martin luther king jr i have a dream essay

"I Have a Dream"

August 28, 1963

Martin Luther King’s famous “I Have a Dream” speech, delivered at the 28 August 1963  March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom , synthesized portions of his previous sermons and speeches, with selected statements by other prominent public figures.

King had been drawing on material he used in the “I Have a Dream” speech in his other speeches and sermons for many years. The finale of King’s April 1957 address, “A Realistic Look at the Question of Progress in the Area of Race Relations,” envisioned a “new world,” quoted the song “My Country ’Tis of Thee,” and proclaimed that he had heard “a powerful orator say not so long ago, that … Freedom must ring from every mountain side…. Yes, let it ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado…. Let it ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia. Let it ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee. Let it ring from every mountain and hill of Alabama. From every mountain side, let freedom ring” ( Papers  4:178–179 ).

In King’s 1959 sermon “Unfulfilled Hopes,” he describes the life of the apostle Paul as one of “unfulfilled hopes and shattered dreams” ( Papers  6:360 ). He notes that suffering as intense as Paul’s “might make you stronger and bring you closer to the Almighty God,” alluding to a concept he later summarized in “I Have a Dream”: “unearned suffering is redemptive” ( Papers  6:366 ; King, “I Have a Dream,” 84).

In September 1960, King began giving speeches referring directly to the American Dream. In a speech given that month at a conference of the North Carolina branches of the  National Association for the Advancement of Colored People , King referred to the unexecuted clauses of the preamble to the U.S. Constitution and spoke of America as “a dream yet unfulfilled” ( Papers  5:508 ). He advised the crowd that “we must be sure that our struggle is conducted on the highest level of dignity and discipline” and reminded them not to “drink the poisonous wine of hate,” but to use the “way of nonviolence” when taking “direct action” against oppression ( Papers  5:510 ).

King continued to give versions of this speech throughout 1961 and 1962, then calling it “The American Dream.” Two months before the March on Washington, King stood before a throng of 150,000 people at Cobo Hall in Detroit to expound upon making “the American Dream a reality” (King, Address at Freedom Rally, 70). King repeatedly exclaimed, “I have a dream this afternoon” (King, Address at Freedom Rally, 71). He articulated the words of the prophets Amos and Isaiah, declaring that “justice will roll down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream,” for “every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low” (King, Address at Freedom Rally, 72). As he had done numerous times in the previous two years, King concluded his message imagining the day “when all of God’s children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing with the Negroes in the spiritual of old: Free at last! Free at last! Thank God Almighty, we are free at last!” (King,  Address at Freedom Rally , 73).

As King and his advisors prepared his speech for the conclusion of the 1963 march, he solicited suggestions for the text. Clarence  Jones   offered a metaphor for the unfulfilled promise of constitutional rights for African Americans, which King incorporated into the final text: “America has defaulted on this promissory note insofar as her citizens of color are concerned” (King, “I Have a Dream,” 82). Several other drafts and suggestions were posed. References to Abraham Lincoln and the  Emancipation Proclamation  were sustained throughout the countless revisions. King recalled that he did not finish the complete text of the speech until 3:30 A.M. on the morning of 28 August.

Later that day, King stood at the podium overlooking the gathering. Although a typescript version of the speech was made available to the press on the morning of the march, King did not merely read his prepared remarks. He later recalled: “I started out reading the speech, and I read it down to a point … the audience response was wonderful that day…. And all of a sudden this thing came to me that … I’d used many times before.... ‘I have a dream.’ And I just felt that I wanted to use it here … I used it, and at that point I just turned aside from the manuscript altogether. I didn’t come back to it” (King, 29 November 1963).

The following day in the  New York Times,  James Reston wrote: “Dr. King touched all the themes of the day, only better than anybody else. He was full of the symbolism of Lincoln and Gandhi, and the cadences of the Bible. He was both militant and sad, and he sent the crowd away feeling that the long journey had been worthwhile” (Reston, “‘I Have a Dream …’”).

Carey to King, 7 June 1955, in  Papers  2:560–561.

Hansen,  The Dream,  2003.

King, Address at the Freedom Rally in Cobo Hall, in  A Call to Conscience , ed. Carson and Shepard, 2001.

King, “I Have a Dream,” Address Delivered at the March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom, in  A Call to Conscience , ed. Carson and Shepard, 2001.

King, Interview by Donald H. Smith, 29 November 1963,  DHSTR-WHi .

King, “The Negro and the American Dream,” Excerpt from Address at the Annual Freedom Mass Meeting of the North Carolina State Conference of Branches of the NAACP, 25 September 1960, in  Papers  5:508–511.

King, “A Realistic Look at the Question of Progress in the Area of Race Relations,” Address Delivered at St. Louis Freedom Rally, 10 April 1957, in  Papers  4:167–179.

King, Unfulfilled Hopes, 5 April 1959, in  Papers  6:359–367.

James Reston, “‘I Have a Dream…’: Peroration by Dr. King Sums Up a Day the Capital Will Remember,”  New York Times , 29 August 1963.

A Summary and Analysis of Martin Luther King’s ‘I Have a Dream’ Speech

By Dr Oliver Tearle (Loughborough University)

‘I Have a Dream’ is one of the greatest speeches in American history. Delivered by Martin Luther King, Jr. (1929-68) in Washington D.C. in 1963, the speech is a powerful rallying cry for racial equality and for a fairer and equal world in which African Americans will be as free as white Americans.

If you’ve ever stayed up till the small hours working on a presentation you’re due to give the next day, tearing your hair out as you try to find the right words, you can take solace in the fact that as great an orator as Martin Luther King did the same with one of the most memorable speeches ever delivered.

He reportedly stayed up until 4am the night before he was due to give his ‘I Have a Dream’, writing it out in longhand. You can read the speech in full here .

‘I Have a Dream’: background

The occasion for King’s speech was the march on Washington , which saw some 210,000 African American men, women, and children gather at the Washington Monument in August 1963, before marching to the Lincoln Memorial.

They were marching for several reasons, including jobs (many of them were out of work), but the main reason was freedom: King and many other Civil Rights leaders sought to remove segregation of black and white Americans and to ensure black Americans were treated the same as white Americans.

1963 was the centenary of the Emancipation Proclamation , in which then US President Abraham Lincoln (1809-65) had freed the African slaves in the United States in 1863. But a century on from the abolition of slavery, King points out, black Americans still are not free in many respects.

‘I Have a Dream’: summary

King begins his speech by reminding his audience that it’s a century, or ‘five score years’, since that ‘great American’ Abraham Lincoln signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This ensured the freedom of the African slaves, but Black Americans are still not free, King points out, because of racial segregation and discrimination.

America is a wealthy country, and yet many Black Americans live in poverty. It is as if the Black American is an exile in his own land. King likens the gathering in Washington to cashing a cheque: in other words, claiming money that is due to be paid.

Next, King praises the ‘magnificent words’ of the US Constitution and the Declaration of Independence . King compares these documents to a promissory note, because they contain the promise that all men, including Black men, will be guaranteed what the Declaration of Independence calls ‘inalienable rights’: namely, ‘life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness’.

King asserts that America in the 1960s has ‘defaulted’ on this promissory note: in other words, it has refused to pay up. King calls it a ‘sacred obligation’, but America as a nation is like someone who has written someone else a cheque that has bounced and the money owed remains to be paid. But it is not because the money isn’t there: America, being a land of opportunity, has enough ‘funds’ to ensure everyone is prosperous enough.

King urges America to rise out of the ‘valley’ of segregation to the ‘sunlit path of racial justice’. He uses the word ‘brotherhood’ to refer to all Americans, since all men and women are God’s children. He also repeatedly emphasises the urgency of the moment. This is not some brief moment of anger but a necessary new start for America. However, King cautions his audience not to give way to bitterness and hatred, but to fight for justice in the right manner, with dignity and discipline.

