formulating an hypothesis

Have a language expert improve your writing

Run a free plagiarism check in 10 minutes, generate accurate citations for free.

• Knowledge Base

Methodology

• How to Write a Strong Hypothesis | Steps & Examples

How to Write a Strong Hypothesis | Steps & Examples

Published on May 6, 2022 by Shona McCombes . Revised on November 20, 2023.

A hypothesis is a statement that can be tested by scientific research. If you want to test a relationship between two or more variables, you need to write hypotheses before you start your experiment or data collection .

Example: Hypothesis

Daily apple consumption leads to fewer doctor’s visits.

Table of contents

What is a hypothesis, developing a hypothesis (with example), hypothesis examples, other interesting articles, frequently asked questions about writing hypotheses.

A hypothesis states your predictions about what your research will find. It is a tentative answer to your research question that has not yet been tested. For some research projects, you might have to write several hypotheses that address different aspects of your research question.

A hypothesis is not just a guess – it should be based on existing theories and knowledge. It also has to be testable, which means you can support or refute it through scientific research methods (such as experiments, observations and statistical analysis of data).

Variables in hypotheses

Hypotheses propose a relationship between two or more types of variables .

• An independent variable is something the researcher changes or controls.
• A dependent variable is something the researcher observes and measures.

If there are any control variables , extraneous variables , or confounding variables , be sure to jot those down as you go to minimize the chances that research bias  will affect your results.

In this example, the independent variable is exposure to the sun – the assumed cause . The dependent variable is the level of happiness – the assumed effect .

Prevent plagiarism. Run a free check.

Step 1. ask a question.

Writing a hypothesis begins with a research question that you want to answer. The question should be focused, specific, and researchable within the constraints of your project.

Step 2. Do some preliminary research

Your initial answer to the question should be based on what is already known about the topic. Look for theories and previous studies to help you form educated assumptions about what your research will find.

At this stage, you might construct a conceptual framework to ensure that you’re embarking on a relevant topic . This can also help you identify which variables you will study and what you think the relationships are between them. Sometimes, you’ll have to operationalize more complex constructs.

Step 3. Formulate your hypothesis

Now you should have some idea of what you expect to find. Write your initial answer to the question in a clear, concise sentence.

4. Refine your hypothesis

You need to make sure your hypothesis is specific and testable. There are various ways of phrasing a hypothesis, but all the terms you use should have clear definitions, and the hypothesis should contain:

• The relevant variables
• The specific group being studied
• The predicted outcome of the experiment or analysis

5. Phrase your hypothesis in three ways

To identify the variables, you can write a simple prediction in  if…then form. The first part of the sentence states the independent variable and the second part states the dependent variable.

In academic research, hypotheses are more commonly phrased in terms of correlations or effects, where you directly state the predicted relationship between variables.

If you are comparing two groups, the hypothesis can state what difference you expect to find between them.

6. Write a null hypothesis

If your research involves statistical hypothesis testing , you will also have to write a null hypothesis . The null hypothesis is the default position that there is no association between the variables. The null hypothesis is written as H 0 , while the alternative hypothesis is H 1 or H a .

• H 0 : The number of lectures attended by first-year students has no effect on their final exam scores.
• H 1 : The number of lectures attended by first-year students has a positive effect on their final exam scores.

If you want to know more about the research process , methodology , research bias , or statistics , make sure to check out some of our other articles with explanations and examples.

• Sampling methods
• Simple random sampling
• Stratified sampling
• Cluster sampling
• Likert scales
• Reproducibility

 Statistics

• Null hypothesis
• Statistical power
• Probability distribution
• Effect size
• Poisson distribution

Research bias

• Optimism bias
• Cognitive bias
• Implicit bias
• Hawthorne effect
• Anchoring bias
• Explicit bias

Here's why students love Scribbr's proofreading services

Discover proofreading & editing

A hypothesis is not just a guess — it should be based on existing theories and knowledge. It also has to be testable, which means you can support or refute it through scientific research methods (such as experiments, observations and statistical analysis of data).

Null and alternative hypotheses are used in statistical hypothesis testing . The null hypothesis of a test always predicts no effect or no relationship between variables, while the alternative hypothesis states your research prediction of an effect or relationship.

Hypothesis testing is a formal procedure for investigating our ideas about the world using statistics. It is used by scientists to test specific predictions, called hypotheses , by calculating how likely it is that a pattern or relationship between variables could have arisen by chance.

Cite this Scribbr article

If you want to cite this source, you can copy and paste the citation or click the “Cite this Scribbr article” button to automatically add the citation to our free Citation Generator.

McCombes, S. (2023, November 20). How to Write a Strong Hypothesis | Steps & Examples. Scribbr. Retrieved April 15, 2024, from https://www.scribbr.com/methodology/hypothesis/

Is this article helpful?

Shona McCombes

Other students also liked, construct validity | definition, types, & examples, what is a conceptual framework | tips & examples, operationalization | a guide with examples, pros & cons, what is your plagiarism score.

• Bipolar Disorder
• Therapy Center
• When To See a Therapist
• Types of Therapy
• Best Online Therapy
• Best Couples Therapy
• Best Family Therapy
• Managing Stress
• Sleep and Dreaming
• Understanding Emotions
• Self-Improvement
• Healthy Relationships
• Student Resources
• Personality Types
• Guided Meditations
• Verywell Mind Insights
• 2023 Verywell Mind 25
• Mental Health in the Classroom
• Editorial Process
• Meet Our Review Board
• Crisis Support

How to Write a Great Hypothesis

Hypothesis Format, Examples, and Tips

Kendra Cherry, MS, is a psychosocial rehabilitation specialist, psychology educator, and author of the "Everything Psychology Book."

Amy Morin, LCSW, is a psychotherapist and international bestselling author. Her books, including "13 Things Mentally Strong People Don't Do," have been translated into more than 40 languages. Her TEDx talk,  "The Secret of Becoming Mentally Strong," is one of the most viewed talks of all time.

Verywell / Alex Dos Diaz

• The Scientific Method

Hypothesis Format

Falsifiability of a hypothesis, operational definitions, types of hypotheses, hypotheses examples.

• Collecting Data

Frequently Asked Questions

A hypothesis is a tentative statement about the relationship between two or more  variables. It is a specific, testable prediction about what you expect to happen in a study.

One hypothesis example would be a study designed to look at the relationship between sleep deprivation and test performance might have a hypothesis that states: "This study is designed to assess the hypothesis that sleep-deprived people will perform worse on a test than individuals who are not sleep-deprived."

This article explores how a hypothesis is used in psychology research, how to write a good hypothesis, and the different types of hypotheses you might use.

The Hypothesis in the Scientific Method

In the scientific method , whether it involves research in psychology, biology, or some other area, a hypothesis represents what the researchers think will happen in an experiment. The scientific method involves the following steps:

• Forming a question
• Performing background research
• Creating a hypothesis
• Designing an experiment
• Collecting data
• Analyzing the results
• Drawing conclusions
• Communicating the results

The hypothesis is a prediction, but it involves more than a guess. Most of the time, the hypothesis begins with a question which is then explored through background research. It is only at this point that researchers begin to develop a testable hypothesis. Unless you are creating an exploratory study, your hypothesis should always explain what you  expect  to happen.

In a study exploring the effects of a particular drug, the hypothesis might be that researchers expect the drug to have some type of effect on the symptoms of a specific illness. In psychology, the hypothesis might focus on how a certain aspect of the environment might influence a particular behavior.

Remember, a hypothesis does not have to be correct. While the hypothesis predicts what the researchers expect to see, the goal of the research is to determine whether this guess is right or wrong. When conducting an experiment, researchers might explore a number of factors to determine which ones might contribute to the ultimate outcome.

In many cases, researchers may find that the results of an experiment  do not  support the original hypothesis. When writing up these results, the researchers might suggest other options that should be explored in future studies.

In many cases, researchers might draw a hypothesis from a specific theory or build on previous research. For example, prior research has shown that stress can impact the immune system. So a researcher might hypothesize: "People with high-stress levels will be more likely to contract a common cold after being exposed to the virus than people who have low-stress levels."

In other instances, researchers might look at commonly held beliefs or folk wisdom. "Birds of a feather flock together" is one example of folk wisdom that a psychologist might try to investigate. The researcher might pose a specific hypothesis that "People tend to select romantic partners who are similar to them in interests and educational level."

Elements of a Good Hypothesis

So how do you write a good hypothesis? When trying to come up with a hypothesis for your research or experiments, ask yourself the following questions:

• Is your hypothesis based on your research on a topic?
• Can your hypothesis be tested?
• Does your hypothesis include independent and dependent variables?

Before you come up with a specific hypothesis, spend some time doing background research. Once you have completed a literature review, start thinking about potential questions you still have. Pay attention to the discussion section in the  journal articles you read . Many authors will suggest questions that still need to be explored.

To form a hypothesis, you should take these steps:

• Collect as many observations about a topic or problem as you can.
• Evaluate these observations and look for possible causes of the problem.
• Create a list of possible explanations that you might want to explore.
• After you have developed some possible hypotheses, think of ways that you could confirm or disprove each hypothesis through experimentation. This is known as falsifiability.

In the scientific method ,  falsifiability is an important part of any valid hypothesis.   In order to test a claim scientifically, it must be possible that the claim could be proven false.

Students sometimes confuse the idea of falsifiability with the idea that it means that something is false, which is not the case. What falsifiability means is that  if  something was false, then it is possible to demonstrate that it is false.

One of the hallmarks of pseudoscience is that it makes claims that cannot be refuted or proven false.

A variable is a factor or element that can be changed and manipulated in ways that are observable and measurable. However, the researcher must also define how the variable will be manipulated and measured in the study.

For example, a researcher might operationally define the variable " test anxiety " as the results of a self-report measure of anxiety experienced during an exam. A "study habits" variable might be defined by the amount of studying that actually occurs as measured by time.

These precise descriptions are important because many things can be measured in a number of different ways. One of the basic principles of any type of scientific research is that the results must be replicable.   By clearly detailing the specifics of how the variables were measured and manipulated, other researchers can better understand the results and repeat the study if needed.

Some variables are more difficult than others to define. How would you operationally define a variable such as aggression ? For obvious ethical reasons, researchers cannot create a situation in which a person behaves aggressively toward others.

In order to measure this variable, the researcher must devise a measurement that assesses aggressive behavior without harming other people. In this situation, the researcher might utilize a simulated task to measure aggressiveness.

Hypothesis Checklist

• Does your hypothesis focus on something that you can actually test?
• Does your hypothesis include both an independent and dependent variable?
• Can you manipulate the variables?
• Can your hypothesis be tested without violating ethical standards?

The hypothesis you use will depend on what you are investigating and hoping to find. Some of the main types of hypotheses that you might use include:

• Simple hypothesis : This type of hypothesis suggests that there is a relationship between one independent variable and one dependent variable.
• Complex hypothesis : This type of hypothesis suggests a relationship between three or more variables, such as two independent variables and a dependent variable.
• Null hypothesis : This hypothesis suggests no relationship exists between two or more variables.
• Alternative hypothesis : This hypothesis states the opposite of the null hypothesis.
• Statistical hypothesis : This hypothesis uses statistical analysis to evaluate a representative sample of the population and then generalizes the findings to the larger group.
• Logical hypothesis : This hypothesis assumes a relationship between variables without collecting data or evidence.

A hypothesis often follows a basic format of "If {this happens} then {this will happen}." One way to structure your hypothesis is to describe what will happen to the  dependent variable  if you change the  independent variable .

The basic format might be: "If {these changes are made to a certain independent variable}, then we will observe {a change in a specific dependent variable}."

A few examples of simple hypotheses:

• "Students who eat breakfast will perform better on a math exam than students who do not eat breakfast."
• Complex hypothesis: "Students who experience test anxiety before an English exam will get lower scores than students who do not experience test anxiety."​
• "Motorists who talk on the phone while driving will be more likely to make errors on a driving course than those who do not talk on the phone."

Examples of a complex hypothesis include:

• "People with high-sugar diets and sedentary activity levels are more likely to develop depression."
• "Younger people who are regularly exposed to green, outdoor areas have better subjective well-being than older adults who have limited exposure to green spaces."

Examples of a null hypothesis include:

• "Children who receive a new reading intervention will have scores different than students who do not receive the intervention."
• "There will be no difference in scores on a memory recall task between children and adults."

Examples of an alternative hypothesis:

• "Children who receive a new reading intervention will perform better than students who did not receive the intervention."
• "Adults will perform better on a memory task than children." 

Collecting Data on Your Hypothesis

Once a researcher has formed a testable hypothesis, the next step is to select a research design and start collecting data. The research method depends largely on exactly what they are studying. There are two basic types of research methods: descriptive research and experimental research.

Descriptive Research Methods

Descriptive research such as  case studies ,  naturalistic observations , and surveys are often used when it would be impossible or difficult to  conduct an experiment . These methods are best used to describe different aspects of a behavior or psychological phenomenon.

Once a researcher has collected data using descriptive methods, a correlational study can then be used to look at how the variables are related. This type of research method might be used to investigate a hypothesis that is difficult to test experimentally.

Experimental Research Methods

Experimental methods  are used to demonstrate causal relationships between variables. In an experiment, the researcher systematically manipulates a variable of interest (known as the independent variable) and measures the effect on another variable (known as the dependent variable).

Unlike correlational studies, which can only be used to determine if there is a relationship between two variables, experimental methods can be used to determine the actual nature of the relationship—whether changes in one variable actually  cause  another to change.

A Word From Verywell

The hypothesis is a critical part of any scientific exploration. It represents what researchers expect to find in a study or experiment. In situations where the hypothesis is unsupported by the research, the research still has value. Such research helps us better understand how different aspects of the natural world relate to one another. It also helps us develop new hypotheses that can then be tested in the future.

Some examples of how to write a hypothesis include:

• "Staying up late will lead to worse test performance the next day."
• "People who consume one apple each day will visit the doctor fewer times each year."
• "Breaking study sessions up into three 20-minute sessions will lead to better test results than a single 60-minute study session."

The four parts of a hypothesis are:

• The research question
• The independent variable (IV)
• The dependent variable (DV)
• The proposed relationship between the IV and DV

Castillo M. The scientific method: a need for something better? . AJNR Am J Neuroradiol. 2013;34(9):1669-71. doi:10.3174/ajnr.A3401

Nevid J. Psychology: Concepts and Applications. Wadworth, 2013.

By Kendra Cherry, MSEd Kendra Cherry, MS, is a psychosocial rehabilitation specialist, psychology educator, and author of the "Everything Psychology Book."

Have a language expert improve your writing

Run a free plagiarism check in 10 minutes, automatically generate references for free.

