.S. gun deaths in 2021.

What share of U.S. gun deaths are murders and what share are suicides?

Though they tend to get less public attention than gun-related murders, suicides have long accounted for the majority of U.S. gun deaths . In 2021, 54% of all gun-related deaths in the U.S. were suicides (26,328), while 43% were murders (20,958), according to the CDC. The remaining gun deaths that year were accidental (549), involved law enforcement (537) or had undetermined circumstances (458).

What share of all murders and suicides in the U.S. involve a gun?

About eight-in-ten U.S. murders in 2021 – 20,958 out of 26,031, or 81% – involved a firearm. That marked the highest percentage since at least 1968, the earliest year for which the CDC has online records. More than half of all suicides in 2021 – 26,328 out of 48,183, or 55% – also involved a gun, the highest percentage since 2001.

A line chart showing that the U.S. saw a record number of gun suicides and gun murders in 2021.

How has the number of U.S. gun deaths changed over time?

The record 48,830 total gun deaths in 2021 reflect a 23% increase since 2019, before the onset of the coronavirus pandemic .

Gun murders, in particular, have climbed sharply during the pandemic, increasing 45% between 2019 and 2021, while the number of gun suicides rose 10% during that span.

The overall increase in U.S. gun deaths since the beginning of the pandemic includes an especially stark rise in such fatalities among children and teens under the age of 18. Gun deaths among children and teens rose 50% in just two years , from 1,732 in 2019 to 2,590 in 2021.

How has the rate of U.S. gun deaths changed over time?

While 2021 saw the highest total number of gun deaths in the U.S., this statistic does not take into account the nation’s growing population. On a per capita basis, there were 14.6 gun deaths per 100,000 people in 2021 – the highest rate since the early 1990s, but still well below the peak of 16.3 gun deaths per 100,000 people in 1974.

A line chart that shows the U.S. gun suicide and gun murder rates reached near-record highs in 2021.

The gun murder rate in the U.S. remains below its peak level despite rising sharply during the pandemic. There were 6.7 gun murders per 100,000 people in 2021, below the 7.2 recorded in 1974.

The gun suicide rate, on the other hand, is now on par with its historical peak. There were 7.5 gun suicides per 100,000 people in 2021, statistically similar to the 7.7 measured in 1977. (One caveat when considering the 1970s figures: In the CDC’s database, gun murders and gun suicides between 1968 and 1978 are classified as those caused by firearms and explosives. In subsequent years, they are classified as deaths involving firearms only.)

Which states have the highest and lowest gun death rates in the U.S.?

The rate of gun fatalities varies widely from state to state. In 2021, the states with the highest total rates of gun-related deaths – counting murders, suicides and all other categories tracked by the CDC – included Mississippi (33.9 per 100,000 people), Louisiana (29.1), New Mexico (27.8), Alabama (26.4) and Wyoming (26.1). The states with the lowest total rates included Massachusetts (3.4), Hawaii (4.8), New Jersey (5.2), New York (5.4) and Rhode Island (5.6).

A map showing that U.S. gun death rates varied widely by state in 2021.

The results are somewhat different when looking at gun murder and gun suicide rates separately. The places with the highest gun murder rates in 2021 included the District of Columbia (22.3 per 100,000 people), Mississippi (21.2), Louisiana (18.4), Alabama (13.9) and New Mexico (11.7). Those with the lowest gun murder rates included Massachusetts (1.5), Idaho (1.5), Hawaii (1.6), Utah (2.1) and Iowa (2.2). Rate estimates are not available for Maine, New Hampshire, Vermont or Wyoming.

The states with the highest gun suicide rates in 2021 included Wyoming (22.8 per 100,000 people), Montana (21.1), Alaska (19.9), New Mexico (13.9) and Oklahoma (13.7). The states with the lowest gun suicide rates were Massachusetts (1.7), New Jersey (1.9), New York (2.0), Hawaii (2.8) and Connecticut (2.9). Rate estimates are not available for the District of Columbia.

How does the gun death rate in the U.S. compare with other countries?

The gun death rate in the U.S. is much higher than in most other nations, particularly developed nations. But it is still far below the rates in several Latin American countries, according to a 2018 study of 195 countries and territories by researchers at the Institute for Health Metrics and Evaluation at the University of Washington.

The U.S. gun death rate was 10.6 per 100,000 people in 2016, the most recent year in the study, which used a somewhat different methodology from the CDC. That was far higher than in countries such as Canada (2.1 per 100,000) and Australia (1.0), as well as European nations such as France (2.7), Germany (0.9) and Spain (0.6). But the rate in the U.S. was much lower than in El Salvador (39.2 per 100,000 people), Venezuela (38.7), Guatemala (32.3), Colombia (25.9) and Honduras (22.5), the study found. Overall, the U.S. ranked 20th in its gun fatality rate that year .

How many people are killed in mass shootings in the U.S. every year?

This is a difficult question to answer because there is no single, agreed-upon definition of the term “mass shooting.” Definitions can vary depending on factors including the number of victims and the circumstances of the shooting.

The FBI collects data on “active shooter incidents,” which it defines as “one or more individuals actively engaged in killing or attempting to kill people in a populated area.” Using the FBI’s definition, 103 people – excluding the shooters – died in such incidents in 2021 .

The Gun Violence Archive, an online database of gun violence incidents in the U.S., defines mass shootings as incidents in which four or more people are shot, even if no one was killed (again excluding the shooters). Using this definition, 706 people died in these incidents in 2021 .

Regardless of the definition being used, fatalities in mass shooting incidents in the U.S. account for a small fraction of all gun murders that occur nationwide each year.

How has the number of mass shootings in the U.S. changed over time?

A bar chart showing that active shooter incidents have become more common in the U.S. in recent years.

The same definitional issue that makes it challenging to calculate mass shooting fatalities comes into play when trying to determine the frequency of U.S. mass shootings over time. The unpredictability of these incidents also complicates matters: As Rand Corp. noted in a research brief , “Chance variability in the annual number of mass shooting incidents makes it challenging to discern a clear trend, and trend estimates will be sensitive to outliers and to the time frame chosen for analysis.”

The FBI found an increase in active shooter incidents between 2000 and 2021. There were three such incidents in 2000. By 2021, that figure had increased to 61.

Which types of firearms are most commonly used in gun murders in the U.S.?

In 2020, the most recent year for which the FBI has published data, handguns were involved in 59% of the 13,620 U.S. gun murders and non-negligent manslaughters for which data is available. Rifles – the category that includes guns sometimes referred to as “assault weapons” – were involved in 3% of firearm murders. Shotguns were involved in 1%. The remainder of gun homicides and non-negligent manslaughters (36%) involved other kinds of firearms or those classified as “type not stated.”

It’s important to note that the FBI’s statistics do not capture the details on all gun murders in the U.S. each year. The FBI’s data is based on information voluntarily submitted by police departments around the country, and not all agencies participate or provide complete information each year.

Note: This is an update of a post originally published on Aug. 16, 2019.

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