Physical violence and militancy are to be avoided. King recognises that many white Americans who are also poor and marginalised feel a kinship with the Civil Rights movement, so all Americans should join together in the cause. Police brutality against Black Americans must be eradicated, as must racial discrimination in hotels and restaurants. States which forbid Black Americans from voting must change their laws.

Martin Luther King then comes to the most famous part of his speech, in which he uses the phrase ‘I have a dream’ to begin successive sentences (a rhetorical device known as anaphora ). King outlines the form that his dream, or ambition or wish for a better America, takes.

His dream, he tells his audience, is ‘deeply rooted’ in the American Dream: that notion that anybody, regardless of their background, can become prosperous and successful in the United States. King once again reminds his listeners of the opening words of the Declaration of Independence: ‘We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal.’

In his dream of a better future, King sees the descendants of former Black slaves and the descendants of former slave owners united, sitting and eating together. He has a dream that one day his children will live in a country where they are judged not by the colour of their skin but by the content of their character.

Even in Mississippi and Alabama, states which are riven by racial injustice and hatred, people of all races will live together in harmony. King then broadens his dream out into ‘our hope’: a collective aspiration and endeavour. King then quotes the patriotic American song ‘ My Country, ’Tis of Thee ’, which describes America as a ‘sweet land of liberty’.

King uses anaphora again, repeating the phrase ‘let freedom ring’ several times in succession to suggest how jubilant America will be on the day that such freedoms are ensured. And when this happens, Americans will be able to join together and be closer to the day when they can sing a traditional African-American hymn : ‘Free at last. Free at last. Thank God almighty, we are free at last.’

‘I Have a Dream’: analysis

Although Martin Luther King’s speech has become known by the repeated four-word phrase ‘I Have a Dream’, which emphasises the personal nature of his vision, his speech is actually about a collective dream for a better and more equal America which is not only shared by many Black Americans but by anyone who identifies with their fight against racial injustice, segregation, and discrimination.

Nevertheless, in working from ‘I have a dream’ to a different four-word phrase, ‘this is our hope’. The shift is natural and yet it is a rhetorical masterstroke, since the vision of a better nation which King has set out as a very personal, sincere dream is thus telescoped into a universal and collective struggle for freedom.

What’s more, in moving from ‘dream’ to a different noun, ‘hope’, King suggests that what might be dismissed as an idealistic ambition is actually something that is both possible and achievable. No sooner has the dream gathered momentum than it becomes a more concrete ‘hope’.

In his ‘I Have a Dream’ speech, King was doing more than alluding to Abraham Lincoln’s signing of the Emancipation Proclamation one hundred years earlier. The opening words to his speech, ‘Five score years ago’, allude to a specific speech Lincoln himself had made a century before: the Gettysburg Address .

In that speech, delivered at the Soldiers’ National Cemetery (now known as Gettysburg National Cemetery) in Gettysburg, Pennsylvania in November 1863, Lincoln had urged his listeners to continue in the fight for freedom, envisioning the day when all Americans – including Black slaves – would be free. His speech famously begins with the words: ‘Four score and seven years ago our fathers brought forth on this continent, a new nation, conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.’

‘Four score and seven years’ is eighty-seven years, which takes us back from 1863 to 1776, the year of the signing of the Declaration of Independence. So, Martin Luther King’s allusion to the words of Lincoln’s historic speech do two things: they call back to Lincoln’s speech but also, by extension, to the founding of the United States almost two centuries before. Although Lincoln and the American Civil War represented progress in the cause to make all Americans free regardless of their ethnicity, King makes it clear in ‘I Have a Dream’ that there is still some way to go.

In the last analysis, King’s speech is a rhetorically clever and emotionally powerful call to use non-violent protest to oppose racial injustice, segregation, and discrimination, but also to ensure that all Americans are lifted out of poverty and degradation.

But most of all, King emphasises the collective endeavour that is necessary to bring about the world he wants his children to live in: the togetherness, the linking of hands, which is essential to make the dream a reality.

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‘I Have a Dream’ Speech

By: History.com Editors

Updated: December 19, 2023 | Original: November 30, 2017

The “I Have a Dream” speech, delivered by Martin Luther King, Jr. before a crowd of some 250,000 people at the 1963 March on Washington, remains one of the most famous speeches in history. Weaving in references to the country’s Founding Fathers and the Bible , King used universal themes to depict the struggles of African Americans before closing with an improvised riff on his dreams of equality. The eloquent speech was immediately recognized as a highlight of the successful protest, and has endured as one of the signature moments of the civil rights movement .

Civil Rights Movement Before the Speech

Martin Luther King Jr. , a young Baptist minister, rose to prominence in the 1950s as a spiritual leader of the burgeoning civil rights movement and president of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SLCC).

By the early 1960s, African Americans had seen gains made through organized campaigns that placed its participants in harm’s way but also garnered attention for their plight. One such campaign, the 1961 Freedom Rides , resulted in vicious beatings for many participants, but resulted in the Interstate Commerce Commission ruling that ended the practice of segregation on buses and in stations.

Similarly, the Birmingham Campaign of 1963, designed to challenge the Alabama city’s segregationist policies, produced the searing images of demonstrators being beaten, attacked by dogs and blasted with high-powered water hoses.

Around the time he wrote his famed “Letter from Birmingham Jail,” King decided to move forward with the idea for another event that coordinated with Negro American Labor Council (NACL) founder A. Philip Randolph’s plans for a job rights march.

March on Washington

Thanks to the efforts of veteran organizer Bayard Rustin, the logistics of the March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom came together by the summer of 1963.

Joining Randolph and King were the fellow heads of the “Big Six” civil rights organizations: Roy Wilkins of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), Whitney Young of the National Urban League (NUL), James Farmer of the Congress on Racial Equality (CORE) and John Lewis of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC).

Other influential leaders also came aboard, including Walter Reuther of the United Auto Workers (UAW) and Joachim Prinz of the American Jewish Congress (AJC).

Scheduled for August 28, the event was to consist of a mile-long march from the Washington Monument to the Lincoln Memorial, in honor of the president who had signed the Emancipation Proclamation a century earlier, and would feature a series of prominent speakers.

Its stated goals included demands for desegregated public accommodations and public schools, redress of violations of constitutional rights and an expansive federal works program to train employees.

The March on Washington produced a bigger turnout than expected, as an estimated 250,000 people arrived to participate in what was then the largest gathering for an event in the history of the nation’s capital.

Along with notable speeches by Randolph and Lewis, the audience was treated to performances by folk luminaries Bob Dylan and Joan Baez and gospel favorite Mahalia Jackson .

‘I Have a Dream’ Speech Origins

In preparation for his turn at the event, King solicited contributions from colleagues and incorporated successful elements from previous speeches. Although his “I have a dream” segment did not appear in his written text, it had been used to great effect before, most recently during a June 1963 speech to 150,000 supporters in Detroit.

Unlike his fellow speakers in Washington, King didn’t have the text ready for advance distribution by August 27. He didn’t even sit down to write the speech until after arriving at his hotel room later that evening, finishing up a draft after midnight.

‘Free At Last’

As the March on Washington drew to a close, television cameras beamed Martin Luther King’s image to a national audience. He began his speech slowly but soon showed his gift for weaving recognizable references to the Bible, the U.S. Constitution and other universal themes into his oratory.

Pointing out how the country’s founders had signed a “promissory note” that offered great freedom and opportunity, King noted that “Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked ‘insufficient funds.'”

At times warning of the potential for revolt, King nevertheless maintained a positive, uplifting tone, imploring the audience to “go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed. Let us not wallow in the valley of despair.”

Mahalia Jackson Prompts MLK: 'Tell 'em About the Dream, Martin'

Around the halfway point of the speech, Mahalia Jackson implored him to “Tell ’em about the ‘Dream,’ Martin.” Whether or not King consciously heard, he soon moved away from his prepared text.

Repeating the mantra, “I have a dream,” he offered up hope that “my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character” and the desire to “transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood.”

“And when this happens,” he bellowed in his closing remarks, “and when we allow freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God’s children, Black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual: ‘Free at last! Free at last! Thank God Almighty, we are free at last!'”