• Knowledge Base
• Methodology
• How to Write a Strong Hypothesis | Guide & Examples

How to Write a Strong Hypothesis | Guide & Examples

Published on 6 May 2022 by Shona McCombes .

A hypothesis is a statement that can be tested by scientific research. If you want to test a relationship between two or more variables, you need to write hypotheses before you start your experiment or data collection.

Table of contents

What is a hypothesis, developing a hypothesis (with example), hypothesis examples, frequently asked questions about writing hypotheses.

A hypothesis states your predictions about what your research will find. It is a tentative answer to your research question that has not yet been tested. For some research projects, you might have to write several hypotheses that address different aspects of your research question.

A hypothesis is not just a guess – it should be based on existing theories and knowledge. It also has to be testable, which means you can support or refute it through scientific research methods (such as experiments, observations, and statistical analysis of data).

Variables in hypotheses

Hypotheses propose a relationship between two or more variables . An independent variable is something the researcher changes or controls. A dependent variable is something the researcher observes and measures.

In this example, the independent variable is exposure to the sun – the assumed cause . The dependent variable is the level of happiness – the assumed effect .

Prevent plagiarism, run a free check.

Step 1: ask a question.

Writing a hypothesis begins with a research question that you want to answer. The question should be focused, specific, and researchable within the constraints of your project.

Step 2: Do some preliminary research

Your initial answer to the question should be based on what is already known about the topic. Look for theories and previous studies to help you form educated assumptions about what your research will find.

At this stage, you might construct a conceptual framework to identify which variables you will study and what you think the relationships are between them. Sometimes, you’ll have to operationalise more complex constructs.

Step 3: Formulate your hypothesis

Now you should have some idea of what you expect to find. Write your initial answer to the question in a clear, concise sentence.

Step 4: Refine your hypothesis

You need to make sure your hypothesis is specific and testable. There are various ways of phrasing a hypothesis, but all the terms you use should have clear definitions, and the hypothesis should contain:

• The relevant variables
• The specific group being studied
• The predicted outcome of the experiment or analysis

Step 5: Phrase your hypothesis in three ways

To identify the variables, you can write a simple prediction in if … then form. The first part of the sentence states the independent variable and the second part states the dependent variable.

In academic research, hypotheses are more commonly phrased in terms of correlations or effects, where you directly state the predicted relationship between variables.

If you are comparing two groups, the hypothesis can state what difference you expect to find between them.

Step 6. Write a null hypothesis

If your research involves statistical hypothesis testing , you will also have to write a null hypothesis. The null hypothesis is the default position that there is no association between the variables. The null hypothesis is written as H 0 , while the alternative hypothesis is H 1 or H a .

Hypothesis testing is a formal procedure for investigating our ideas about the world using statistics. It is used by scientists to test specific predictions, called hypotheses , by calculating how likely it is that a pattern or relationship between variables could have arisen by chance.

A hypothesis is not just a guess. It should be based on existing theories and knowledge. It also has to be testable, which means you can support or refute it through scientific research methods (such as experiments, observations, and statistical analysis of data).

A research hypothesis is your proposed answer to your research question. The research hypothesis usually includes an explanation (‘ x affects y because …’).

A statistical hypothesis, on the other hand, is a mathematical statement about a population parameter. Statistical hypotheses always come in pairs: the null and alternative hypotheses. In a well-designed study , the statistical hypotheses correspond logically to the research hypothesis.

Cite this Scribbr article

If you want to cite this source, you can copy and paste the citation or click the ‘Cite this Scribbr article’ button to automatically add the citation to our free Reference Generator.

McCombes, S. (2022, May 06). How to Write a Strong Hypothesis | Guide & Examples. Scribbr. Retrieved 15 April 2024, from https://www.scribbr.co.uk/research-methods/hypothesis-writing/

Is this article helpful?

Shona McCombes

Other students also liked, operationalisation | a guide with examples, pros & cons, what is a conceptual framework | tips & examples, a quick guide to experimental design | 5 steps & examples.

• Privacy Policy

Buy Me a Coffee

Home » What is a Hypothesis – Types, Examples and Writing Guide

What is a Hypothesis – Types, Examples and Writing Guide

Table of Contents

Definition:

Hypothesis is an educated guess or proposed explanation for a phenomenon, based on some initial observations or data. It is a tentative statement that can be tested and potentially proven or disproven through further investigation and experimentation.

Hypothesis is often used in scientific research to guide the design of experiments and the collection and analysis of data. It is an essential element of the scientific method, as it allows researchers to make predictions about the outcome of their experiments and to test those predictions to determine their accuracy.

Types of Hypothesis

Types of Hypothesis are as follows:

Research Hypothesis

A research hypothesis is a statement that predicts a relationship between variables. It is usually formulated as a specific statement that can be tested through research, and it is often used in scientific research to guide the design of experiments.

Null Hypothesis

The null hypothesis is a statement that assumes there is no significant difference or relationship between variables. It is often used as a starting point for testing the research hypothesis, and if the results of the study reject the null hypothesis, it suggests that there is a significant difference or relationship between variables.

Alternative Hypothesis

An alternative hypothesis is a statement that assumes there is a significant difference or relationship between variables. It is often used as an alternative to the null hypothesis and is tested against the null hypothesis to determine which statement is more accurate.

Directional Hypothesis

A directional hypothesis is a statement that predicts the direction of the relationship between variables. For example, a researcher might predict that increasing the amount of exercise will result in a decrease in body weight.

Non-directional Hypothesis

A non-directional hypothesis is a statement that predicts the relationship between variables but does not specify the direction. For example, a researcher might predict that there is a relationship between the amount of exercise and body weight, but they do not specify whether increasing or decreasing exercise will affect body weight.

Statistical Hypothesis

A statistical hypothesis is a statement that assumes a particular statistical model or distribution for the data. It is often used in statistical analysis to test the significance of a particular result.

Composite Hypothesis

A composite hypothesis is a statement that assumes more than one condition or outcome. It can be divided into several sub-hypotheses, each of which represents a different possible outcome.

Empirical Hypothesis

An empirical hypothesis is a statement that is based on observed phenomena or data. It is often used in scientific research to develop theories or models that explain the observed phenomena.

Simple Hypothesis

A simple hypothesis is a statement that assumes only one outcome or condition. It is often used in scientific research to test a single variable or factor.

Complex Hypothesis

A complex hypothesis is a statement that assumes multiple outcomes or conditions. It is often used in scientific research to test the effects of multiple variables or factors on a particular outcome.

Applications of Hypothesis

Hypotheses are used in various fields to guide research and make predictions about the outcomes of experiments or observations. Here are some examples of how hypotheses are applied in different fields:

• Science : In scientific research, hypotheses are used to test the validity of theories and models that explain natural phenomena. For example, a hypothesis might be formulated to test the effects of a particular variable on a natural system, such as the effects of climate change on an ecosystem.
• Medicine : In medical research, hypotheses are used to test the effectiveness of treatments and therapies for specific conditions. For example, a hypothesis might be formulated to test the effects of a new drug on a particular disease.
• Psychology : In psychology, hypotheses are used to test theories and models of human behavior and cognition. For example, a hypothesis might be formulated to test the effects of a particular stimulus on the brain or behavior.
• Sociology : In sociology, hypotheses are used to test theories and models of social phenomena, such as the effects of social structures or institutions on human behavior. For example, a hypothesis might be formulated to test the effects of income inequality on crime rates.
• Business : In business research, hypotheses are used to test the validity of theories and models that explain business phenomena, such as consumer behavior or market trends. For example, a hypothesis might be formulated to test the effects of a new marketing campaign on consumer buying behavior.
• Engineering : In engineering, hypotheses are used to test the effectiveness of new technologies or designs. For example, a hypothesis might be formulated to test the efficiency of a new solar panel design.

How to write a Hypothesis

Here are the steps to follow when writing a hypothesis:

Identify the Research Question

The first step is to identify the research question that you want to answer through your study. This question should be clear, specific, and focused. It should be something that can be investigated empirically and that has some relevance or significance in the field.

Conduct a Literature Review

Before writing your hypothesis, it’s essential to conduct a thorough literature review to understand what is already known about the topic. This will help you to identify the research gap and formulate a hypothesis that builds on existing knowledge.

Determine the Variables

The next step is to identify the variables involved in the research question. A variable is any characteristic or factor that can vary or change. There are two types of variables: independent and dependent. The independent variable is the one that is manipulated or changed by the researcher, while the dependent variable is the one that is measured or observed as a result of the independent variable.

Formulate the Hypothesis

Based on the research question and the variables involved, you can now formulate your hypothesis. A hypothesis should be a clear and concise statement that predicts the relationship between the variables. It should be testable through empirical research and based on existing theory or evidence.

Write the Null Hypothesis

The null hypothesis is the opposite of the alternative hypothesis, which is the hypothesis that you are testing. The null hypothesis states that there is no significant difference or relationship between the variables. It is important to write the null hypothesis because it allows you to compare your results with what would be expected by chance.

Refine the Hypothesis

After formulating the hypothesis, it’s important to refine it and make it more precise. This may involve clarifying the variables, specifying the direction of the relationship, or making the hypothesis more testable.

Examples of Hypothesis

Here are a few examples of hypotheses in different fields:

• Psychology : “Increased exposure to violent video games leads to increased aggressive behavior in adolescents.”
• Biology : “Higher levels of carbon dioxide in the atmosphere will lead to increased plant growth.”
• Sociology : “Individuals who grow up in households with higher socioeconomic status will have higher levels of education and income as adults.”
• Education : “Implementing a new teaching method will result in higher student achievement scores.”
• Marketing : “Customers who receive a personalized email will be more likely to make a purchase than those who receive a generic email.”
• Physics : “An increase in temperature will cause an increase in the volume of a gas, assuming all other variables remain constant.”
• Medicine : “Consuming a diet high in saturated fats will increase the risk of developing heart disease.”

Purpose of Hypothesis

The purpose of a hypothesis is to provide a testable explanation for an observed phenomenon or a prediction of a future outcome based on existing knowledge or theories. A hypothesis is an essential part of the scientific method and helps to guide the research process by providing a clear focus for investigation. It enables scientists to design experiments or studies to gather evidence and data that can support or refute the proposed explanation or prediction.

The formulation of a hypothesis is based on existing knowledge, observations, and theories, and it should be specific, testable, and falsifiable. A specific hypothesis helps to define the research question, which is important in the research process as it guides the selection of an appropriate research design and methodology. Testability of the hypothesis means that it can be proven or disproven through empirical data collection and analysis. Falsifiability means that the hypothesis should be formulated in such a way that it can be proven wrong if it is incorrect.

In addition to guiding the research process, the testing of hypotheses can lead to new discoveries and advancements in scientific knowledge. When a hypothesis is supported by the data, it can be used to develop new theories or models to explain the observed phenomenon. When a hypothesis is not supported by the data, it can help to refine existing theories or prompt the development of new hypotheses to explain the phenomenon.

When to use Hypothesis

Here are some common situations in which hypotheses are used:

• In scientific research , hypotheses are used to guide the design of experiments and to help researchers make predictions about the outcomes of those experiments.
• In social science research , hypotheses are used to test theories about human behavior, social relationships, and other phenomena.
• I n business , hypotheses can be used to guide decisions about marketing, product development, and other areas. For example, a hypothesis might be that a new product will sell well in a particular market, and this hypothesis can be tested through market research.

Characteristics of Hypothesis

Here are some common characteristics of a hypothesis:

• Testable : A hypothesis must be able to be tested through observation or experimentation. This means that it must be possible to collect data that will either support or refute the hypothesis.
• Falsifiable : A hypothesis must be able to be proven false if it is not supported by the data. If a hypothesis cannot be falsified, then it is not a scientific hypothesis.
• Clear and concise : A hypothesis should be stated in a clear and concise manner so that it can be easily understood and tested.
• Based on existing knowledge : A hypothesis should be based on existing knowledge and research in the field. It should not be based on personal beliefs or opinions.
• Specific : A hypothesis should be specific in terms of the variables being tested and the predicted outcome. This will help to ensure that the research is focused and well-designed.
• Tentative: A hypothesis is a tentative statement or assumption that requires further testing and evidence to be confirmed or refuted. It is not a final conclusion or assertion.
• Relevant : A hypothesis should be relevant to the research question or problem being studied. It should address a gap in knowledge or provide a new perspective on the issue.

Advantages of Hypothesis

Hypotheses have several advantages in scientific research and experimentation:

• Guides research: A hypothesis provides a clear and specific direction for research. It helps to focus the research question, select appropriate methods and variables, and interpret the results.
• Predictive powe r: A hypothesis makes predictions about the outcome of research, which can be tested through experimentation. This allows researchers to evaluate the validity of the hypothesis and make new discoveries.
• Facilitates communication: A hypothesis provides a common language and framework for scientists to communicate with one another about their research. This helps to facilitate the exchange of ideas and promotes collaboration.
• Efficient use of resources: A hypothesis helps researchers to use their time, resources, and funding efficiently by directing them towards specific research questions and methods that are most likely to yield results.
• Provides a basis for further research: A hypothesis that is supported by data provides a basis for further research and exploration. It can lead to new hypotheses, theories, and discoveries.
• Increases objectivity: A hypothesis can help to increase objectivity in research by providing a clear and specific framework for testing and interpreting results. This can reduce bias and increase the reliability of research findings.

Limitations of Hypothesis

Some Limitations of the Hypothesis are as follows:

• Limited to observable phenomena: Hypotheses are limited to observable phenomena and cannot account for unobservable or intangible factors. This means that some research questions may not be amenable to hypothesis testing.
• May be inaccurate or incomplete: Hypotheses are based on existing knowledge and research, which may be incomplete or inaccurate. This can lead to flawed hypotheses and erroneous conclusions.
• May be biased: Hypotheses may be biased by the researcher’s own beliefs, values, or assumptions. This can lead to selective interpretation of data and a lack of objectivity in research.
• Cannot prove causation: A hypothesis can only show a correlation between variables, but it cannot prove causation. This requires further experimentation and analysis.
• Limited to specific contexts: Hypotheses are limited to specific contexts and may not be generalizable to other situations or populations. This means that results may not be applicable in other contexts or may require further testing.
• May be affected by chance : Hypotheses may be affected by chance or random variation, which can obscure or distort the true relationship between variables.

About the author

Muhammad Hassan

Researcher, Academic Writer, Web developer

You may also like

Data Collection – Methods Types and Examples

Delimitations in Research – Types, Examples and...

Research Process – Steps, Examples and Tips

Research Design – Types, Methods and Examples

Institutional Review Board – Application Sample...

Evaluating Research – Process, Examples and...

Learn How To Write A Hypothesis For Your Next Research Project!

Undoubtedly, research plays a crucial role in substantiating or refuting our assumptions. These assumptions act as potential answers to our questions. Such assumptions, also known as hypotheses, are considered key aspects of research. In this blog, we delve into the significance of hypotheses. And provide insights on how to write them effectively. So, let’s dive in and explore the art of writing hypotheses together.

Table of Contents

What is a Hypothesis?

A hypothesis is a crucial starting point in scientific research. It is an educated guess about the relationship between two or more variables. In other words, a hypothesis acts as a foundation for a researcher to build their study.

Here are some examples of well-crafted hypotheses:

• Increased exposure to natural sunlight improves sleep quality in adults.

A positive relationship between natural sunlight exposure and sleep quality in adult individuals.

• Playing puzzle games on a regular basis enhances problem-solving abilities in children.

Engaging in frequent puzzle gameplay leads to improved problem-solving skills in children.

• Students and improved learning hecks.

S tudents using online  paper writing service  platforms (as a learning tool for receiving personalized feedback and guidance) will demonstrate improved writing skills. (compared to those who do not utilize such platforms).

• The use of APA format in research papers. 

Using the  APA format  helps students stay organized when writing research papers. Organized students can focus better on their topics and, as a result, produce better quality work.

The Building Blocks of a Hypothesis

To better understand the concept of a hypothesis, let’s break it down into its basic components:

• Variables . A hypothesis involves at least two variables. An independent variable and a dependent variable. The independent variable is the one being changed or manipulated, while the dependent variable is the one being measured or observed.
• Relationship : A hypothesis proposes a relationship or connection between the variables. This could be a cause-and-effect relationship or a correlation between them.
• Testability : A hypothesis should be testable and falsifiable, meaning it can be proven right or wrong through experimentation or observation.

Types of Hypotheses

When learning how to write a hypothesis, it’s essential to understand its main types. These include; alternative hypotheses and null hypotheses. In the following section, we explore both types of hypotheses with examples. 

Alternative Hypothesis (H1)

This kind of hypothesis suggests a relationship or effect between the variables. It is the main focus of the study. The researcher wants to either prove or disprove it. Many research divides this hypothesis into two subsections: 

• Directional 

This type of H1 predicts a specific outcome. Many researchers use this hypothesis to explore the relationship between variables rather than the groups. 

• Non-directional

You can take a guess from the name. This type of H1 does not provide a specific prediction for the research outcome. 

Here are some examples for your better understanding of how to write a hypothesis.

• Consuming caffeine improves cognitive performance.  (This hypothesis predicts that there is a positive relationship between caffeine consumption and cognitive performance.)
• Aerobic exercise leads to reduced blood pressure.  (This hypothesis suggests that engaging in aerobic exercise results in lower blood pressure readings.)
• Exposure to nature reduces stress levels among employees.  (Here, the hypothesis proposes that employees exposed to natural environments will experience decreased stress levels.)
• Listening to classical music while studying increases memory retention.  (This hypothesis speculates that studying with classical music playing in the background boosts students’ ability to retain information.)
• Early literacy intervention improves reading skills in children.  (This hypothesis claims that providing early literacy assistance to children results in enhanced reading abilities.)
• Time management in nursing students. ( Students who use a  nursing research paper writing service  have more time to focus on their studies and can achieve better grades in other subjects. )

Null Hypothesis (H0)

A null hypothesis assumes no relationship or effect between the variables. If the alternative hypothesis is proven to be false, the null hypothesis is considered to be true. Usually a null hypothesis shows no direct correlation between the defined variables. 

Here are some of the examples

• The consumption of herbal tea has no effect on sleep quality.  (This hypothesis assumes that herbal tea consumption does not impact the quality of sleep.)
• The number of hours spent playing video games is unrelated to academic performance.  (Here, the null hypothesis suggests that no relationship exists between video gameplay duration and academic achievement.)
• Implementing flexible work schedules has no influence on employee job satisfaction.  (This hypothesis contends that providing flexible schedules does not affect how satisfied employees are with their jobs.)
• Writing ability of a 7th grader is not affected by reading editorial example. ( There is no relationship between reading an  editorial example  and improving a 7th grader’s writing abilities.) 
• The type of lighting in a room does not affect people’s mood.  (In this null hypothesis, there is no connection between the kind of lighting in a room and the mood of those present.)
• The use of social media during break time does not impact productivity at work.  (This hypothesis proposes that social media usage during breaks has no effect on work productivity.)

As you learn how to write a hypothesis, remember that aiming for clarity, testability, and relevance to your research question is vital. By mastering this skill, you’re well on your way to conducting impactful scientific research. Good luck!

Importance of a Hypothesis in Research

A well-structured hypothesis is a vital part of any research project for several reasons:

• It provides clear direction for the study by setting its focus and purpose.
• It outlines expectations of the research, making it easier to measure results.
• It helps identify any potential limitations in the study, allowing researchers to refine their approach.

In conclusion, a hypothesis plays a fundamental role in the research process. By understanding its concept and constructing a well-thought-out hypothesis, researchers lay the groundwork for a successful, scientifically sound investigation.

How to Write a Hypothesis?

Here are five steps that you can follow to write an effective hypothesis. 

Step 1: Identify Your Research Question

The first step in learning how to compose a hypothesis is to clearly define your research question. This question is the central focus of your study and will help you determine the direction of your hypothesis.

Step 2: Determine the Variables

When exploring how to write a hypothesis, it’s crucial to identify the variables involved in your study. You’ll need at least two variables:

• Independent variable : The factor you manipulate or change in your experiment.
• Dependent variable : The outcome or result you observe or measure, which is influenced by the independent variable.

Step 3: Build the Hypothetical Relationship

In understanding how to compose a hypothesis, constructing the relationship between the variables is key. Based on your research question and variables, predict the expected outcome or connection. This prediction should be specific, testable, and, if possible, expressed in the “If…then” format.

Step 4: Write the Null Hypothesis

When mastering how to write a hypothesis, it’s important to create a null hypothesis as well. The null hypothesis assumes no relationship or effect between the variables, acting as a counterpoint to your primary hypothesis.

Step 5: Review Your Hypothesis

Finally, when learning how to compose a hypothesis, it’s essential to review your hypothesis for clarity, testability, and relevance to your research question. Make any necessary adjustments to ensure it provides a solid basis for your study.

In conclusion, understanding how to write a hypothesis is crucial for conducting successful scientific research. By focusing on your research question and carefully building relationships between variables, you will lay a strong foundation for advancing research and knowledge in your field.

Hypothesis vs. Prediction: What’s the Difference?

Understanding the differences between a hypothesis and a prediction is crucial in scientific research. Often, these terms are used interchangeably, but they have distinct meanings and functions. This segment aims to clarify these differences and explain how to compose a hypothesis correctly, helping you improve the quality of your research projects.

Hypothesis: The Foundation of Your Research

A hypothesis is an educated guess about the relationship between two or more variables. It provides the basis for your research question and is a starting point for an experiment or observational study.

The critical elements for a hypothesis include:

• Specificity: A clear and concise statement that describes the relationship between variables.
• Testability: The ability to test the hypothesis through experimentation or observation.

To learn how to write a hypothesis, it’s essential to identify your research question first and then predict the relationship between the variables.

Prediction: The Expected Outcome

A prediction is a statement about a specific outcome you expect to see in your experiment or observational study. It’s derived from the hypothesis and provides a measurable way to test the relationship between variables.

Here’s an example of how to write a hypothesis and a related prediction:

• Hypothesis: Consuming a high-sugar diet leads to weight gain.
• Prediction: People who consume a high-sugar diet for six weeks will gain more weight than those who maintain a low-sugar diet during the same period.

Key Differences Between a Hypothesis and a Prediction

While a hypothesis and prediction are both essential components of scientific research, there are some key differences to keep in mind:

• A hypothesis is an educated guess that suggests a relationship between variables, while a prediction is a specific and measurable outcome based on that hypothesis.
• A hypothesis can give rise to multiple experiment or observational study predictions.

To conclude, understanding the differences between a hypothesis and a prediction, and learning how to write a hypothesis, are essential steps to form a robust foundation for your research. By creating clear, testable hypotheses along with specific, measurable predictions, you lay the groundwork for scientifically sound investigations.

Here’s a wrap-up for this guide on how to write a hypothesis. We’re confident this article was helpful for many of you. We understand that many students struggle with writing their school research . However, we hope to continue assisting you through our blog tutorial on writing different aspects of academic assignments.

For further information, you can check out our reverent blog or contact our professionals to avail amazing writing services. Paper perk experts tailor assignments to reflect your unique voice and perspectives. Our professionals make sure to stick around till your satisfaction. So what are you waiting for? Pick your required service and order away!

Order Original Papers & Essays

Your First Custom Paper Sample is on Us!

Timely Deliveries

No Plagiarism & AI

100% Refund

Try Our Free Paper Writing Service

Related blogs.

Connections with Writers and support

Privacy and Confidentiality Guarantee

Average Quality Score

How to Write a Hypothesis: A Step-by-Step Guide

Introduction

An overview of the research hypothesis, different types of hypotheses, variables in a hypothesis, how to formulate an effective research hypothesis, designing a study around your hypothesis.

The scientific method can derive and test predictions as hypotheses. Empirical research can then provide support (or lack thereof) for the hypotheses. Even failure to find support for a hypothesis still represents a valuable contribution to scientific knowledge. Let's look more closely at the idea of the hypothesis and the role it plays in research.

As much as the term exists in everyday language, there is a detailed development that informs the word "hypothesis" when applied to research. A good research hypothesis is informed by prior research and guides research design and data analysis , so it is important to understand how a hypothesis is defined and understood by researchers.

What is the simple definition of a hypothesis?

A hypothesis is a testable prediction about an outcome between two or more variables . It functions as a navigational tool in the research process, directing what you aim to predict and how.

What is the hypothesis for in research?

In research, a hypothesis serves as the cornerstone for your empirical study. It not only lays out what you aim to investigate but also provides a structured approach for your data collection and analysis.

Essentially, it bridges the gap between the theoretical and the empirical, guiding your investigation throughout its course.

What is an example of a hypothesis?

If you are studying the relationship between physical exercise and mental health, a suitable hypothesis could be: "Regular physical exercise leads to improved mental well-being among adults."

This statement constitutes a specific and testable hypothesis that directly relates to the variables you are investigating.

What makes a good hypothesis?

A good hypothesis possesses several key characteristics. Firstly, it must be testable, allowing you to analyze data through empirical means, such as observation or experimentation, to assess if there is significant support for the hypothesis. Secondly, a hypothesis should be specific and unambiguous, giving a clear understanding of the expected relationship between variables. Lastly, it should be grounded in existing research or theoretical frameworks , ensuring its relevance and applicability.

Understanding the types of hypotheses can greatly enhance how you construct and work with hypotheses. While all hypotheses serve the essential function of guiding your study, there are varying purposes among the types of hypotheses. In addition, all hypotheses stand in contrast to the null hypothesis, or the assumption that there is no significant relationship between the variables .

Here, we explore various kinds of hypotheses to provide you with the tools needed to craft effective hypotheses for your specific research needs. Bear in mind that many of these hypothesis types may overlap with one another, and the specific type that is typically used will likely depend on the area of research and methodology you are following.

Null hypothesis

The null hypothesis is a statement that there is no effect or relationship between the variables being studied. In statistical terms, it serves as the default assumption that any observed differences are due to random chance.

For example, if you're studying the effect of a drug on blood pressure, the null hypothesis might state that the drug has no effect.

Alternative hypothesis

Contrary to the null hypothesis, the alternative hypothesis suggests that there is a significant relationship or effect between variables.

Using the drug example, the alternative hypothesis would posit that the drug does indeed affect blood pressure. This is what researchers aim to prove.

Simple hypothesis

A simple hypothesis makes a prediction about the relationship between two variables, and only two variables.

For example, "Increased study time results in better exam scores." Here, "study time" and "exam scores" are the only variables involved.

Complex hypothesis

A complex hypothesis, as the name suggests, involves more than two variables. For instance, "Increased study time and access to resources result in better exam scores." Here, "study time," "access to resources," and "exam scores" are all variables.

This hypothesis refers to multiple potential mediating variables. Other hypotheses could also include predictions about variables that moderate the relationship between the independent variable and dependent variable .

Directional hypothesis

A directional hypothesis specifies the direction of the expected relationship between variables. For example, "Eating more fruits and vegetables leads to a decrease in heart disease."

Here, the direction of heart disease is explicitly predicted to decrease, due to effects from eating more fruits and vegetables. All hypotheses typically specify the expected direction of the relationship between the independent and dependent variable, such that researchers can test if this prediction holds in their data analysis .

Statistical hypothesis

A statistical hypothesis is one that is testable through statistical methods, providing a numerical value that can be analyzed. This is commonly seen in quantitative research .

For example, "There is a statistically significant difference in test scores between students who study for one hour and those who study for two."

Empirical hypothesis

An empirical hypothesis is derived from observations and is tested through empirical methods, often through experimentation or survey data . Empirical hypotheses may also be assessed with statistical analyses.

For example, "Regular exercise is correlated with a lower incidence of depression," could be tested through surveys that measure exercise frequency and depression levels.

Causal hypothesis

A causal hypothesis proposes that one variable causes a change in another. This type of hypothesis is often tested through controlled experiments.

For example, "Smoking causes lung cancer," assumes a direct causal relationship.

Associative hypothesis

Unlike causal hypotheses, associative hypotheses suggest a relationship between variables but do not imply causation.

For instance, "People who smoke are more likely to get lung cancer," notes an association but doesn't claim that smoking causes lung cancer directly.

Relational hypothesis

A relational hypothesis explores the relationship between two or more variables but doesn't specify the nature of the relationship.

For example, "There is a relationship between diet and heart health," leaves the nature of the relationship (causal, associative, etc.) open to interpretation.

Logical hypothesis

A logical hypothesis is based on sound reasoning and logical principles. It's often used in theoretical research to explore abstract concepts, rather than being based on empirical data.

For example, "If all men are mortal and Socrates is a man, then Socrates is mortal," employs logical reasoning to make its point.

Let ATLAS.ti take you from research question to key insights

Get started with a free trial and see how ATLAS.ti can make the most of your data.

In any research hypothesis, variables play a critical role. These are the elements or factors that the researcher manipulates, controls, or measures. Understanding variables is essential for crafting a clear, testable hypothesis and for the stages of research that follow, such as data collection and analysis.

In the realm of hypotheses, there are generally two types of variables to consider: independent and dependent. Independent variables are what you, as the researcher, manipulate or change in your study. It's considered the cause in the relationship you're investigating. For instance, in a study examining the impact of sleep duration on academic performance, the independent variable would be the amount of sleep participants get.