‘I Have a Dream’ Speech Text

I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.

Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of captivity.

But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself in exile in his own land. So we have come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.

In a sense we've come to our nation's Capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence , they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir.

This note was a promise that all men, yes, Black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the unalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.

It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check; a check which has come back marked "insufficient funds."

But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. So we have come to cash this check—a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.

We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God's children.

It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment. This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. Those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. There will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.

But there is something that I must say to my people who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice. In the process of gaining our rightful place we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred. We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.

The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny. And they have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom. We cannot walk alone.

And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall march ahead. We cannot turn back. There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, "When will you be satisfied?"

We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality.

We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities.

We cannot be satisfied as long as the Negro's basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one.

We can never be satisfied as long as our children are stripped of their selfhood and robbed of their dignity by signs stating "for whites only."

We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote.

No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until justice rolls down like waters and righteousness like a mighty stream.

I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. Some of you have come from areas where your quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive.

Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed. Let us not wallow in the valley of despair.

I say to you today, my friends, so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.

I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: "We hold these truths to be self-evident; that all men are created equal."

I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.

I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.

I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.

I have a dream today.

I have a dream that one day down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of interposition and nullification, that one day right down in Alabama little Black boys and Black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.

I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exhalted [sic], every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight, and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed, and all flesh shall see it together.

This is our hope. This is the faith that I will go back to the South with. With this faith we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.

This will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with new meaning, "My country 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing. Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrims' pride, from every mountainside, let freedom ring."

And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true. So let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire. Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York. Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania. Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado. Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California. But not only that; let freedom ring from the Stone Mountain of Georgia. Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee. Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi. From every mountainside, let freedom ring.

And when this happens, and when we allow freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, Black men and white men, Jews and gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual, "Free at last! Free at last! Thank God Almighty, we are free at last!"

MLK Speech Reception

King’s stirring speech was immediately singled out as the highlight of the successful march.

James Reston of The New York Times wrote that the “pilgrimage was merely a great spectacle” until King’s turn, and James Baldwin later described the impact of King’s words as making it seem that “we stood on a height, and could see our inheritance; perhaps we could make the kingdom real.”

Just three weeks after the march, King returned to the difficult realities of the struggle by eulogizing three of the girls killed in the bombing of Sixteenth Street Baptist Church in Birmingham.

Still, his televised triumph at the feet of Lincoln brought favorable exposure to his movement, and eventually helped secure the passage of the landmark Civil Rights Act of 1964 . The following year, after the violent Selma to Montgomery march in Alabama, African Americans secured another victory with the Voting Rights Act of 1965 .

Over the final years of his life, King continued to spearhead campaigns for change even as he faced challenges by increasingly radical factions of the movement he helped popularize. Shortly after visiting Memphis, Tennessee, in support of striking sanitation workers, and just hours after delivering another celebrated speech, “I’ve Been to the Mountaintop,” King was assassinated by shooter James Earl Ray on the balcony of his hotel room on April 4, 1968.

'I Have a Dream' Speech Legacy

Remembered for its powerful imagery and its repetition of a simple and memorable phrase, King’s “I Have a Dream” speech has endured as a signature moment of the civil rights struggle, and a crowning achievement of one of the movement’s most famous faces.

The Library of Congress added the speech to the National Recording Registry in 2002, and the following year the National Park Service dedicated an inscribed marble slab to mark the spot where King stood that day.

In 2016, Time included the speech as one of its 10 greatest orations in history.

HISTORY Vault: Black History

Watch acclaimed Black History documentaries on HISTORY Vault.

“I Have a Dream,” Address Delivered at the March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom. The Martin Luther King, Jr. Research and Education Institute . March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom. National Park Service . JFK, A. Philip Randolph and the March on Washington. The White House Historical Association . The Lasting Power of Dr. King’s Dream Speech. The New York Times .

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HISTORIC ARTICLE

Aug 28, 1963 ce: martin luther king jr. gives "i have a dream" speech.

On August 28, 1963, Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., gave his "I Have a Dream" speech at the March on Washington, a large gathering of civil rights protesters in Washington, D.C., United States.

Social Studies, Civics, U.S. History

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On August 28, 1963, Martin Luther King, Jr., took the podium at the March on Washington  and addressed the gathered crowd, which numbered 200,000 people or more. His speech became famous for its recurring phrase “I have a dream.” He imagined a future in which “the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners" could "sit down together at the table of brotherhood,” a future in which his four children are judged not "by the color of their skin but by the content of their character." King's moving speech became a central part of his legacy. King was born in Atlanta, Georgia, United States, in 1929. Like his father and grandfather, King studied theology and became a Baptist  pastor . In 1957, he was elected president of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference ( SCLC ), which became a leading civil rights organization. Under King's leadership, the SCLC promoted nonviolent resistance to segregation, often in the form of marches and boycotts. In his campaign for racial equality, King gave hundreds of speeches, and was arrested more than 20 times. He won the Nobel Peace Prize in 1964 for his "nonviolent struggle for civil rights ." On April 4, 1968, King was shot and killed while standing on a balcony of his motel room in Memphis, Tennessee, U.S.

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The Lasting Power of Dr. King’s Dream Speech

By Michiko Kakutani

• Aug. 27, 2013

It was late in the day and hot, and after a long march and an afternoon of speeches about federal legislation, unemployment and racial and social justice, the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. finally stepped to the lectern, in front of the Lincoln Memorial, to address the crowd of 250,000 gathered on the National Mall.

He began slowly, with magisterial gravity, talking about what it was to be black in America in 1963 and the “shameful condition” of race relations a hundred years after the Emancipation Proclamation. Unlike many of the day’s previous speakers, he did not talk about particular bills before Congress or the marchers’ demands. Instead, he situated the civil rights movement within the broader landscape of history — time past, present and future — and within the timeless vistas of Scripture.

Dr. King was about halfway through his prepared speech when Mahalia Jackson — who earlier that day had delivered a stirring rendition of the spiritual “I Been ’Buked and I Been Scorned” — shouted out to him from the speakers’ stand: “Tell ’em about the ‘Dream,’ Martin, tell ’em about the ‘Dream’!” She was referring to a riff he had delivered on earlier occasions, and Dr. King pushed the text of his remarks to the side and began an extraordinary improvisation on the dream theme that would become one of the most recognizable refrains in the world.

With his improvised riff, Dr. King took a leap into history, jumping from prose to poetry, from the podium to the pulpit. His voice arced into an emotional crescendo as he turned from a sobering assessment of current social injustices to a radiant vision of hope — of what America could be. “I have a dream,” he declared, “my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character. I have a dream today!”

Many in the crowd that afternoon, 50 years ago on Wednesday, had taken buses and trains from around the country. Many wore hats and their Sunday best — “People then,” the civil rights leader John Lewis would recall, “when they went out for a protest, they dressed up” — and the Red Cross was passing out ice cubes to help alleviate the sweltering August heat. But if people were tired after a long day, they were absolutely electrified by Dr. King. There was reverent silence when he began speaking, and when he started to talk about his dream, they called out, “Amen,” and, “Preach, Dr. King, preach,” offering, in the words of his adviser Clarence B. Jones, “every version of the encouragements you would hear in a Baptist church multiplied by tens of thousands.”

You could feel “the passion of the people flowing up to him,” James Baldwin, a skeptic of that day’s March on Washington, later wrote, and in that moment, “it almost seemed that we stood on a height, and could see our inheritance; perhaps we could make the kingdom real.”

Dr. King’s speech was not only the heart and emotional cornerstone of the March on Washington, but also a testament to the transformative powers of one man and the magic of his words. Fifty years later, it is a speech that can still move people to tears. Fifty years later, its most famous lines are recited by schoolchildren and sampled by musicians. Fifty years later, the four words “I have a dream” have become shorthand for Dr. King’s commitment to freedom, social justice and nonviolence, inspiring activists from Tiananmen Square to Soweto, Eastern Europe to the West Bank.

Why does Dr. King’s “Dream” speech exert such a potent hold on people around the world and across the generations? Part of its resonance resides in Dr. King’s moral imagination. Part of it resides in his masterly oratory and gift for connecting with his audience — be they on the Mall that day in the sun or watching the speech on television or, decades later, viewing it online. And part of it resides in his ability, developed over a lifetime, to convey the urgency of his arguments through language richly layered with biblical and historical meanings.

The son, grandson and great-grandson of Baptist ministers, Dr. King was comfortable with the black church’s oral tradition, and he knew how to read his audience and react to it; he would often work jazzlike improvisations around favorite sermonic riffs — like the “dream” sequence — cutting and pasting his own words and those of others. At the same time, the sonorous cadences and ringing, metaphor-rich language of the King James Bible came instinctively to him. Quotations from the Bible, along with its vivid imagery, suffused his writings, and he used them to put the sufferings of African-Americans in the context of Scripture — to give black audience members encouragement and hope, and white ones a visceral sense of identification.

In his “Dream” speech, Dr. King alludes to a famous passage from Galatians, when he speaks of “that day when all of God’s children — black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics — will be able to join hands.” As he did in many of his sermons, he also drew parallels between “the Negro” still an “exile in his own land” and the plight of the Israelites in Exodus, who, with God on their side, found deliverance from hardship and oppression, escaping slavery in Egypt to journey toward the Promised Land.

The entire March on Washington speech reverberates with biblical rhythms and parallels, and bristles with a panoply of references to other historical and literary texts that would have resonated with his listeners. In addition to allusions to the prophets Isaiah (“I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, every hill and mountain shall be made low”) and Amos (“We will not be satisfied until justice rolls down like waters and righteousness like a mighty stream”), there are echoes of the Declaration of Independence (“the unalienable rights of life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness”); Shakespeare (“this sweltering summer of the Negro’s legitimate discontent”); and popular songs like Woody Guthrie’s “This Land Is Your Land” (“Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York,” “Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California”).

Such references added amplification and depth of field to the speech, much the way T. S. Eliot’s myriad allusions in “The Waste Land” add layered meaning to that poem. Dr. King, who had a doctorate in theology and once contemplated a career in academia, was shaped by both his childhood in his father’s church and his later studies of disparate thinkers like Reinhold Niebuhr, Gandhi and Hegel. Along the way, he developed a gift for synthesizing assorted ideas and motifs and making them his own — a gift that enabled him to address many different audiences at once, while making ideas that some might find radical somehow familiar and accessible. It was a gift that in some ways mirrored his abilities as the leader of the civil rights movement, tasked with holding together often contentious factions (from more militant figures like Stokely Carmichael to more conservative ones like Roy Wilkins), while finding a way to balance the concerns of grass-roots activists with the need to forge a working alliance with the federal government.

At the same time, Dr. King was also able to nestle his arguments within a historical continuum, lending them the authority of tradition and the weight of association. For some, in his audience, the articulation of his dream for America would have evoked conscious or unconscious memories of Langston Hughes’s call in a 1935 poem to “let America be the dream the dreamers dreamed” and W. E. B. Du Bois’s description of the “wonderful America, which the founding fathers dreamed.” His final lines in the March on Washington speech come from a Negro spiritual reminding listeners of slaves’ sustaining faith in the possibility of liberation: “Free at last, free at last; thank God Almighty, we are free at last.”

For those less familiar with African-American music and literature, there were allusions with immediate, patriotic connotations. Much the way Lincoln redefined the founders’ vision of America in his Gettysburg Address by invoking the Declaration of Independence, so Dr. King in his “Dream” speech makes references to both the Gettysburg Address and the Declaration of Independence. These deliberate echoes helped universalize the moral underpinnings of the civil rights movement and emphasized that its goals were only as revolutionary as the founding fathers’ original vision of the United States. Dr. King’s dream for America’s “citizens of color” was no more, no less than the American Dream of a country where “all men are created equal.”

As for Dr. King’s quotation of “My Country, ’Tis of Thee” — an almost de facto national anthem, familiar even to children — it underscored civil rights workers’ patriotic belief in the project of reinventing America. For Dr. King, it might have elicited personal memories, too. The night his home was bombed during the bus boycott in Montgomery, Ala., endangering the lives of his wife, Coretta, and their infant daughter, he calmed the crowd gathered in front of their house, saying, “I want you to love our enemies.” Some of his supporters reportedly broke into song, including hymns and “My Country, ’Tis of Thee.”

The March on Washington and Dr. King’s “Dream” speech would play an important role in helping pass the 1964 Civil Rights Act, and the pivotal Selma to Montgomery march that he led in 1965 would provide momentum for the passage later that year of the Voting Rights Act. Though Dr. King received the Nobel Peace Prize in 1964 , his exhausting schedule (he had been giving hundreds of speeches a year) and his frustration with schisms in the civil rights movement and increasing violence in the country led to growing weariness and depression before his assassination in 1968.

The knowledge that Dr. King gave his life to the cause lends an added poignancy to the experience of hearing his speeches today. And so does being reminded now — in the second term of Barack Obama’s presidency — of the dire state of race relations in the early 1960s, when towns in the South still had separate schools, restaurants, hotels and bathrooms for blacks and whites, and discrimination in housing and employment was prevalent across the country. Only two and a half months before the “Dream” speech, Gov. George Wallace had stood in a doorway at the University of Alabama in an attempt to block two black students from trying to register; the next day the civil rights activist Medgar Evers was assassinated in front of his home in Jackson, Miss.

President Obama, who once wrote about his mother’s coming home “with books on the civil rights movement, the recordings of Mahalia Jackson, the speeches of Dr. King,” has described the leaders of the movement as “giants whose shoulders we stand on.” Some of his own speeches owe a clear debt to Dr. King’s ideas and words.

In his 2004 Democratic National Convention keynote address, which brought him to national attention, Mr. Obama channeled Dr. King’s vision of hope, speaking of coming “together as one American family.” In his 2008 speech about race, he talked, much as Dr. King had, of continuing “on the path of a more perfect union.” And in his 2007 speech commemorating the 1965 Selma march, he echoed Dr. King’s remarks about Exodus, describing Dr. King and the other civil rights leaders as members of the Moses generation who “pointed the way” and “took us 90 percent of the way there.” He and his contemporaries were their heirs, Mr. Obama said — they were members of the Joshua generation with the responsibility of finishing “the journey Moses had begun.”

Dr. King knew it would not be easy to “transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood” — difficulties that persist today with new debates over voter registration laws and the Trayvon Martin shooting. Dr. King probably did not foresee a black president celebrating the 50th anniversary of his speech in front of the Lincoln Memorial, and surely did not foresee a monument to himself just a short walk away. But he did dream of a future in which the country embarked on “the sunlit path of racial justice,” and he foresaw, with bittersweet prescience, that 1963, as he put it, was “not an end, but a beginning.”

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I Have a Dream Speech

Martin luther king, jr., ask litcharts ai: the answer to your questions.

In his “I Have a Dream” speech, minister and civil rights activist Martin Luther King Jr. outlines the long history of racial injustice in America and encourages his audience to hold their country accountable to its own founding promises of freedom, justice, and equality.

King begins his speech by reminding his audience—the 250,000+ attendees at the March on Washington in August of 1963—that it has been over a century since the Emancipation Proclamation was signed into law, ending slavery in America. But even though Black Americans are technically free from slavery, they are not free in any larger sense—the “chains of discrimination” and the “manacles of segregation” continue to define the Black experience in America. It is time, King argues, for Black Americans to “cash [the] check” they were promised a century ago and demand “the riches of freedom and the security of justice.” There is no more time to waste in pursuit of a gradual solution to racism, King says—it is the “ sweltering summer of the Negro’s legitimate discontent,” and the country has reached its boiling point.