Conversely, the dependent variable is the outcome you measure to gauge the effect of your manipulation. It's the effect in the cause-and-effect relationship. The dependent variable thus refers to the main outcome of interest in your study. In the same sleep study example, the academic performance, perhaps measured by exam scores or GPA, would be the dependent variable.

Beyond these two primary types, you might also encounter control variables. These are variables that could potentially influence the outcome and are therefore kept constant to isolate the relationship between the independent and dependent variables . For example, in the sleep and academic performance study, control variables could include age, diet, or even the subject of study.

By clearly identifying and understanding the roles of these variables in your hypothesis, you set the stage for a methodologically sound research project. It helps you develop focused research questions, design appropriate experiments or observations, and carry out meaningful data analysis . It's a step that lays the groundwork for the success of your entire study.

Crafting a strong, testable hypothesis is crucial for the success of any research project. It sets the stage for everything from your study design to data collection and analysis . Below are some key considerations to keep in mind when formulating your hypothesis:

• Be specific : A vague hypothesis can lead to ambiguous results and interpretations . Clearly define your variables and the expected relationship between them.
• Ensure testability : A good hypothesis should be testable through empirical means, whether by observation , experimentation, or other forms of data analysis.
• Ground in literature : Before creating your hypothesis, consult existing research and theories. This not only helps you identify gaps in current knowledge but also gives you valuable context and credibility for crafting your hypothesis.
• Use simple language : While your hypothesis should be conceptually sound, it doesn't have to be complicated. Aim for clarity and simplicity in your wording.
• State direction, if applicable : If your hypothesis involves a directional outcome (e.g., "increase" or "decrease"), make sure to specify this. You also need to think about how you will measure whether or not the outcome moved in the direction you predicted.
• Keep it focused : One of the common pitfalls in hypothesis formulation is trying to answer too many questions at once. Keep your hypothesis focused on a specific issue or relationship.
• Account for control variables : Identify any variables that could potentially impact the outcome and consider how you will control for them in your study.
• Be ethical : Make sure your hypothesis and the methods for testing it comply with ethical standards , particularly if your research involves human or animal subjects.

Designing your study involves multiple key phases that help ensure the rigor and validity of your research. Here we discuss these crucial components in more detail.

Literature review

Starting with a comprehensive literature review is essential. This step allows you to understand the existing body of knowledge related to your hypothesis and helps you identify gaps that your research could fill. Your research should aim to contribute some novel understanding to existing literature, and your hypotheses can reflect this. A literature review also provides valuable insights into how similar research projects were executed, thereby helping you fine-tune your own approach.

Research methods

Choosing the right research methods is critical. Whether it's a survey, an experiment, or observational study, the methodology should be the most appropriate for testing your hypothesis. Your choice of methods will also depend on whether your research is quantitative, qualitative, or mixed-methods. Make sure the chosen methods align well with the variables you are studying and the type of data you need.

Preliminary research

Before diving into a full-scale study, it’s often beneficial to conduct preliminary research or a pilot study . This allows you to test your research methods on a smaller scale, refine your tools, and identify any potential issues. For instance, a pilot survey can help you determine if your questions are clear and if the survey effectively captures the data you need. This step can save you both time and resources in the long run.

Data analysis

Finally, planning your data analysis in advance is crucial for a successful study. Decide which statistical or analytical tools are most suited for your data type and research questions . For quantitative research, you might opt for t-tests, ANOVA, or regression analyses. For qualitative research , thematic analysis or grounded theory may be more appropriate. This phase is integral for interpreting your results and drawing meaningful conclusions in relation to your research question.

Turn data into evidence for insights with ATLAS.ti

Powerful analysis for your research paper or presentation is at your fingertips starting with a free trial.

• Resources Home 🏠
• Try SciSpace Copilot
• Search research papers
• Add Copilot Extension
• Try AI Detector
• Try Paraphraser
• Try Citation Generator
• April Papers
• June Papers
• July Papers

The Craft of Writing a Strong Hypothesis

Table of Contents

Writing a hypothesis is one of the essential elements of a scientific research paper. It needs to be to the point, clearly communicating what your research is trying to accomplish. A blurry, drawn-out, or complexly-structured hypothesis can confuse your readers. Or worse, the editor and peer reviewers.

A captivating hypothesis is not too intricate. This blog will take you through the process so that, by the end of it, you have a better idea of how to convey your research paper's intent in just one sentence.

What is a Hypothesis?

The first step in your scientific endeavor, a hypothesis, is a strong, concise statement that forms the basis of your research. It is not the same as a thesis statement , which is a brief summary of your research paper .

The sole purpose of a hypothesis is to predict your paper's findings, data, and conclusion. It comes from a place of curiosity and intuition . When you write a hypothesis, you're essentially making an educated guess based on scientific prejudices and evidence, which is further proven or disproven through the scientific method.

The reason for undertaking research is to observe a specific phenomenon. A hypothesis, therefore, lays out what the said phenomenon is. And it does so through two variables, an independent and dependent variable.

The independent variable is the cause behind the observation, while the dependent variable is the effect of the cause. A good example of this is “mixing red and blue forms purple.” In this hypothesis, mixing red and blue is the independent variable as you're combining the two colors at your own will. The formation of purple is the dependent variable as, in this case, it is conditional to the independent variable.

Different Types of Hypotheses‌

Types of hypotheses

Some would stand by the notion that there are only two types of hypotheses: a Null hypothesis and an Alternative hypothesis. While that may have some truth to it, it would be better to fully distinguish the most common forms as these terms come up so often, which might leave you out of context.

Apart from Null and Alternative, there are Complex, Simple, Directional, Non-Directional, Statistical, and Associative and casual hypotheses. They don't necessarily have to be exclusive, as one hypothesis can tick many boxes, but knowing the distinctions between them will make it easier for you to construct your own.

1. Null hypothesis

A null hypothesis proposes no relationship between two variables. Denoted by H 0 , it is a negative statement like “Attending physiotherapy sessions does not affect athletes' on-field performance.” Here, the author claims physiotherapy sessions have no effect on on-field performances. Even if there is, it's only a coincidence.

2. Alternative hypothesis

Considered to be the opposite of a null hypothesis, an alternative hypothesis is donated as H1 or Ha. It explicitly states that the dependent variable affects the independent variable. A good  alternative hypothesis example is “Attending physiotherapy sessions improves athletes' on-field performance.” or “Water evaporates at 100 °C. ” The alternative hypothesis further branches into directional and non-directional.

• Directional hypothesis: A hypothesis that states the result would be either positive or negative is called directional hypothesis. It accompanies H1 with either the ‘<' or ‘>' sign.
• Non-directional hypothesis: A non-directional hypothesis only claims an effect on the dependent variable. It does not clarify whether the result would be positive or negative. The sign for a non-directional hypothesis is ‘≠.'

3. Simple hypothesis

A simple hypothesis is a statement made to reflect the relation between exactly two variables. One independent and one dependent. Consider the example, “Smoking is a prominent cause of lung cancer." The dependent variable, lung cancer, is dependent on the independent variable, smoking.

4. Complex hypothesis

In contrast to a simple hypothesis, a complex hypothesis implies the relationship between multiple independent and dependent variables. For instance, “Individuals who eat more fruits tend to have higher immunity, lesser cholesterol, and high metabolism.” The independent variable is eating more fruits, while the dependent variables are higher immunity, lesser cholesterol, and high metabolism.

5. Associative and casual hypothesis

Associative and casual hypotheses don't exhibit how many variables there will be. They define the relationship between the variables. In an associative hypothesis, changing any one variable, dependent or independent, affects others. In a casual hypothesis, the independent variable directly affects the dependent.

6. Empirical hypothesis

Also referred to as the working hypothesis, an empirical hypothesis claims a theory's validation via experiments and observation. This way, the statement appears justifiable and different from a wild guess.

Say, the hypothesis is “Women who take iron tablets face a lesser risk of anemia than those who take vitamin B12.” This is an example of an empirical hypothesis where the researcher  the statement after assessing a group of women who take iron tablets and charting the findings.

7. Statistical hypothesis

The point of a statistical hypothesis is to test an already existing hypothesis by studying a population sample. Hypothesis like “44% of the Indian population belong in the age group of 22-27.” leverage evidence to prove or disprove a particular statement.

Characteristics of a Good Hypothesis

Writing a hypothesis is essential as it can make or break your research for you. That includes your chances of getting published in a journal. So when you're designing one, keep an eye out for these pointers:

• A research hypothesis has to be simple yet clear to look justifiable enough.
• It has to be testable — your research would be rendered pointless if too far-fetched into reality or limited by technology.
• It has to be precise about the results —what you are trying to do and achieve through it should come out in your hypothesis.
• A research hypothesis should be self-explanatory, leaving no doubt in the reader's mind.
• If you are developing a relational hypothesis, you need to include the variables and establish an appropriate relationship among them.
• A hypothesis must keep and reflect the scope for further investigations and experiments.

Separating a Hypothesis from a Prediction

Outside of academia, hypothesis and prediction are often used interchangeably. In research writing, this is not only confusing but also incorrect. And although a hypothesis and prediction are guesses at their core, there are many differences between them.

A hypothesis is an educated guess or even a testable prediction validated through research. It aims to analyze the gathered evidence and facts to define a relationship between variables and put forth a logical explanation behind the nature of events.

Predictions are assumptions or expected outcomes made without any backing evidence. They are more fictionally inclined regardless of where they originate from.

For this reason, a hypothesis holds much more weight than a prediction. It sticks to the scientific method rather than pure guesswork. "Planets revolve around the Sun." is an example of a hypothesis as it is previous knowledge and observed trends. Additionally, we can test it through the scientific method.

Whereas "COVID-19 will be eradicated by 2030." is a prediction. Even though it results from past trends, we can't prove or disprove it. So, the only way this gets validated is to wait and watch if COVID-19 cases end by 2030.

Finally, How to Write a Hypothesis

Quick tips on writing a hypothesis

1.  Be clear about your research question

A hypothesis should instantly address the research question or the problem statement. To do so, you need to ask a question. Understand the constraints of your undertaken research topic and then formulate a simple and topic-centric problem. Only after that can you develop a hypothesis and further test for evidence.

2. Carry out a recce

Once you have your research's foundation laid out, it would be best to conduct preliminary research. Go through previous theories, academic papers, data, and experiments before you start curating your research hypothesis. It will give you an idea of your hypothesis's viability or originality.

Making use of references from relevant research papers helps draft a good research hypothesis. SciSpace Discover offers a repository of over 270 million research papers to browse through and gain a deeper understanding of related studies on a particular topic. Additionally, you can use SciSpace Copilot , your AI research assistant, for reading any lengthy research paper and getting a more summarized context of it. A hypothesis can be formed after evaluating many such summarized research papers. Copilot also offers explanations for theories and equations, explains paper in simplified version, allows you to highlight any text in the paper or clip math equations and tables and provides a deeper, clear understanding of what is being said. This can improve the hypothesis by helping you identify potential research gaps.

3. Create a 3-dimensional hypothesis

Variables are an essential part of any reasonable hypothesis. So, identify your independent and dependent variable(s) and form a correlation between them. The ideal way to do this is to write the hypothetical assumption in the ‘if-then' form. If you use this form, make sure that you state the predefined relationship between the variables.

In another way, you can choose to present your hypothesis as a comparison between two variables. Here, you must specify the difference you expect to observe in the results.

4. Write the first draft

Now that everything is in place, it's time to write your hypothesis. For starters, create the first draft. In this version, write what you expect to find from your research.

Clearly separate your independent and dependent variables and the link between them. Don't fixate on syntax at this stage. The goal is to ensure your hypothesis addresses the issue.

5. Proof your hypothesis

After preparing the first draft of your hypothesis, you need to inspect it thoroughly. It should tick all the boxes, like being concise, straightforward, relevant, and accurate. Your final hypothesis has to be well-structured as well.

Research projects are an exciting and crucial part of being a scholar. And once you have your research question, you need a great hypothesis to begin conducting research. Thus, knowing how to write a hypothesis is very important.

Now that you have a firmer grasp on what a good hypothesis constitutes, the different kinds there are, and what process to follow, you will find it much easier to write your hypothesis, which ultimately helps your research.

Now it's easier than ever to streamline your research workflow with SciSpace Discover . Its integrated, comprehensive end-to-end platform for research allows scholars to easily discover, write and publish their research and fosters collaboration.

It includes everything you need, including a repository of over 270 million research papers across disciplines, SEO-optimized summaries and public profiles to show your expertise and experience.

If you found these tips on writing a research hypothesis useful, head over to our blog on Statistical Hypothesis Testing to learn about the top researchers, papers, and institutions in this domain.

Frequently Asked Questions (FAQs)

1. what is the definition of hypothesis.

According to the Oxford dictionary, a hypothesis is defined as “An idea or explanation of something that is based on a few known facts, but that has not yet been proved to be true or correct”.

2. What is an example of hypothesis?

The hypothesis is a statement that proposes a relationship between two or more variables. An example: "If we increase the number of new users who join our platform by 25%, then we will see an increase in revenue."

3. What is an example of null hypothesis?

A null hypothesis is a statement that there is no relationship between two variables. The null hypothesis is written as H0. The null hypothesis states that there is no effect. For example, if you're studying whether or not a particular type of exercise increases strength, your null hypothesis will be "there is no difference in strength between people who exercise and people who don't."

4. What are the types of research?

• Fundamental research

• Applied research

• Qualitative research

• Quantitative research

• Mixed research

• Exploratory research

• Longitudinal research

• Cross-sectional research

• Field research

• Laboratory research

• Fixed research

• Flexible research

• Action research

• Policy research

• Classification research

• Comparative research

• Causal research

• Inductive research

• Deductive research

5. How to write a hypothesis?

• Your hypothesis should be able to predict the relationship and outcome.

• Avoid wordiness by keeping it simple and brief.

• Your hypothesis should contain observable and testable outcomes.

• Your hypothesis should be relevant to the research question.

6. What are the 2 types of hypothesis?

• Null hypotheses are used to test the claim that "there is no difference between two groups of data".

• Alternative hypotheses test the claim that "there is a difference between two data groups".

7. Difference between research question and research hypothesis?

A research question is a broad, open-ended question you will try to answer through your research. A hypothesis is a statement based on prior research or theory that you expect to be true due to your study. Example - Research question: What are the factors that influence the adoption of the new technology? Research hypothesis: There is a positive relationship between age, education and income level with the adoption of the new technology.

8. What is plural for hypothesis?

The plural of hypothesis is hypotheses. Here's an example of how it would be used in a statement, "Numerous well-considered hypotheses are presented in this part, and they are supported by tables and figures that are well-illustrated."