Even though King calls for the “whirlwinds of revolt” to spin into action, he urges those on the front lines of the civil rights movement not to let “bitterness and hatred” define their actions. They cannot to let their movement for justice “degenerate into physical violence.” King reminds his listeners to remain in the “majestic heights” of nonviolent resistance and also to not see their white allies as enemies. In order to bring true justice about, King says, Americans of all races will need to unite and remain true to the values of nonviolent solidarity.

King acknowledges the long and difficult struggles that many of his listeners have already faced—he knows that those involved in the movement for civil rights have been beaten, insulted, and incarcerated. Still, he urges them to return home from the march to wherever they may live, be it in the sweltering South or in the “ghettos of the northern cities,” confident in the value and promise of their fight.

Then King invokes the dream he has for America: a dream that one day the country will “live out the true meaning of its creed” and make it a reality that “all men are created equal.” He dreams that his children will one day live in a society where they will be judged not “by the color of their skin but by the content of their character” and that, in the future, Black children and white children will join hands as sisters and brothers.

King urges his listeners to take their faith in meaningful change back to their hometowns—they must continue to struggle together, face incarceration together, and “stand up for freedom together” in order to truly make America a great nation. He calls for freedom to ring out across the country, from the highest mountains of Colorado, to Stone Mountain of Georgia, to “every hill and molehill of Mississippi.” When America collectively allows freedom to ring across its hills and valleys, he says, only then will “black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Catholics and Protestants” be able to sing truthfully and honestly the words of the old Negro spiritual: “Free at last, free at last; thank God Almighty, we are free at last.”

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Civil rights leader Martin Luther King Jr. addresses the crowd at the Lincoln Memorial in Washington, D.C., where he gave his "I Have a Dream" speech on Aug. 28, 1963, as part of the March on Washington. AFP via Getty Images hide caption

Civil rights leader Martin Luther King Jr. addresses the crowd at the Lincoln Memorial in Washington, D.C., where he gave his "I Have a Dream" speech on Aug. 28, 1963, as part of the March on Washington.

Monday marks Martin Luther King, Jr. Day. Below is a transcript of his celebrated "I Have a Dream" speech, delivered on Aug. 28, 1963, on the steps of the Lincoln Memorial. NPR's Talk of the Nation aired the speech in 2010 — listen to that broadcast at the audio link above.

Martin Luther King Jr. and other civil rights leaders gather before a rally at the Lincoln Memorial on Aug. 28, 1963, in Washington. National Archives/Hulton Archive via Getty Images hide caption

Rev. Martin Luther King Jr.: Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity.

But 100 years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself in exile in his own land. And so we've come here today to dramatize a shameful condition. In a sense we've come to our nation's capital to cash a check.

Code Switch

The power of martin luther king jr.'s anger.

When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men — yes, Black men as well as white men — would be guaranteed the unalienable rights of life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness.

It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked insufficient funds.

But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt.

Martin Luther King is not your mascot

We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. And so we've come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.

We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism.

Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quick sands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God's children.

Civil rights protesters march from the Washington Monument to the Lincoln Memorial for the March on Washington on Aug. 28, 1963. Kurt Severin/Three Lions/Hulton Archive/Getty Images hide caption

It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment. This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. 1963 is not an end, but a beginning. Those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual.

There will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.

But there is something that I must say to my people who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice. In the process of gaining our rightful place, we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred.

Throughline

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We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again, we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force. The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny.

And they have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom. We cannot walk alone. And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead. We cannot turn back.

There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, when will you be satisfied? We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality. We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities.

We cannot be satisfied as long as the Negro's basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one. We can never be satisfied as long as our children are stripped of their selfhood and robbed of their dignity by signs stating: for whites only.

We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote.

No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until justice rolls down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream.

How The Voting Rights Act Came To Be And How It's Changed

I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. Some of you have come from areas where your quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive. Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our Northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed.

Let us not wallow in the valley of despair, I say to you today, my friends.

So even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream. I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal.

People clap and sing along to a freedom song between speeches at the March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom in 1963. Express Newspapers via Getty Images hide caption

I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.

I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.

I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character. I have a dream today.

I have a dream that one day down in Alabama with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of interposition and nullification, one day right down in Alabama little Black boys and Black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers. I have a dream today.

I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight, and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed, and all flesh shall see it together.

Nikole Hannah-Jones on the power of collective memory

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This is our hope. This is the faith that I go back to the South with. With this faith, we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.

This will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with new meaning: My country, 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing. Land where my fathers died, land of the pilgrims' pride, from every mountainside, let freedom ring.

And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true. And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire. Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York. Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania. Let freedom ring from the snowcapped Rockies of Colorado. Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California. But not only that, let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia. Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee. Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi. From every mountainside, let freedom ring.

And when this happens, and when we allow freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, Black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual: Free at last. Free at last. Thank God almighty, we are free at last.

Correction Jan. 15, 2024

A previous version of this transcript included the line, "We have also come to his hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of now." The correct wording is "We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of now."

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"I Have a Dream" Rhetorical Analysis

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Published: Sep 14, 2018

Words: 617 | Page: 1 | 4 min read

In his iconic speech delivered on August 28, 1963, on the steps of the Lincoln Memorial in Washington D.C., Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. passionately addressed the pressing issues of segregation, racism, and civil rights in the United States. Known as the "I Have a Dream" speech, this historic oration aimed to inspire change and justice, making it one of the most renowned speeches in history. Themes of freedom, unity, justice, and injustice permeated Dr. King's speech, emphasizing the core values that underpinned the civil rights movement. His use of emotional appeal, or pathos, stirred compassion and determination within his audience, making them feel a shared sense of purpose.

By skillfully weaving together rhetorical devices, pathos, ethos, and logos, Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. effectively delivered a message that resonated deeply with his audience. The "I Have a Dream" speech was not just a pivotal moment in American history but also a call to action, inspiring countless individuals to work towards equality and justice for all.

Hook Examples for Martin Luther King Essay

• An Icon’s Words: In the turbulent 1960s, Martin Luther King Jr.’s words echoed through the American conscience, igniting change and inspiring hope. In this essay, we’ll delve into the power of his speeches and the lasting impact of his message.
• Walking the Path of Justice: Martin Luther King Jr.’s journey for civil rights wasn’t just a historical moment—it was a lifelong commitment. Join us in this essay as we trace the steps of a leader who fearlessly walked the path of justice.
• From Montgomery to Memphis: The Civil Rights Movement was a defining chapter in American history, and Martin Luther King Jr. was at its forefront. Explore the pivotal moments and sacrifices in the life of a man who became an icon of change.
• The Dream Lives On: More than five decades after his death, the dream of Martin Luther King Jr. continues to resonate. In this essay, we’ll examine how his legacy shapes the ongoing struggle for equality and justice.
• A Man of Peace: In a world marked by turmoil, Martin Luther King Jr. stood as a beacon of nonviolent resistance. Join us as we explore the principles of peace and equality that defined the life of this remarkable leader.

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I Have A Dream Speech

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What are the facets of Martin Luther King, Jr.’s dream? Are these realistic or idealistic? Can they be accomplished?

Dr. King advocated for nonviolent responses to police brutality. In the wake of the killing of George Floyd, Michael Brown, and other acts of police brutality, what might Dr. King advise? What would he say in a speech on the subject?

In what ways is “I Have a Dream” a speech for a specific time and place, and in what ways is it universal? Does reading it more than a half century later change its meaning and if so, how?

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I Have a Dream Speech Analysis Research Paper

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Searching for I Have a Dream speech analysis? Look no further! This literary analysis focuses on rhetorical devices and persuasive techniques used by Martin Luther King, Jr.

Introduction

• Summary & the Key Messages
• Analysis of the Structure
• Ethos, Logos, & Pathos

“I Have a Dream” is the most famous speech by Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. It is also considered as the best and greatest speech that was proclaimed in the history of the United States. It gathered more than 200,000 Americans of all races at the Lincoln Memorial on August 28, 1963.

The speech is an excellent example of persuasive rhetoric filled with many expressive means and stylistic devices, such as metaphors, repetitions, allusions, epithets and persuasive constructions. The speech has become a symbol of a new era of freedom and symbol of the American civil rights movement.

I Have a Dream: Summary & the Key Messages

“I Have a Dream” is a representation of the “America Dream” about a free and equal society. As Leff & Kauffeld (1989) mention, “Martin Luther King Jr.’s speech won immediate and sustained praise and has become a moral compass in American political culture” (p. 181).

The speech had a great influence on minds and visions of all Americans and “forever “legitimized” civil rights in the minds of most Amricans” (Leff & Kauffeld 1989, p. 181).

Marin Luther King was among the founders of the American civil rights movement. He led an active political life. He attended the Morehouse College in Atlanta, and then studied theology at Crozer Theological Seminary in Pennsylvania and Boston University.

In 1955, he became a president of the Montgomery Improvement Association and gained a public recognition for his activities in the campaign. He also is one of the organizers of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference in 1957. In 1963, the members of the conference led mass demonstrations in Alabama. These demonstrations resulted in the passage in the Civil Rights Act of 1964.

During one of the march demonstrations for Jobs and Freedom, King pronounced his famous speech. (Durgut 2008). The main purpose of the speech is expressed in its name “I Have a Dream”. The dream of the author was to live in a free society and make all people equal regardless race and social position.

Passionately and powerfully, he claimed that reformation of the society is a task of the future. His words became a meaningful expression of the political and cultural situation in the country and “shaped” the idea for which every American should struggle.

Thus, his speech was aimed at inspiring Americans to take actions and improve their lives. The key message of the speech is “We hold these truths to be self evident, that all men are created equal” (King 1963, n. p.). In order to come to this subject, the author divides the speech into three parts: introduction, first part (American reality) and second part (the prospects of the future).

First of all, he outlines the problem, “One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination” (King 1963, n. p.), then he provides the detailed description of the racial injustice and inequality that face Americans.

He also inspired the listeners to rebel against these injustices claiming that “Now is the time” for changes, “now is the time to make real the promises of democracy” (King 1963, n. p.). Thus, he prepared people for the second part of his speech in which he presented the results of the changes.

King also expresses the dissatisfactions with the policies and laws which discriminated African Americans and their rights. The intended audience was the government representatives.

However, the author was intended to “touch minds” of all people, both black and white from all social layers. Emotionally and with anticipation, he addresses the people of America and, especially Negro people to whom he belongs:

But there is something that I must say to my people, who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice: In the process of gaining our rightful place, we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred (King 1963, n. p.).

He says “we” in order to show his concern and participation. When emphasizing the word “we” he demonstrates that everybody who understands the problem and seeks changes is involved and the “problem” is not a concern of the particular individuals, but it is a common problem and everybody should make his/her contribution to solve it.

The purpose of the author is to inform and inspire people for struggle and prepare them for changes. He builds his speech so that it was meaningful not only for political activists and Negro people, but to everybody. He says:

…the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny (King 1963, n. p.).

Thus, we can see that the speech is addressed to white people as well. Moreover, King says that “all people are brothers” and there is no racial distinction. Next important trait of the speech is that it was written at the time when the question of racial discrimination was urgent.

Black people faced inequality and violence. “King is known as a charismatic orator. His way of persuading people was to use the power of words instead of physical violence” (Durgut 2008, n. p.).

He knew exactly how to use words, and after he delivered the speech “I Have a Dream”, he gained a great appreciation from people and was called “The Man of the Year” by The Times magazine.

Moreover, a year later, he was awarded by the Nobel Peace Prize for his great contribution to the establishment of justice and peace in the world. These facts demonstrate how people assumed about the author and his activities.

During the time when the speech was proclaimed, television transferred the recent events of the raising struggle for civil rights. There were the episodes of the violence in Birmingham and Alabama. The March on Washington became the first step towards equality and justice.

Regardless the fact that by the time when the speech was proclaimed Abraham Lincoln put an end to slavery and signed the Emancipation Proclamation, discrimination and inequality still had a great power and did not decrease at local and even national levels.

This reality inspired King that something should be done in order to “open people’s eyes” and spread the ideas of equality and justice. In his speech, the author makes allusions to the documents that also addressed the same ideas as his speech.

He refers to the Emancipation Proclamation and the Bill of Rights; the author also cites the words from the Declaration of Independence, and addresses the Bible in order to show that God created all people equal and it was the responsibility of every person to preserve that equality. King met a great response from the audience.

The text of the speech was heard by a broad audience due to television and this allowed the author to reach “the hearts” of many people around America.

These days, the text of the speech is widely available for all who wants to read it. It can be found on the Internet at the American Rhetoric and other sites, as well as in many anthologies and books. The audio and video versions of the speech are also available on the Internet.

The main idea the all people should be treated equal is heard in every line of the text. In order to make the speech emotional and persuasive, King made use many stylistic devices, as well as paid a great attention to the content.

“I have a Dream” is a political speech with the elements of a sermon. According to the Aristotelian classification, it is a deliberative speech. The distinctive feature of this type of speech is the purpose of it. It aims at enabling the audience to make a judgment or a decision during the speech.

I Have a Dream: Analysis of the Speech Structure

There are three main parts of the speech: exordium, narration and argumentation and peroratio (introduction, main part and closing) (Black 2008). In every part of the speech, King presents particular information. With regard to the content, structure of the text has a great importance in representation of this content.

Every type of speech should begin with the exordium, “the functions of the exordium are to make the audience attentive, docile and benevolent” (Durgut 2008, n. p.).

Traditionally, the content of the introduction of the speech should present the salutation of the audience, the main idea and some general additional information to attract the listeners’ attention. Martin Luther King managed to include all the points into one sentence, “I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation” (King 1963, n. p.).

Furthermore, the narration presents arguments, evidences and prospects for the future. The main part of Luther’s speech can also be divided into two parts. The first part of the main text provides the audience with the historical background of the “problem”.

The author describes social and political events that had place “Five score years ago” and the results that people could see “one hundred years later” (3 times) (King 1963, n. p.). In the next paragraphs, he calls people for action telling “now is the time” which he uses four times, “Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy.

Now is the time to rise from the dark… Now is the time to lift our nation… Now is the time to make justice a reality…” (King 1963, n. p.). The author also set goals for people who are ready to protect their rights and freedoms, “and as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall march ahead. We cannot turn back” (King 1963, n. p.).

He claims that people “can never be satisfied” as long as they have to be the victims of unjust policies and racial prejudice. In order to supper his argument, the author uses convincing evidences which he observed in the society.

He also makes allusions to historical documents, such as The Emancipation Proclamation, the United States Constitution and the Declaration of Independence. In addition, he refers to the Bible as to a foundation of the “human law and justice”. The second part of the text is the author’s expectations.

He looks into the future with the words “I Have a Dream”, it is the main theme of the paragraph, as well as the speech as a whole. He begins this part with an emotional introduction, “I say to you today, my friends, that in spite of the difficulties and frustrations of the moment I still have a dream.

It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream” (King 1963, n. p.). He addresses a strong message for Caucasian people about peace and equality, and he expresses his hope that the positive changes will come in the nearest future, “King gave advice how to act and what to change currently, so his vision of the common future for the American society might come true one day” (Durgut 2008, n. p.).

He claims, “let freedom ring from” all over the United States and people will live happy. This idea is voiced in the peroration of the speech, and it provides strong and persuasive ending of the text.

As it has already been mentioned, King was a skillful orator and his speech is an example of high quality rhetoric. His speech presents all types of appeals, such as ethos, pathos and logos. “Pathos refers to how well you can appeal to someone’s emotion” (Black 2008, p. 48).

Ethos, Logos, & Pathos in I Have a Dream

Dr. Martin Luther King’s persuasive “I Have a Dream” speech was fueled by emotional components. He said that “African Americans were living on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity.” (Black 2008 p. 48).

He persuaded to give the black Americans the equal rights, in the passage of his speech he says that “all men – yes, black men as well as Caucasians men – would be guaranteed the unalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness” (King 1963, n. p.).