9. What is the red queen hypothesis?

The red queen hypothesis in evolutionary biology states that species must constantly evolve to avoid extinction because if they don't, they will be outcompeted by other species that are evolving. Leigh Van Valen first proposed it in 1973; since then, it has been tested and substantiated many times.

10. Who is known as the father of null hypothesis?

The father of the null hypothesis is Sir Ronald Fisher. He published a paper in 1925 that introduced the concept of null hypothesis testing, and he was also the first to use the term itself.

11. When to reject null hypothesis?

You need to find a significant difference between your two populations to reject the null hypothesis. You can determine that by running statistical tests such as an independent sample t-test or a dependent sample t-test. You should reject the null hypothesis if the p-value is less than 0.05.

You might also like

Consensus GPT vs. SciSpace GPT: Choose the Best GPT for Research

Literature Review and Theoretical Framework: Understanding the Differences

Types of Essays in Academic Writing - Quick Guide (2024)

How to Develop a Good Research Hypothesis

The story of a research study begins by asking a question. Researchers all around the globe are asking curious questions and formulating research hypothesis. However, whether the research study provides an effective conclusion depends on how well one develops a good research hypothesis. Research hypothesis examples could help researchers get an idea as to how to write a good research hypothesis.

This blog will help you understand what is a research hypothesis, its characteristics and, how to formulate a research hypothesis

Table of Contents

What is Hypothesis?

Hypothesis is an assumption or an idea proposed for the sake of argument so that it can be tested. It is a precise, testable statement of what the researchers predict will be outcome of the study.  Hypothesis usually involves proposing a relationship between two variables: the independent variable (what the researchers change) and the dependent variable (what the research measures).

What is a Research Hypothesis?

Research hypothesis is a statement that introduces a research question and proposes an expected result. It is an integral part of the scientific method that forms the basis of scientific experiments. Therefore, you need to be careful and thorough when building your research hypothesis. A minor flaw in the construction of your hypothesis could have an adverse effect on your experiment. In research, there is a convention that the hypothesis is written in two forms, the null hypothesis, and the alternative hypothesis (called the experimental hypothesis when the method of investigation is an experiment).

Characteristics of a Good Research Hypothesis

As the hypothesis is specific, there is a testable prediction about what you expect to happen in a study. You may consider drawing hypothesis from previously published research based on the theory.

A good research hypothesis involves more effort than just a guess. In particular, your hypothesis may begin with a question that could be further explored through background research.

To help you formulate a promising research hypothesis, you should ask yourself the following questions:

• Is the language clear and focused?
• What is the relationship between your hypothesis and your research topic?
• Is your hypothesis testable? If yes, then how?
• What are the possible explanations that you might want to explore?
• Does your hypothesis include both an independent and dependent variable?
• Can you manipulate your variables without hampering the ethical standards?
• Does your research predict the relationship and outcome?
• Is your research simple and concise (avoids wordiness)?
• Is it clear with no ambiguity or assumptions about the readers’ knowledge
• Is your research observable and testable results?
• Is it relevant and specific to the research question or problem?

The questions listed above can be used as a checklist to make sure your hypothesis is based on a solid foundation. Furthermore, it can help you identify weaknesses in your hypothesis and revise it if necessary.

Source: Educational Hub

How to formulate a research hypothesis.

A testable hypothesis is not a simple statement. It is rather an intricate statement that needs to offer a clear introduction to a scientific experiment, its intentions, and the possible outcomes. However, there are some important things to consider when building a compelling hypothesis.

1. State the problem that you are trying to solve.

Make sure that the hypothesis clearly defines the topic and the focus of the experiment.

2. Try to write the hypothesis as an if-then statement.

Follow this template: If a specific action is taken, then a certain outcome is expected.

3. Define the variables

Independent variables are the ones that are manipulated, controlled, or changed. Independent variables are isolated from other factors of the study.

Dependent variables , as the name suggests are dependent on other factors of the study. They are influenced by the change in independent variable.

4. Scrutinize the hypothesis

Evaluate assumptions, predictions, and evidence rigorously to refine your understanding.

Types of Research Hypothesis

The types of research hypothesis are stated below:

1. Simple Hypothesis

It predicts the relationship between a single dependent variable and a single independent variable.

2. Complex Hypothesis

It predicts the relationship between two or more independent and dependent variables.

3. Directional Hypothesis

It specifies the expected direction to be followed to determine the relationship between variables and is derived from theory. Furthermore, it implies the researcher’s intellectual commitment to a particular outcome.

4. Non-directional Hypothesis

It does not predict the exact direction or nature of the relationship between the two variables. The non-directional hypothesis is used when there is no theory involved or when findings contradict previous research.

5. Associative and Causal Hypothesis

The associative hypothesis defines interdependency between variables. A change in one variable results in the change of the other variable. On the other hand, the causal hypothesis proposes an effect on the dependent due to manipulation of the independent variable.

6. Null Hypothesis

Null hypothesis states a negative statement to support the researcher’s findings that there is no relationship between two variables. There will be no changes in the dependent variable due the manipulation of the independent variable. Furthermore, it states results are due to chance and are not significant in terms of supporting the idea being investigated.

7. Alternative Hypothesis

It states that there is a relationship between the two variables of the study and that the results are significant to the research topic. An experimental hypothesis predicts what changes will take place in the dependent variable when the independent variable is manipulated. Also, it states that the results are not due to chance and that they are significant in terms of supporting the theory being investigated.

Research Hypothesis Examples of Independent and Dependent Variables

Research Hypothesis Example 1 The greater number of coal plants in a region (independent variable) increases water pollution (dependent variable). If you change the independent variable (building more coal factories), it will change the dependent variable (amount of water pollution).

Research Hypothesis Example 2 What is the effect of diet or regular soda (independent variable) on blood sugar levels (dependent variable)? If you change the independent variable (the type of soda you consume), it will change the dependent variable (blood sugar levels)

You should not ignore the importance of the above steps. The validity of your experiment and its results rely on a robust testable hypothesis. Developing a strong testable hypothesis has few advantages, it compels us to think intensely and specifically about the outcomes of a study. Consequently, it enables us to understand the implication of the question and the different variables involved in the study. Furthermore, it helps us to make precise predictions based on prior research. Hence, forming a hypothesis would be of great value to the research. Here are some good examples of testable hypotheses.

More importantly, you need to build a robust testable research hypothesis for your scientific experiments. A testable hypothesis is a hypothesis that can be proved or disproved as a result of experimentation.

Importance of a Testable Hypothesis

To devise and perform an experiment using scientific method, you need to make sure that your hypothesis is testable. To be considered testable, some essential criteria must be met:

• There must be a possibility to prove that the hypothesis is true.
• There must be a possibility to prove that the hypothesis is false.
• The results of the hypothesis must be reproducible.

Without these criteria, the hypothesis and the results will be vague. As a result, the experiment will not prove or disprove anything significant.

What are your experiences with building hypotheses for scientific experiments? What challenges did you face? How did you overcome these challenges? Please share your thoughts with us in the comments section.

Frequently Asked Questions

The steps to write a research hypothesis are: 1. Stating the problem: Ensure that the hypothesis defines the research problem 2. Writing a hypothesis as an 'if-then' statement: Include the action and the expected outcome of your study by following a ‘if-then’ structure. 3. Defining the variables: Define the variables as Dependent or Independent based on their dependency to other factors. 4. Scrutinizing the hypothesis: Identify the type of your hypothesis

Hypothesis testing is a statistical tool which is used to make inferences about a population data to draw conclusions for a particular hypothesis.

Hypothesis in statistics is a formal statement about the nature of a population within a structured framework of a statistical model. It is used to test an existing hypothesis by studying a population.

Research hypothesis is a statement that introduces a research question and proposes an expected result. It forms the basis of scientific experiments.

The different types of hypothesis in research are: • Null hypothesis: Null hypothesis is a negative statement to support the researcher’s findings that there is no relationship between two variables. • Alternate hypothesis: Alternate hypothesis predicts the relationship between the two variables of the study. • Directional hypothesis: Directional hypothesis specifies the expected direction to be followed to determine the relationship between variables. • Non-directional hypothesis: Non-directional hypothesis does not predict the exact direction or nature of the relationship between the two variables. • Simple hypothesis: Simple hypothesis predicts the relationship between a single dependent variable and a single independent variable. • Complex hypothesis: Complex hypothesis predicts the relationship between two or more independent and dependent variables. • Associative and casual hypothesis: Associative and casual hypothesis predicts the relationship between two or more independent and dependent variables. • Empirical hypothesis: Empirical hypothesis can be tested via experiments and observation. • Statistical hypothesis: A statistical hypothesis utilizes statistical models to draw conclusions about broader populations.

Wow! You really simplified your explanation that even dummies would find it easy to comprehend. Thank you so much.

Thanks a lot for your valuable guidance.

I enjoy reading the post. Hypotheses are actually an intrinsic part in a study. It bridges the research question and the methodology of the study.

Useful piece!

This is awesome.Wow.

It very interesting to read the topic, can you guide me any specific example of hypothesis process establish throw the Demand and supply of the specific product in market

Nicely explained

It is really a useful for me Kindly give some examples of hypothesis

It was a well explained content ,can you please give me an example with the null and alternative hypothesis illustrated

clear and concise. thanks.

So Good so Amazing

Good to learn

Thanks a lot for explaining to my level of understanding

Explained well and in simple terms. Quick read! Thank you

It awesome. It has really positioned me in my research project

Rate this article Cancel Reply

Your email address will not be published.

Enago Academy's Most Popular Articles

• Reporting Research

Choosing the Right Analytical Approach: Thematic analysis vs. content analysis for data interpretation

In research, choosing the right approach to understand data is crucial for deriving meaningful insights.…

Comparing Cross Sectional and Longitudinal Studies: 5 steps for choosing the right approach

The process of choosing the right research design can put ourselves at the crossroads of…

• Industry News

COPE Forum Discussion Highlights Challenges and Urges Clarity in Institutional Authorship Standards

The COPE forum discussion held in December 2023 initiated with a fundamental question — is…

• Career Corner

Unlocking the Power of Networking in Academic Conferences

Embarking on your first academic conference experience? Fear not, we got you covered! Academic conferences…

Research Recommendations – Guiding policy-makers for evidence-based decision making

Research recommendations play a crucial role in guiding scholars and researchers toward fruitful avenues of…

Choosing the Right Analytical Approach: Thematic analysis vs. content analysis for…

Comparing Cross Sectional and Longitudinal Studies: 5 steps for choosing the right…

How to Design Effective Research Questionnaires for Robust Findings

Sign-up to read more

Subscribe for free to get unrestricted access to all our resources on research writing and academic publishing including:

• 2000+ blog articles
• 50+ Webinars
• 10+ Expert podcasts
• 50+ Infographics
• 10+ Checklists
• Research Guides

We hate spam too. We promise to protect your privacy and never spam you.

I am looking for Editing/ Proofreading services for my manuscript Tentative date of next journal submission:

What should universities' stance be on AI tools in research and academic writing?

• PRO Courses Guides New Tech Help Pro Expert Videos About wikiHow Pro Upgrade Sign In
• EDIT Edit this Article
• EXPLORE Tech Help Pro About Us Random Article Quizzes Request a New Article Community Dashboard This Or That Game Popular Categories Arts and Entertainment Artwork Books Movies Computers and Electronics Computers Phone Skills Technology Hacks Health Men's Health Mental Health Women's Health Relationships Dating Love Relationship Issues Hobbies and Crafts Crafts Drawing Games Education & Communication Communication Skills Personal Development Studying Personal Care and Style Fashion Hair Care Personal Hygiene Youth Personal Care School Stuff Dating All Categories Arts and Entertainment Finance and Business Home and Garden Relationship Quizzes Cars & Other Vehicles Food and Entertaining Personal Care and Style Sports and Fitness Computers and Electronics Health Pets and Animals Travel Education & Communication Hobbies and Crafts Philosophy and Religion Work World Family Life Holidays and Traditions Relationships Youth
• Browse Articles
• Learn Something New
• Quizzes Hot
• This Or That Game New
• Train Your Brain
• Explore More
• Support wikiHow
• About wikiHow
• Log in / Sign up
• Education and Communications
• Science Writing

How to Write a Hypothesis

Last Updated: May 2, 2023 Fact Checked

This article was co-authored by Bess Ruff, MA . Bess Ruff is a Geography PhD student at Florida State University. She received her MA in Environmental Science and Management from the University of California, Santa Barbara in 2016. She has conducted survey work for marine spatial planning projects in the Caribbean and provided research support as a graduate fellow for the Sustainable Fisheries Group. There are 9 references cited in this article, which can be found at the bottom of the page. This article has been fact-checked, ensuring the accuracy of any cited facts and confirming the authority of its sources. This article has been viewed 1,032,332 times.

A hypothesis is a description of a pattern in nature or an explanation about some real-world phenomenon that can be tested through observation and experimentation. The most common way a hypothesis is used in scientific research is as a tentative, testable, and falsifiable statement that explains some observed phenomenon in nature. [1] X Research source Many academic fields, from the physical sciences to the life sciences to the social sciences, use hypothesis testing as a means of testing ideas to learn about the world and advance scientific knowledge. Whether you are a beginning scholar or a beginning student taking a class in a science subject, understanding what hypotheses are and being able to generate hypotheses and predictions yourself is very important. These instructions will help get you started.

Preparing to Write a Hypothesis

• If you are writing a hypothesis for a school assignment, this step may be taken care of for you.

• Focus on academic and scholarly writing. You need to be certain that your information is unbiased, accurate, and comprehensive. Scholarly search databases such as Google Scholar and Web of Science can help you find relevant articles from reputable sources.
• You can find information in textbooks, at a library, and online. If you are in school, you can also ask for help from teachers, librarians, and your peers.

• For example, if you are interested in the effects of caffeine on the human body, but notice that nobody seems to have explored whether caffeine affects males differently than it does females, this could be something to formulate a hypothesis about. Or, if you are interested in organic farming, you might notice that no one has tested whether organic fertilizer results in different growth rates for plants than non-organic fertilizer.
• You can sometimes find holes in the existing literature by looking for statements like “it is unknown” in scientific papers or places where information is clearly missing. You might also find a claim in the literature that seems far-fetched, unlikely, or too good to be true, like that caffeine improves math skills. If the claim is testable, you could provide a great service to scientific knowledge by doing your own investigation. If you confirm the claim, the claim becomes even more credible. If you do not find support for the claim, you are helping with the necessary self-correcting aspect of science.
• Examining these types of questions provides an excellent way for you to set yourself apart by filling in important gaps in a field of study.