He uses logos when referring to historical documents and the Bible. Providing that all people are equal and friend, Martin Luther King uses ethos.

Language and style of the speech are bright, expressive and persuasive. He makes use various methods to convince the audience. Thus, he widely uses repetitions of key phrases and “theme words”, make allusions to significant historical events and important documents, provides specific examples to make his arguments significant and use broad metaphors to emphasize important moments and highlight the most important concepts and ideas.

So, the most important phrases that serve to attract the audience’s attention, such as “Now is the time…”, “We can never (cannot) be satisfied…”, “I Have a Dream…”, “Let freedom ring (from) …” are repeated in the successful sentences, or at the beginning of the sentences.

The theme words are repeated extensively through the text, they are “freedom” (20 times), “dream” (11), “we” (30), “our” (17), “justice” (8). Among the most “impressive” metaphors used by King are:

“Joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity”;

“The Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity”;

“Rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice”. (King 1963, n. p.).

Thus, we can come to a conclusion that the speech “I Have a Dream” is the most impressive political speeches that had a great influence on the history of the United States, and shaped visions of many Americans.

It is one of the best examples of the rhetorical art and persuasive writing. Thus, as Kenneth Tamarkin & Jeri W. Bayer (2002) say, “Martin Luther’s “I Have a Dream” speech is an eloquent appeal for integration and equality” (p. 399), and the representation of the American dream.

I Have a Dream Analysis: FAQ

• What Am I Have a Dream Speech about? One of the most iconic speeches in US history aims to put an end to racism in America. The key message of I Have a Dream by Martin Luther King, Jr. Is the importance of equal civil and economic rights for all US citizens.
• What Was the Purpose of the I Have a Dream Speech? In I Have a Dream , Martin Luther King, Jr. addressed the issues of racism and segregation in the US. He encouraged using non-violent protests as a weapon to fight inequality.
• When Was the I Have a Dream Speech? The speech was delivered on August 28, 1963, during the March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom. Martin Luther King presented his speech from the Lincoln Memorial in Washington, D.C., to over 250,000 civil rights supporters.

Reference List

Black, Barry C. (2008). From the hood to the hill: A story of overcoming. New York: Thomas Nelson Inc.

Durgut, Ismail. (2008). “I Have a Dream”: an example of classical rhetoric in a post-modern speech . London: GRIN Verlag.

King, Martin Luther. (1963). I Have a Dream. American Rhetoric . Retrieved from https://americanrhetoric.com/speeches/mlkihaveadream.htm

Leff, Michael C., & Kauffeld, Fred J. (1989). Texts in context: critical dialogues on significant episodes in American political rhetoric . Davis: Routledge.

Tamarkin, Kenneth, & Bayer, Jeri W. (2002). McGraw-Hill’s GED Social Studies . New York: McGraw-Hill Professional.

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The Remarkable Achievements of Martin Luther King Jr.

This essay is about the significant accomplishments of Martin Luther King Jr. in the Civil Rights Movement. It highlights his leadership in the Montgomery Bus Boycott, the founding of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference, and his role in the Birmingham Campaign. It discusses his influential “I Have a Dream” speech during the March on Washington and his impact on the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965. The essay also touches on King’s broader focus on economic justice, exemplified by the Poor People’s Campaign. King’s enduring legacy is emphasized, showcasing his contributions to social justice, nonviolent activism, and the ongoing fight for equality.

How it works

Martin Luther King Jr. is one of the most legendary figures in American history, a luminary whose name is synonymous with the struggle for civil liberties and societal equity. His contributions to the Civil Rights Movement were profound and extensive, transcending his renowned “I Have a Dream” discourse. King’s steadfast commitment to nonviolent resistance and his relentless pursuit of parity fundamentally reshaped American society and etched an indelible imprint on the global landscape.

Among King’s initial and pivotal achievements stood his leadership in the Montgomery Bus Boycott of 1955-1956.

This boycott was sparked by the detainment of Rosa Parks, an African American woman who refused to relinquish her seat to a Caucasian passenger. King’s role as president of the Montgomery Improvement Association positioned him at the forefront of the protest. His leadership and eloquence served to mobilize the African American populace, fortifying their determination throughout a grueling 381-day endeavor. This concerted action culminated in a Supreme Court verdict that deemed segregation on public transit unconstitutional, marking a significant triumph in the pursuit of civil liberties.

In 1957, King played a pivotal role in establishing the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC). This institution aimed to harness the ethical authority and organizational prowess of African American churches to conduct nonviolent protests and civil disobedience campaigns. Under King’s stewardship, the SCLC emerged as a driving force in the Civil Rights Movement, orchestrating numerous demonstrations and initiatives that contested systemic racism and inequality across the Southern United States.

One of the most notable and impactful campaigns spearheaded by King was the Birmingham Campaign of 1963. This series of protests aimed to confront the pervasive segregation in Birmingham, Alabama, a city infamous for its brutal enforcement of racial segregation. The nonviolent protests encountered vehement opposition from local authorities, including the deployment of police canines and high-pressure water hoses against demonstrators. King’s subsequent detainment led to his composition of the “Epistle from Birmingham Prison,” a potent and articulate defense of civil disobedience and the ethical imperative to combat injustice. The Birmingham Campaign drew national attention to the harsh realities of segregation and significantly bolstered the momentum of the Civil Rights Movement, resulting in a desegregation accord and heightened federal involvement.

King’s capacity to inspire and mobilize masses was further evidenced during the 1963 March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom. This historic convocation brought together over 250,000 participants, rendering it one of the largest political assemblies in American history. It was here that King delivered his iconic “I Have a Dream” discourse, a masterful exposition that articulated a vision of racial concordance and egalitarianism. The discourse resonated deeply with millions of Americans and played a pivotal role in shaping public sentiment and garnering support for civil rights legislation.

The Civil Rights Movement achieved one of its most significant legislative victories with the enactment of the Civil Rights Act of 1964. This landmark legislation outlawed discrimination based on race, color, religion, sex, or national origin, and King’s relentless advocacy and strategic leadership were instrumental in its passage. This Act represented a monumental stride toward achieving racial parity in America and stood as a testament to the steadfast efforts of King and his fellow activists.

King’s endeavors did not cease with the Civil Rights Act. He continued to advocate tirelessly for voting rights, culminating in the historic Selma to Montgomery marches of 1965. These marches, which spotlighted the systemic disenfranchisement of African Americans in the Southern United States, were pivotal in the enactment of the Voting Rights Act of 1965. This Act abolished various forms of voting discrimination, ensuring greater political participation and representation for African Americans.

Beyond his achievements in the realm of civil rights, King also addressed issues of economic equity and global peace. He spoke out against poverty and economic inequality, emphasizing the need for a comprehensive approach to social justice that encompassed economic rights. In his later years, King increasingly focused on the nexus of race, economic exploitation, and militarism, advocating for a broader conception of human rights that embraced not only civil but also economic and social well-being.

One of King’s most ambitious initiatives in this regard was the Poor People’s Campaign, inaugurated in 1968. This campaign aimed to redress economic injustice and sought to unite impoverished individuals of all races in demanding improved employment opportunities, housing, education, and livelihoods. King recognized that the struggle for civil rights was inherently intertwined with economic rights and that genuine parity could not be attained without addressing the economic disparities afflicting millions of Americans.

King’s legacy is reflected in the ongoing struggle for civil rights and social justice. His philosophy of nonviolence and his unwavering commitment to equality continue to inspire movements worldwide. King’s birthday is now commemorated as a national holiday in the United States, honoring his contributions and reminding us of the importance of continuing the fight for justice and equality.

In contemporary times, King’s teachings remain profoundly pertinent. The proliferation of digital communication and social media has spawned new avenues for activism, echoing King’s calls for justice and equality in the modern era. Movements such as Black Lives Matter draw direct inspiration from King’s legacy, advocating for racial justice and systemic reform in a society still grappling with persistent issues of inequality and discrimination.