• Following the examples above, you might ask: "How does caffeine affect females as compared to males?" or "How does organic fertilizer affect plant growth compared to non-organic fertilizer?" The rest of your research will be aimed at answering these questions.

• Following the examples above, if you discover in the literature that there is a pattern that some other types of stimulants seem to affect females more than males, this could be a clue that the same pattern might be true for caffeine. Similarly, if you observe the pattern that organic fertilizer seems to be associated with smaller plants overall, you might explain this pattern with the hypothesis that plants exposed to organic fertilizer grow more slowly than plants exposed to non-organic fertilizer.

Formulating Your Hypothesis

• You can think of the independent variable as the one that is causing some kind of difference or effect to occur. In the examples, the independent variable would be biological sex, i.e. whether a person is male or female, and fertilizer type, i.e. whether the fertilizer is organic or non-organically-based.
• The dependent variable is what is affected by (i.e. "depends" on) the independent variable. In the examples above, the dependent variable would be the measured impact of caffeine or fertilizer.
• Your hypothesis should only suggest one relationship. Most importantly, it should only have one independent variable. If you have more than one, you won't be able to determine which one is actually the source of any effects you might observe.

• Don't worry too much at this point about being precise or detailed.
• In the examples above, one hypothesis would make a statement about whether a person's biological sex might impact the way the person is affected by caffeine; for example, at this point, your hypothesis might simply be: "a person's biological sex is related to how caffeine affects his or her heart rate." The other hypothesis would make a general statement about plant growth and fertilizer; for example your simple explanatory hypothesis might be "plants given different types of fertilizer are different sizes because they grow at different rates."

• Using our example, our non-directional hypotheses would be "there is a relationship between a person's biological sex and how much caffeine increases the person's heart rate," and "there is a relationship between fertilizer type and the speed at which plants grow."
• Directional predictions using the same example hypotheses above would be : "Females will experience a greater increase in heart rate after consuming caffeine than will males," and "plants fertilized with non-organic fertilizer will grow faster than those fertilized with organic fertilizer." Indeed, these predictions and the hypotheses that allow for them are very different kinds of statements. More on this distinction below.
• If the literature provides any basis for making a directional prediction, it is better to do so, because it provides more information. Especially in the physical sciences, non-directional predictions are often seen as inadequate.

• Where necessary, specify the population (i.e. the people or things) about which you hope to uncover new knowledge. For example, if you were only interested the effects of caffeine on elderly people, your prediction might read: "Females over the age of 65 will experience a greater increase in heart rate than will males of the same age." If you were interested only in how fertilizer affects tomato plants, your prediction might read: "Tomato plants treated with non-organic fertilizer will grow faster in the first three months than will tomato plants treated with organic fertilizer."

• For example, you would not want to make the hypothesis: "red is the prettiest color." This statement is an opinion and it cannot be tested with an experiment. However, proposing the generalizing hypothesis that red is the most popular color is testable with a simple random survey. If you do indeed confirm that red is the most popular color, your next step may be to ask: Why is red the most popular color? The answer you propose is your explanatory hypothesis .

• An easy way to get to the hypothesis for this method and prediction is to ask yourself why you think heart rates will increase if children are given caffeine. Your explanatory hypothesis in this case may be that caffeine is a stimulant. At this point, some scientists write a research hypothesis , a statement that includes the hypothesis, the experiment, and the prediction all in one statement.
• For example, If caffeine is a stimulant, and some children are given a drink with caffeine while others are given a drink without caffeine, then the heart rates of those children given a caffeinated drink will increase more than the heart rate of children given a non-caffeinated drink.

• Using the above example, if you were to test the effects of caffeine on the heart rates of children, evidence that your hypothesis is not true, sometimes called the null hypothesis , could occur if the heart rates of both the children given the caffeinated drink and the children given the non-caffeinated drink (called the placebo control) did not change, or lowered or raised with the same magnitude, if there was no difference between the two groups of children.
• It is important to note here that the null hypothesis actually becomes much more useful when researchers test the significance of their results with statistics. When statistics are used on the results of an experiment, a researcher is testing the idea of the null statistical hypothesis. For example, that there is no relationship between two variables or that there is no difference between two groups. [8] X Research source

Hypothesis Examples

Community Q&A

• Remember that science is not necessarily a linear process and can be approached in various ways. [10] X Research source Thanks Helpful 0 Not Helpful 0
• When examining the literature, look for research that is similar to what you want to do, and try to build on the findings of other researchers. But also look for claims that you think are suspicious, and test them yourself. Thanks Helpful 0 Not Helpful 0
• Be specific in your hypotheses, but not so specific that your hypothesis can't be applied to anything outside your specific experiment. You definitely want to be clear about the population about which you are interested in drawing conclusions, but nobody (except your roommates) will be interested in reading a paper with the prediction: "my three roommates will each be able to do a different amount of pushups." Thanks Helpful 0 Not Helpful 0

You Might Also Like

• ↑ https://undsci.berkeley.edu/for-educators/prepare-and-plan/correcting-misconceptions/#a4
• ↑ https://owl.purdue.edu/owl/general_writing/common_writing_assignments/research_papers/choosing_a_topic.html
• ↑ https://owl.purdue.edu/owl/subject_specific_writing/writing_in_the_social_sciences/writing_in_psychology_experimental_report_writing/experimental_reports_1.html
• ↑ https://www.grammarly.com/blog/how-to-write-a-hypothesis/
• ↑ https://grammar.yourdictionary.com/for-students-and-parents/how-create-hypothesis.html
• ↑ https://flexbooks.ck12.org/cbook/ck-12-middle-school-physical-science-flexbook-2.0/section/1.19/primary/lesson/hypothesis-ms-ps/
• ↑ https://iastate.pressbooks.pub/preparingtopublish/chapter/goal-1-contextualize-the-studys-methods/
• ↑ http://mathworld.wolfram.com/NullHypothesis.html
• ↑ http://undsci.berkeley.edu/article/scienceflowchart

About This Article

Before writing a hypothesis, think of what questions are still unanswered about a specific subject and make an educated guess about what the answer could be. Then, determine the variables in your question and write a simple statement about how they might be related. Try to focus on specific predictions and variables, such as age or segment of the population, to make your hypothesis easier to test. For tips on how to test your hypothesis, read on! Did this summary help you? Yes No

• Send fan mail to authors

Reader Success Stories

Onyia Maxwell

Sep 13, 2016

Did this article help you?

Nov 26, 2017

ABEL SHEWADEG

Jun 12, 2018

Connor Gilligan

Jan 2, 2017

Dec 30, 2017

Featured Articles

Trending Articles

Watch Articles

• Terms of Use
• Privacy Policy
• Do Not Sell or Share My Info
• Not Selling Info

wikiHow Tech Help Pro:

Level up your tech skills and stay ahead of the curve

Definition of a Hypothesis

What it is and how it's used in sociology

• Key Concepts
• Major Sociologists
• News & Issues
• Research, Samples, and Statistics
• Recommended Reading
• Archaeology

A hypothesis is a prediction of what will be found at the outcome of a research project and is typically focused on the relationship between two different variables studied in the research. It is usually based on both theoretical expectations about how things work and already existing scientific evidence.

Within social science, a hypothesis can take two forms. It can predict that there is no relationship between two variables, in which case it is a null hypothesis . Or, it can predict the existence of a relationship between variables, which is known as an alternative hypothesis.

In either case, the variable that is thought to either affect or not affect the outcome is known as the independent variable, and the variable that is thought to either be affected or not is the dependent variable.

Researchers seek to determine whether or not their hypothesis, or hypotheses if they have more than one, will prove true. Sometimes they do, and sometimes they do not. Either way, the research is considered successful if one can conclude whether or not a hypothesis is true. 

Null Hypothesis

A researcher has a null hypothesis when she or he believes, based on theory and existing scientific evidence, that there will not be a relationship between two variables. For example, when examining what factors influence a person's highest level of education within the U.S., a researcher might expect that place of birth, number of siblings, and religion would not have an impact on the level of education. This would mean the researcher has stated three null hypotheses.

Alternative Hypothesis

Taking the same example, a researcher might expect that the economic class and educational attainment of one's parents, and the race of the person in question are likely to have an effect on one's educational attainment. Existing evidence and social theories that recognize the connections between wealth and cultural resources , and how race affects access to rights and resources in the U.S. , would suggest that both economic class and educational attainment of the one's parents would have a positive effect on educational attainment. In this case, economic class and educational attainment of one's parents are independent variables, and one's educational attainment is the dependent variable—it is hypothesized to be dependent on the other two.

Conversely, an informed researcher would expect that being a race other than white in the U.S. is likely to have a negative impact on a person's educational attainment. This would be characterized as a negative relationship, wherein being a person of color has a negative effect on one's educational attainment. In reality, this hypothesis proves true, with the exception of Asian Americans , who go to college at a higher rate than whites do. However, Blacks and Hispanics and Latinos are far less likely than whites and Asian Americans to go to college.

Formulating a Hypothesis

Formulating a hypothesis can take place at the very beginning of a research project , or after a bit of research has already been done. Sometimes a researcher knows right from the start which variables she is interested in studying, and she may already have a hunch about their relationships. Other times, a researcher may have an interest in ​a particular topic, trend, or phenomenon, but he may not know enough about it to identify variables or formulate a hypothesis.

Whenever a hypothesis is formulated, the most important thing is to be precise about what one's variables are, what the nature of the relationship between them might be, and how one can go about conducting a study of them.

Updated by Nicki Lisa Cole, Ph.D

• What Is a Hypothesis? (Science)
• Understanding Path Analysis
• Null Hypothesis Examples
• What Are the Elements of a Good Hypothesis?
• What 'Fail to Reject' Means in a Hypothesis Test
• How Intervening Variables Work in Sociology
• Null Hypothesis Definition and Examples
• Understanding Simple vs Controlled Experiments
• Scientific Method Vocabulary Terms
• Null Hypothesis and Alternative Hypothesis
• Six Steps of the Scientific Method
• What Are Examples of a Hypothesis?
• Structural Equation Modeling
• Scientific Method Flow Chart
• How To Design a Science Fair Experiment
• Hypothesis Test for the Difference of Two Population Proportions

User Preferences

Content preview.

Arcu felis bibendum ut tristique et egestas quis:

• Ut enim ad minim veniam, quis nostrud exercitation ullamco laboris
• Duis aute irure dolor in reprehenderit in voluptate
• Excepteur sint occaecat cupidatat non proident

Keyboard Shortcuts

5.2 - writing hypotheses.

The first step in conducting a hypothesis test is to write the hypothesis statements that are going to be tested. For each test you will have a null hypothesis (\(H_0\)) and an alternative hypothesis (\(H_a\)).

When writing hypotheses there are three things that we need to know: (1) the parameter that we are testing (2) the direction of the test (non-directional, right-tailed or left-tailed), and (3) the value of the hypothesized parameter.

• At this point we can write hypotheses for a single mean (\(\mu\)), paired means(\(\mu_d\)), a single proportion (\(p\)), the difference between two independent means (\(\mu_1-\mu_2\)), the difference between two proportions (\(p_1-p_2\)), a simple linear regression slope (\(\beta\)), and a correlation (\(\rho\)). 
• The research question will give us the information necessary to determine if the test is two-tailed (e.g., "different from," "not equal to"), right-tailed (e.g., "greater than," "more than"), or left-tailed (e.g., "less than," "fewer than").
• The research question will also give us the hypothesized parameter value. This is the number that goes in the hypothesis statements (i.e., \(\mu_0\) and \(p_0\)). For the difference between two groups, regression, and correlation, this value is typically 0.

Hypotheses are always written in terms of population parameters (e.g., \(p\) and \(\mu\)).  The tables below display all of the possible hypotheses for the parameters that we have learned thus far. Note that the null hypothesis always includes the equality (i.e., =).

Research Methodology for Allied Health Professionals pp 19–22 Cite as

Formulating Research Hypothesis and Objective

• Animesh Hazari 2  
• First Online: 01 March 2024

31 Accesses

Formulating a research hypothesis and objectives is the first and foremost step in any research process as they provide a clear direction and purpose for your study. In this chapter, we shall learn about formulating an ideal research hypothesis and objectives. Formulation and development of the hypothesis and objectives take place under the following key steps:

This is a preview of subscription content, log in via an institution .

Buying options

• Available as PDF
• Read on any device
• Instant download
• Own it forever
• Available as EPUB and PDF
• Durable hardcover edition
• Dispatched in 3 to 5 business days
• Free shipping worldwide - see info

Tax calculation will be finalised at checkout

Purchases are for personal use only

Author information

Authors and affiliations.

College of Health Sciences, Gulf Medical University, Ajman, Ajman, United Arab Emirates

Animesh Hazari

You can also search for this author in PubMed   Google Scholar

Rights and permissions

Reprints and permissions

Copyright information

© 2023 The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd.

About this chapter

Cite this chapter.

Hazari, A. (2023). Formulating Research Hypothesis and Objective. In: Research Methodology for Allied Health Professionals. Springer, Singapore. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-8925-6_4

Download citation

DOI : https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-8925-6_4

Published : 01 March 2024

Publisher Name : Springer, Singapore

Print ISBN : 978-981-99-8924-9

Online ISBN : 978-981-99-8925-6

eBook Packages : Medicine Medicine (R0)

Share this chapter

Anyone you share the following link with will be able to read this content:

Sorry, a shareable link is not currently available for this article.

Provided by the Springer Nature SharedIt content-sharing initiative

• Publish with us

Policies and ethics

• Find a journal
• Track your research

• school Campus Bookshelves
• menu_book Bookshelves
• perm_media Learning Objects
• login Login
• how_to_reg Request Instructor Account
• hub Instructor Commons
• Download Page (PDF)
• Download Full Book (PDF)
• Periodic Table
• Physics Constants
• Scientific Calculator
• Reference & Cite
• Tools expand_more
• Readability

selected template will load here

This action is not available.

2.1C: Formulating the Hypothesis

• Last updated
• Save as PDF
• Page ID 7913

A hypothesis is a potential answer to your research question; the research process helps you determine if your hypothesis is true.

Learning Objectives

• Explain how hypotheses are used in sociological research and the difference between dependent and independent variables
• Hypotheses are testable explanations of a problem, phenomenon, or observation.
• Both quantitative and qualitative research involve formulating a hypothesis to address the research problem.
• Hypotheses that suggest a causal relationship involve at least one independent variable and at least one dependent variable; in other words, one variable which is presumed to affect the other.
• An independent variable is one whose value is manipulated by the researcher or experimenter.
• A dependent variable is a variable whose values are presumed to change as a result of changes in the independent variable.
• dependent variable : In an equation, the variable whose value depends on one or more variables in the equation.
• independent variable : In an equation, any variable whose value is not dependent on any other in the equation.
• hypothesis : Used loosely, a tentative conjecture explaining an observation, phenomenon, or scientific problem that can be tested by further observation, investigation, or experimentation.

A hypothesis is an assumption or suggested explanation about how two or more variables are related. It is a crucial step in the scientific method and, therefore, a vital aspect of all scientific research. There are no definitive guidelines for the production of new hypotheses. The history of science is filled with stories of scientists claiming a flash of inspiration, or a hunch, which then motivated them to look for evidence to support or refute the idea.

While there is no single way to develop a hypothesis, a useful hypothesis will use deductive reasoning to make predictions that can be experimentally assessed. If results contradict the predictions, then the hypothesis under examination is incorrect or incomplete and must be revised or abandoned. If results confirm the predictions, then the hypothesis might be correct but is still subject to further testing.

Both quantitative and qualitative research involve formulating a hypothesis to address the research problem. A hypothesis will generally provide a causal explanation or propose some association between two variables. Variables are measurable phenomena whose values can change under different conditions. For example, if the hypothesis is a causal explanation, it will involve at least one dependent variable and one independent variable. In research, independent variables are the cause of the change. The dependent variable is the effect, or thing that is changed. In other words, the value of a dependent variable depends on the value of the independent variable. Of course, this assumes that there is an actual relationship between the two variables. If there is no relationship, then the value of the dependent variable does not depend on the value of the independent variable.

• Search Menu
• Browse content in A - General Economics and Teaching
• Browse content in A1 - General Economics
• A11 - Role of Economics; Role of Economists; Market for Economists
• Browse content in B - History of Economic Thought, Methodology, and Heterodox Approaches
• Browse content in B4 - Economic Methodology
• B49 - Other
• Browse content in C - Mathematical and Quantitative Methods
• Browse content in C0 - General
• C00 - General
• C01 - Econometrics
• Browse content in C1 - Econometric and Statistical Methods and Methodology: General
• C10 - General
• C11 - Bayesian Analysis: General
• C12 - Hypothesis Testing: General
• C13 - Estimation: General
• C14 - Semiparametric and Nonparametric Methods: General
• C18 - Methodological Issues: General
• Browse content in C2 - Single Equation Models; Single Variables
• C21 - Cross-Sectional Models; Spatial Models; Treatment Effect Models; Quantile Regressions
• C23 - Panel Data Models; Spatio-temporal Models
• C26 - Instrumental Variables (IV) Estimation
• Browse content in C3 - Multiple or Simultaneous Equation Models; Multiple Variables
• C30 - General
• C31 - Cross-Sectional Models; Spatial Models; Treatment Effect Models; Quantile Regressions; Social Interaction Models
• C32 - Time-Series Models; Dynamic Quantile Regressions; Dynamic Treatment Effect Models; Diffusion Processes; State Space Models
• C35 - Discrete Regression and Qualitative Choice Models; Discrete Regressors; Proportions
• Browse content in C4 - Econometric and Statistical Methods: Special Topics
• C40 - General
• Browse content in C5 - Econometric Modeling
• C52 - Model Evaluation, Validation, and Selection
• C53 - Forecasting and Prediction Methods; Simulation Methods
• C55 - Large Data Sets: Modeling and Analysis
• Browse content in C6 - Mathematical Methods; Programming Models; Mathematical and Simulation Modeling
• C63 - Computational Techniques; Simulation Modeling
• C67 - Input-Output Models
• Browse content in C7 - Game Theory and Bargaining Theory
• C71 - Cooperative Games
• C72 - Noncooperative Games
• C73 - Stochastic and Dynamic Games; Evolutionary Games; Repeated Games
• C78 - Bargaining Theory; Matching Theory
• C79 - Other
• Browse content in C8 - Data Collection and Data Estimation Methodology; Computer Programs
• C83 - Survey Methods; Sampling Methods
• Browse content in C9 - Design of Experiments
• C90 - General
• C91 - Laboratory, Individual Behavior
• C92 - Laboratory, Group Behavior
• C93 - Field Experiments
• C99 - Other
• Browse content in D - Microeconomics
• Browse content in D0 - General
• D00 - General
• D01 - Microeconomic Behavior: Underlying Principles
• D02 - Institutions: Design, Formation, Operations, and Impact
• D03 - Behavioral Microeconomics: Underlying Principles
• D04 - Microeconomic Policy: Formulation; Implementation, and Evaluation
• Browse content in D1 - Household Behavior and Family Economics
• D10 - General
• D11 - Consumer Economics: Theory
• D12 - Consumer Economics: Empirical Analysis
• D13 - Household Production and Intrahousehold Allocation
• D14 - Household Saving; Personal Finance
• D15 - Intertemporal Household Choice: Life Cycle Models and Saving
• D18 - Consumer Protection
• Browse content in D2 - Production and Organizations
• D20 - General
• D21 - Firm Behavior: Theory
• D22 - Firm Behavior: Empirical Analysis
• D23 - Organizational Behavior; Transaction Costs; Property Rights
• D24 - Production; Cost; Capital; Capital, Total Factor, and Multifactor Productivity; Capacity
• Browse content in D3 - Distribution
• D30 - General
• D31 - Personal Income, Wealth, and Their Distributions
• D33 - Factor Income Distribution
• Browse content in D4 - Market Structure, Pricing, and Design
• D40 - General
• D41 - Perfect Competition
• D42 - Monopoly
• D43 - Oligopoly and Other Forms of Market Imperfection
• D44 - Auctions
• D47 - Market Design
• D49 - Other
• Browse content in D5 - General Equilibrium and Disequilibrium
• D50 - General
• D51 - Exchange and Production Economies
• D52 - Incomplete Markets
• D53 - Financial Markets
• D57 - Input-Output Tables and Analysis
• Browse content in D6 - Welfare Economics
• D60 - General
• D61 - Allocative Efficiency; Cost-Benefit Analysis
• D62 - Externalities
• D63 - Equity, Justice, Inequality, and Other Normative Criteria and Measurement
• D64 - Altruism; Philanthropy
• D69 - Other
• Browse content in D7 - Analysis of Collective Decision-Making
• D70 - General
• D71 - Social Choice; Clubs; Committees; Associations
• D72 - Political Processes: Rent-seeking, Lobbying, Elections, Legislatures, and Voting Behavior
• D73 - Bureaucracy; Administrative Processes in Public Organizations; Corruption
• D74 - Conflict; Conflict Resolution; Alliances; Revolutions
• D78 - Positive Analysis of Policy Formulation and Implementation
• Browse content in D8 - Information, Knowledge, and Uncertainty
• D80 - General
• D81 - Criteria for Decision-Making under Risk and Uncertainty
• D82 - Asymmetric and Private Information; Mechanism Design
• D83 - Search; Learning; Information and Knowledge; Communication; Belief; Unawareness
• D84 - Expectations; Speculations
• D85 - Network Formation and Analysis: Theory
• D86 - Economics of Contract: Theory
• D89 - Other
• Browse content in D9 - Micro-Based Behavioral Economics
• D90 - General
• D91 - Role and Effects of Psychological, Emotional, Social, and Cognitive Factors on Decision Making
• D92 - Intertemporal Firm Choice, Investment, Capacity, and Financing
• Browse content in E - Macroeconomics and Monetary Economics
• Browse content in E0 - General
• E00 - General
• E01 - Measurement and Data on National Income and Product Accounts and Wealth; Environmental Accounts
• E02 - Institutions and the Macroeconomy
• E03 - Behavioral Macroeconomics
• Browse content in E1 - General Aggregative Models
• E10 - General
• E12 - Keynes; Keynesian; Post-Keynesian
• E13 - Neoclassical
• Browse content in E2 - Consumption, Saving, Production, Investment, Labor Markets, and Informal Economy
• E20 - General
• E21 - Consumption; Saving; Wealth
• E22 - Investment; Capital; Intangible Capital; Capacity
• E23 - Production
• E24 - Employment; Unemployment; Wages; Intergenerational Income Distribution; Aggregate Human Capital; Aggregate Labor Productivity
• E25 - Aggregate Factor Income Distribution
• Browse content in E3 - Prices, Business Fluctuations, and Cycles
• E30 - General
• E31 - Price Level; Inflation; Deflation
• E32 - Business Fluctuations; Cycles
• E37 - Forecasting and Simulation: Models and Applications
• Browse content in E4 - Money and Interest Rates
• E40 - General
• E41 - Demand for Money
• E42 - Monetary Systems; Standards; Regimes; Government and the Monetary System; Payment Systems
• E43 - Interest Rates: Determination, Term Structure, and Effects
• E44 - Financial Markets and the Macroeconomy
• Browse content in E5 - Monetary Policy, Central Banking, and the Supply of Money and Credit
• E50 - General
• E51 - Money Supply; Credit; Money Multipliers
• E52 - Monetary Policy
• E58 - Central Banks and Their Policies
• Browse content in E6 - Macroeconomic Policy, Macroeconomic Aspects of Public Finance, and General Outlook
• E60 - General
• E62 - Fiscal Policy
• E66 - General Outlook and Conditions
• Browse content in E7 - Macro-Based Behavioral Economics
• E71 - Role and Effects of Psychological, Emotional, Social, and Cognitive Factors on the Macro Economy
• Browse content in F - International Economics
• Browse content in F0 - General
• F00 - General
• Browse content in F1 - Trade
• F10 - General
• F11 - Neoclassical Models of Trade
• F12 - Models of Trade with Imperfect Competition and Scale Economies; Fragmentation
• F13 - Trade Policy; International Trade Organizations
• F14 - Empirical Studies of Trade
• F15 - Economic Integration
• F16 - Trade and Labor Market Interactions
• F18 - Trade and Environment
• Browse content in F2 - International Factor Movements and International Business
• F20 - General
• F21 - International Investment; Long-Term Capital Movements
• F22 - International Migration
• F23 - Multinational Firms; International Business
• Browse content in F3 - International Finance
• F30 - General
• F31 - Foreign Exchange
• F32 - Current Account Adjustment; Short-Term Capital Movements
• F34 - International Lending and Debt Problems
• F35 - Foreign Aid
• F36 - Financial Aspects of Economic Integration
• Browse content in F4 - Macroeconomic Aspects of International Trade and Finance
• F40 - General
• F41 - Open Economy Macroeconomics
• F42 - International Policy Coordination and Transmission
• F43 - Economic Growth of Open Economies
• F44 - International Business Cycles
• Browse content in F5 - International Relations, National Security, and International Political Economy
• F50 - General
• F51 - International Conflicts; Negotiations; Sanctions
• F52 - National Security; Economic Nationalism
• F55 - International Institutional Arrangements
• Browse content in F6 - Economic Impacts of Globalization
• F60 - General
• F61 - Microeconomic Impacts
• F63 - Economic Development
• Browse content in G - Financial Economics
• Browse content in G0 - General
• G00 - General
• G01 - Financial Crises
• G02 - Behavioral Finance: Underlying Principles
• Browse content in G1 - General Financial Markets
• G10 - General
• G11 - Portfolio Choice; Investment Decisions
• G12 - Asset Pricing; Trading volume; Bond Interest Rates
• G14 - Information and Market Efficiency; Event Studies; Insider Trading
• G15 - International Financial Markets
• G18 - Government Policy and Regulation
• Browse content in G2 - Financial Institutions and Services
• G20 - General
• G21 - Banks; Depository Institutions; Micro Finance Institutions; Mortgages
• G22 - Insurance; Insurance Companies; Actuarial Studies
• G23 - Non-bank Financial Institutions; Financial Instruments; Institutional Investors
• G24 - Investment Banking; Venture Capital; Brokerage; Ratings and Ratings Agencies
• G28 - Government Policy and Regulation
• Browse content in G3 - Corporate Finance and Governance
• G30 - General
• G31 - Capital Budgeting; Fixed Investment and Inventory Studies; Capacity
• G32 - Financing Policy; Financial Risk and Risk Management; Capital and Ownership Structure; Value of Firms; Goodwill
• G33 - Bankruptcy; Liquidation
• G34 - Mergers; Acquisitions; Restructuring; Corporate Governance
• G38 - Government Policy and Regulation
• Browse content in G4 - Behavioral Finance
• G40 - General
• G41 - Role and Effects of Psychological, Emotional, Social, and Cognitive Factors on Decision Making in Financial Markets
• Browse content in G5 - Household Finance
• G50 - General
• G51 - Household Saving, Borrowing, Debt, and Wealth
• Browse content in H - Public Economics
• Browse content in H0 - General
• H00 - General
• Browse content in H1 - Structure and Scope of Government
• H10 - General
• H11 - Structure, Scope, and Performance of Government
• Browse content in H2 - Taxation, Subsidies, and Revenue
• H20 - General
• H21 - Efficiency; Optimal Taxation
• H22 - Incidence
• H23 - Externalities; Redistributive Effects; Environmental Taxes and Subsidies
• H24 - Personal Income and Other Nonbusiness Taxes and Subsidies; includes inheritance and gift taxes
• H25 - Business Taxes and Subsidies
• H26 - Tax Evasion and Avoidance
• Browse content in H3 - Fiscal Policies and Behavior of Economic Agents
• H31 - Household
• Browse content in H4 - Publicly Provided Goods
• H40 - General
• H41 - Public Goods
• H42 - Publicly Provided Private Goods
• H44 - Publicly Provided Goods: Mixed Markets
• Browse content in H5 - National Government Expenditures and Related Policies
• H50 - General
• H51 - Government Expenditures and Health
• H52 - Government Expenditures and Education
• H53 - Government Expenditures and Welfare Programs
• H54 - Infrastructures; Other Public Investment and Capital Stock
• H55 - Social Security and Public Pensions
• H56 - National Security and War
• H57 - Procurement
• Browse content in H6 - National Budget, Deficit, and Debt
• H63 - Debt; Debt Management; Sovereign Debt
• Browse content in H7 - State and Local Government; Intergovernmental Relations
• H70 - General
• H71 - State and Local Taxation, Subsidies, and Revenue
• H73 - Interjurisdictional Differentials and Their Effects
• H75 - State and Local Government: Health; Education; Welfare; Public Pensions
• H76 - State and Local Government: Other Expenditure Categories
• H77 - Intergovernmental Relations; Federalism; Secession
• Browse content in H8 - Miscellaneous Issues
• H81 - Governmental Loans; Loan Guarantees; Credits; Grants; Bailouts
• H83 - Public Administration; Public Sector Accounting and Audits