King’s influence extends into education and community development. Schools, thoroughfares, and edifices throughout the United States bear his appellation, serving as enduring reminders of his impact and the principles he espoused. Educational initiatives inspired by his work aim to perpetuate his mission by fostering comprehension, tolerance, and activism among successive generations.

King’s approach to activism—grounded in love, compassion, and unwavering resolve—proffers a paradigm for effecting social transformation. His emphasis on the interconnectedness of all struggles for justice and his adeptness at forging alliances across disparate groups underscore the potency of unity and collective action. King’s vision of a “beloved community,” wherein individuals of all backgrounds coexist in harmony and mutual respect, endures as an aspirational ideal that continues to inform and inspire.

In summation, Martin Luther King Jr.’s accomplishments are extensive and profound, spanning from the integration of public transportation to the enactment of landmark civil rights legislation. His leadership in the Civil Rights Movement, characterized by his commitment to nonviolence and his capacity to inspire collective action, engendered significant social change and left an enduring imprint on American society. King’s vision for a just and equitable world remains a guiding beacon for those dedicated to advancing human rights and dignity for all. His work serves as a powerful reminder of the enduring importance of standing up against injustice and striving for a better, more inclusive future. His legacy is a testament to the power of dedicated, principled activism in effecting societal transformation and advancing the cause of human rights.

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Leading Womanist Ethicist and Theologian Named New MLK Professor of Religion and Black Studies at STH

Emilie townes says she hopes to foster conversations in an increasingly polarized culture.

Emilie Townes comes to BU from Vanderbilt University’s Divinity School, where she was dean emerita and the Distinguished Professor of Womanist Ethics and Society. She previously taught at Yale University and Union Theological Seminary. Photo courtesy of Vanderbilt Divinity School

Emilie Townes was all set to retire in two years from the Divinity School at Vanderbilt University and return to teaching full-time. Then she accepted an invitation to meet with a search committee member from Boston University’s School of Theology regarding a renowned—and recently vacated—professorship bearing the name of civil rights icon and BU alum Martin Luther King, Jr. (GRS’55, Hon.’59). 

The committee member advised Townes , Vanderbilt’s E. Rhodes and Leona B. Carpenter Chair in Ethics and Society and University Distinguished Professor of Womanist Ethics and Society, to view the potential role—newly renamed the Martin Luther King, Jr. Professor of Religion and Black Studies—as a capstone to a career in theological education that dates back more than four decades.

“I hate that kind of language,” Townes says with a smile. “You don’t have a capstone, you have a job to do, and you do it.”

Townes says she took the meeting “as a courtesy.” It didn’t take long in the interview process, however, for Townes to feel STH was where she needed to be.

“As soon as Emilie Townes applied and expressed interest in the MLK professorship, we knew we need not look any further,” says G. Sujin Pak , dean of STH. “She was not just our top candidate, she is our dream candidate! So, the search process became crystal clear from STH’s view. The possibility of attracting the Emilie Townes is an unparalleled, transformative opportunity.”

Townes will become STH’s new Martin Luther King, Jr. Professor of Religion and Black Studies effective July 1. According to STH, the professorship honors King “by modeling the moral authority, prophetic vision of justice, peace, and love, ethical leadership, and global consciousness that he advocated for and embodied.” The chair, previously named the Martin Luther King, Jr. Professor of Ethical Leadership, had been held by longtime STH faculty member Rev. Walter E. Fluker (GRS’88, STH’88, Hon.’24), with whom Townes spoke before accepting the position. Fluker retired from the position in 2020. “He spoke [about the professorship] with a certain amount of affection, which you never really know if that’s what you’re going to hear when you say, ‘Tell me about it,’” Townes says. “He, more than anyone outside of BU, helped convince me this will be a good place.”

Townes’ scholarship has delved into many corners of womanist and Black theology, as well as social issues such as racial health disparities and environmental racism. Before becoming the first Black dean at Vanderbilt Divinity School in 2013, she was the first Black woman president of the American Academy of Religion, the first African American and first woman to serve as associate dean for academic affairs at the Yale Divinity School, and the first Black woman president of the American Academy of Religion. She currently serves as the president of the Society of Christian Ethics, the first Black woman to hold the office.

Pak calls Townes a “trailblazing scholar of remarkable interdisciplinary range,” who has left a mark on every field she touches.

“Emilie Townes is a towering figure and recognizably the leading living womanist ethicist today,” Pak says. “She is not only an astonishing scholar; the incredible gift is this: she is a passionate teacher, a prophetic advocate, an innovative institutional leader, and a beautiful human being. The STH community will reap immeasurable blessings from her experiential wisdom, gifts of discernment, and compassionate counsel.”

Emilie Townes is a towering figure and recognizably the leading living womanist ethicist today. She is not only an astonishing scholar; the incredible gift is this: she is a passionate teacher, a prophetic advocate, an innovative institutional leader, and a beautiful human being. G. Sujin Pak, STH Dean

Townes will not teach any courses this fall, instead using the time to learn about the School of Theology and its curriculum and meet faculty and students. When she does return to the classroom in spring 2025, she says, she’s eager to pull from current events to teach about how the world is structured and humanity’s capacity to create change. “I’ll try to help students get a better sense of the structures we’re dealing with and not just personal opinion or sound bites or all those other things that are not quite what you should be using to build a society that is sustainable, but also where are each of us individually in that structure,” Townes says. “And, how can we be better people in light of it?” 

Townes says a main vision she has for her role is that of unifier.

“The polarizations we’re living with now are heartbreaking to me,” she says. “I’m feeling like this [professorship] is a great challenge, and more than that, a great possibility to see if there are ways in which the prominence of the chair can help start conversations that lead people to working together as opposed to being at each other’s throats or not listening.”

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Steve Holt is a senior editor and writer responsible for print alumni magazines at the Wheelock College of Education and Human Development, School of Theology, and the Sargent College of Health and Rehabilitation Sciences. He came to BU in 2022 from Appalachian Mountain Club, where he was a senior editor at the nonprofit’s award-winning member magazine. For more than a decade before that, Steve built a prolific freelance journalism career, collecting bylines in numerous print and online publications, such as The Boston Globe , Boston magazine, Civil Eats , Business Insider , and Bloomberg CityLab . His Edible Boston story about sustainable hamburgers in Boston was selected for inclusion in the Best Food Writing 2011 anthology. Steve holds a bachelor’s degree in journalism and a master’s in theology from Abilene Christian University. Profile

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There are 8 comments on Leading Womanist Ethicist and Theologian Named New MLK Professor of Religion and Black Studies at STH

Congratulations Emilie!!! How blessed we are that you’re still leading the way and sharing your insights and lighting the passion in new theologians. How honored I am that I had the privilege of studying under you. Hope you’re still loving golf.

Congrats! Welcome to STH and the BU community overall. We look forward to all that you have to offer our students, faculty, staff and beyond.

Ray Joyce Asst. Dean of Development STH & SSW

Her title alone, with its focus on Religion and Race, then calling herself a Womanist, all seem counterproductive for someone who hopes to be a unifier. I like the former title better, because we need ethics that transcend labels. Let’s focus on our common thread of humanity under the Deity who inspires us to be better than we are!

I read through the story three times and still don’t know what STH is.

Hi, thanks, in the story’s first paragraph, it refers to BU’s School of Theology, which is shortened to STH: “Emilie Townes was all set to retire in two years from the Divinity School at Vanderbilt University and return to teaching full-time. Then she accepted an invitation to meet with a search committee member from Boston University’s School of Theology regarding a renowned—and recently vacated—professorship bearing the name of civil rights icon and BU alum Martin Luther King, Jr. (GRS’55, Hon.’59).”

Congratulations and welcome to the BU Community!

Hurray! STH and Boston University have found a pearl of great price in the embodied wisdom and grace of Professor Emilie Townes! May her tenure with my beloved alma mater increase the legacy of the school of the prophets and be filled with “the singing of angels”!

I met Emilie when she was a young seminarian. She has become a leader in theological circles. She is so deserving of this position. I wish you the best as you move into this position. You will move mountains, and I hope people to do what is right.

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