• H87 - International Fiscal Issues; International Public Goods
• Browse content in I - Health, Education, and Welfare
• Browse content in I0 - General
• I00 - General
• Browse content in I1 - Health
• I10 - General
• I11 - Analysis of Health Care Markets
• I12 - Health Behavior
• I13 - Health Insurance, Public and Private
• I14 - Health and Inequality
• I15 - Health and Economic Development
• I18 - Government Policy; Regulation; Public Health
• Browse content in I2 - Education and Research Institutions
• I20 - General
• I21 - Analysis of Education
• I22 - Educational Finance; Financial Aid
• I23 - Higher Education; Research Institutions
• I24 - Education and Inequality
• I25 - Education and Economic Development
• I26 - Returns to Education
• I28 - Government Policy
• Browse content in I3 - Welfare, Well-Being, and Poverty
• I30 - General
• I31 - General Welfare
• I32 - Measurement and Analysis of Poverty
• I38 - Government Policy; Provision and Effects of Welfare Programs
• Browse content in J - Labor and Demographic Economics
• Browse content in J0 - General
• J00 - General
• J01 - Labor Economics: General
• J08 - Labor Economics Policies
• Browse content in J1 - Demographic Economics
• J10 - General
• J12 - Marriage; Marital Dissolution; Family Structure; Domestic Abuse
• J13 - Fertility; Family Planning; Child Care; Children; Youth
• J14 - Economics of the Elderly; Economics of the Handicapped; Non-Labor Market Discrimination
• J15 - Economics of Minorities, Races, Indigenous Peoples, and Immigrants; Non-labor Discrimination
• J16 - Economics of Gender; Non-labor Discrimination
• J18 - Public Policy
• Browse content in J2 - Demand and Supply of Labor
• J20 - General
• J21 - Labor Force and Employment, Size, and Structure
• J22 - Time Allocation and Labor Supply
• J23 - Labor Demand
• J24 - Human Capital; Skills; Occupational Choice; Labor Productivity
• Browse content in J3 - Wages, Compensation, and Labor Costs
• J30 - General
• J31 - Wage Level and Structure; Wage Differentials
• J33 - Compensation Packages; Payment Methods
• J38 - Public Policy
• Browse content in J4 - Particular Labor Markets
• J40 - General
• J42 - Monopsony; Segmented Labor Markets
• J44 - Professional Labor Markets; Occupational Licensing
• J45 - Public Sector Labor Markets
• J48 - Public Policy
• J49 - Other
• Browse content in J5 - Labor-Management Relations, Trade Unions, and Collective Bargaining
• J50 - General
• J51 - Trade Unions: Objectives, Structure, and Effects
• J53 - Labor-Management Relations; Industrial Jurisprudence
• Browse content in J6 - Mobility, Unemployment, Vacancies, and Immigrant Workers
• J60 - General
• J61 - Geographic Labor Mobility; Immigrant Workers
• J62 - Job, Occupational, and Intergenerational Mobility
• J63 - Turnover; Vacancies; Layoffs
• J64 - Unemployment: Models, Duration, Incidence, and Job Search
• J65 - Unemployment Insurance; Severance Pay; Plant Closings
• J68 - Public Policy
• Browse content in J7 - Labor Discrimination
• J71 - Discrimination
• J78 - Public Policy
• Browse content in J8 - Labor Standards: National and International
• J81 - Working Conditions
• J88 - Public Policy
• Browse content in K - Law and Economics
• Browse content in K0 - General
• K00 - General
• Browse content in K1 - Basic Areas of Law
• K14 - Criminal Law
• K2 - Regulation and Business Law
• Browse content in K3 - Other Substantive Areas of Law
• K31 - Labor Law
• Browse content in K4 - Legal Procedure, the Legal System, and Illegal Behavior
• K40 - General
• K41 - Litigation Process
• K42 - Illegal Behavior and the Enforcement of Law
• Browse content in L - Industrial Organization
• Browse content in L0 - General
• L00 - General
• Browse content in L1 - Market Structure, Firm Strategy, and Market Performance
• L10 - General
• L11 - Production, Pricing, and Market Structure; Size Distribution of Firms
• L13 - Oligopoly and Other Imperfect Markets
• L14 - Transactional Relationships; Contracts and Reputation; Networks
• L15 - Information and Product Quality; Standardization and Compatibility
• L16 - Industrial Organization and Macroeconomics: Industrial Structure and Structural Change; Industrial Price Indices
• L19 - Other
• Browse content in L2 - Firm Objectives, Organization, and Behavior
• L21 - Business Objectives of the Firm
• L22 - Firm Organization and Market Structure
• L23 - Organization of Production
• L24 - Contracting Out; Joint Ventures; Technology Licensing
• L25 - Firm Performance: Size, Diversification, and Scope
• L26 - Entrepreneurship
• Browse content in L3 - Nonprofit Organizations and Public Enterprise
• L33 - Comparison of Public and Private Enterprises and Nonprofit Institutions; Privatization; Contracting Out
• Browse content in L4 - Antitrust Issues and Policies
• L40 - General
• L41 - Monopolization; Horizontal Anticompetitive Practices
• L42 - Vertical Restraints; Resale Price Maintenance; Quantity Discounts
• Browse content in L5 - Regulation and Industrial Policy
• L50 - General
• L51 - Economics of Regulation
• Browse content in L6 - Industry Studies: Manufacturing
• L60 - General
• L62 - Automobiles; Other Transportation Equipment; Related Parts and Equipment
• L63 - Microelectronics; Computers; Communications Equipment
• L66 - Food; Beverages; Cosmetics; Tobacco; Wine and Spirits
• Browse content in L7 - Industry Studies: Primary Products and Construction
• L71 - Mining, Extraction, and Refining: Hydrocarbon Fuels
• L73 - Forest Products
• Browse content in L8 - Industry Studies: Services
• L81 - Retail and Wholesale Trade; e-Commerce
• L83 - Sports; Gambling; Recreation; Tourism
• L84 - Personal, Professional, and Business Services
• L86 - Information and Internet Services; Computer Software
• Browse content in L9 - Industry Studies: Transportation and Utilities
• L91 - Transportation: General
• L93 - Air Transportation
• L94 - Electric Utilities
• Browse content in M - Business Administration and Business Economics; Marketing; Accounting; Personnel Economics
• Browse content in M1 - Business Administration
• M11 - Production Management
• M12 - Personnel Management; Executives; Executive Compensation
• M14 - Corporate Culture; Social Responsibility
• Browse content in M2 - Business Economics
• M21 - Business Economics
• Browse content in M3 - Marketing and Advertising
• M31 - Marketing
• M37 - Advertising
• Browse content in M4 - Accounting and Auditing
• M42 - Auditing
• M48 - Government Policy and Regulation
• Browse content in M5 - Personnel Economics
• M50 - General
• M51 - Firm Employment Decisions; Promotions
• M52 - Compensation and Compensation Methods and Their Effects
• M53 - Training
• M54 - Labor Management
• Browse content in N - Economic History
• Browse content in N0 - General
• N00 - General
• N01 - Development of the Discipline: Historiographical; Sources and Methods
• Browse content in N1 - Macroeconomics and Monetary Economics; Industrial Structure; Growth; Fluctuations
• N10 - General, International, or Comparative
• N11 - U.S.; Canada: Pre-1913
• N12 - U.S.; Canada: 1913-
• N13 - Europe: Pre-1913
• N17 - Africa; Oceania
• Browse content in N2 - Financial Markets and Institutions
• N20 - General, International, or Comparative
• N22 - U.S.; Canada: 1913-
• N23 - Europe: Pre-1913
• Browse content in N3 - Labor and Consumers, Demography, Education, Health, Welfare, Income, Wealth, Religion, and Philanthropy
• N30 - General, International, or Comparative
• N31 - U.S.; Canada: Pre-1913
• N32 - U.S.; Canada: 1913-
• N33 - Europe: Pre-1913
• N34 - Europe: 1913-
• N36 - Latin America; Caribbean
• N37 - Africa; Oceania
• Browse content in N4 - Government, War, Law, International Relations, and Regulation
• N40 - General, International, or Comparative
• N41 - U.S.; Canada: Pre-1913
• N42 - U.S.; Canada: 1913-
• N43 - Europe: Pre-1913
• N44 - Europe: 1913-
• N45 - Asia including Middle East
• N47 - Africa; Oceania
• Browse content in N5 - Agriculture, Natural Resources, Environment, and Extractive Industries
• N50 - General, International, or Comparative
• N51 - U.S.; Canada: Pre-1913
• Browse content in N6 - Manufacturing and Construction
• N63 - Europe: Pre-1913
• Browse content in N7 - Transport, Trade, Energy, Technology, and Other Services
• N71 - U.S.; Canada: Pre-1913
• Browse content in N8 - Micro-Business History
• N82 - U.S.; Canada: 1913-
• Browse content in N9 - Regional and Urban History
• N91 - U.S.; Canada: Pre-1913
• N92 - U.S.; Canada: 1913-
• N93 - Europe: Pre-1913
• N94 - Europe: 1913-
• Browse content in O - Economic Development, Innovation, Technological Change, and Growth
• Browse content in O1 - Economic Development
• O10 - General
• O11 - Macroeconomic Analyses of Economic Development
• O12 - Microeconomic Analyses of Economic Development
• O13 - Agriculture; Natural Resources; Energy; Environment; Other Primary Products
• O14 - Industrialization; Manufacturing and Service Industries; Choice of Technology
• O15 - Human Resources; Human Development; Income Distribution; Migration
• O16 - Financial Markets; Saving and Capital Investment; Corporate Finance and Governance
• O17 - Formal and Informal Sectors; Shadow Economy; Institutional Arrangements
• O18 - Urban, Rural, Regional, and Transportation Analysis; Housing; Infrastructure
• O19 - International Linkages to Development; Role of International Organizations
• Browse content in O2 - Development Planning and Policy
• O23 - Fiscal and Monetary Policy in Development
• O25 - Industrial Policy
• Browse content in O3 - Innovation; Research and Development; Technological Change; Intellectual Property Rights
• O30 - General
• O31 - Innovation and Invention: Processes and Incentives
• O32 - Management of Technological Innovation and R&D
• O33 - Technological Change: Choices and Consequences; Diffusion Processes
• O34 - Intellectual Property and Intellectual Capital
• O38 - Government Policy
• Browse content in O4 - Economic Growth and Aggregate Productivity
• O40 - General
• O41 - One, Two, and Multisector Growth Models
• O43 - Institutions and Growth
• O44 - Environment and Growth
• O47 - Empirical Studies of Economic Growth; Aggregate Productivity; Cross-Country Output Convergence
• Browse content in O5 - Economywide Country Studies
• O52 - Europe
• O53 - Asia including Middle East
• O55 - Africa
• Browse content in P - Economic Systems
• Browse content in P0 - General
• P00 - General
• Browse content in P1 - Capitalist Systems
• P10 - General
• P16 - Political Economy
• P17 - Performance and Prospects
• P18 - Energy: Environment
• Browse content in P2 - Socialist Systems and Transitional Economies
• P26 - Political Economy; Property Rights
• Browse content in P3 - Socialist Institutions and Their Transitions
• P37 - Legal Institutions; Illegal Behavior
• Browse content in P4 - Other Economic Systems
• P48 - Political Economy; Legal Institutions; Property Rights; Natural Resources; Energy; Environment; Regional Studies
• Browse content in P5 - Comparative Economic Systems
• P51 - Comparative Analysis of Economic Systems
• Browse content in Q - Agricultural and Natural Resource Economics; Environmental and Ecological Economics
• Browse content in Q1 - Agriculture
• Q10 - General
• Q12 - Micro Analysis of Farm Firms, Farm Households, and Farm Input Markets
• Q13 - Agricultural Markets and Marketing; Cooperatives; Agribusiness
• Q14 - Agricultural Finance
• Q15 - Land Ownership and Tenure; Land Reform; Land Use; Irrigation; Agriculture and Environment
• Q16 - R&D; Agricultural Technology; Biofuels; Agricultural Extension Services
• Browse content in Q2 - Renewable Resources and Conservation
• Q25 - Water
• Browse content in Q3 - Nonrenewable Resources and Conservation
• Q32 - Exhaustible Resources and Economic Development
• Q34 - Natural Resources and Domestic and International Conflicts
• Browse content in Q4 - Energy
• Q41 - Demand and Supply; Prices
• Q48 - Government Policy
• Browse content in Q5 - Environmental Economics
• Q50 - General
• Q51 - Valuation of Environmental Effects
• Q53 - Air Pollution; Water Pollution; Noise; Hazardous Waste; Solid Waste; Recycling
• Q54 - Climate; Natural Disasters; Global Warming
• Q56 - Environment and Development; Environment and Trade; Sustainability; Environmental Accounts and Accounting; Environmental Equity; Population Growth
• Q58 - Government Policy
• Browse content in R - Urban, Rural, Regional, Real Estate, and Transportation Economics
• Browse content in R0 - General
• R00 - General
• Browse content in R1 - General Regional Economics
• R11 - Regional Economic Activity: Growth, Development, Environmental Issues, and Changes
• R12 - Size and Spatial Distributions of Regional Economic Activity
• R13 - General Equilibrium and Welfare Economic Analysis of Regional Economies
• Browse content in R2 - Household Analysis
• R20 - General
• R23 - Regional Migration; Regional Labor Markets; Population; Neighborhood Characteristics
• R28 - Government Policy
• Browse content in R3 - Real Estate Markets, Spatial Production Analysis, and Firm Location
• R30 - General
• R31 - Housing Supply and Markets
• R38 - Government Policy
• Browse content in R4 - Transportation Economics
• R40 - General
• R41 - Transportation: Demand, Supply, and Congestion; Travel Time; Safety and Accidents; Transportation Noise
• R48 - Government Pricing and Policy
• Browse content in Z - Other Special Topics
• Browse content in Z1 - Cultural Economics; Economic Sociology; Economic Anthropology
• Z10 - General
• Z12 - Religion
• Z13 - Economic Sociology; Economic Anthropology; Social and Economic Stratification
• Advance Articles
• Editor's Choice
• Author Guidelines
• Submission Site
• Open Access Options
• Self-Archiving Policy
• Why Submit?
• About The Quarterly Journal of Economics
• Editorial Board
• Advertising and Corporate Services
• Journals Career Network
• Dispatch Dates
• Journals on Oxford Academic
• Books on Oxford Academic

Article Contents

I. introduction, ii. a simple framework for discovery, iii. application and data, iv. the surprising importance of the face, v. algorithm-human communication, vi. evaluating these new hypotheses, vii. conclusion, data availability.

• < Previous

Machine Learning as a Tool for Hypothesis Generation *

• Article contents
• Figures & tables
• Supplementary Data

Jens Ludwig, Sendhil Mullainathan, Machine Learning as a Tool for Hypothesis Generation, The Quarterly Journal of Economics , Volume 139, Issue 2, May 2024, Pages 751–827, https://doi.org/10.1093/qje/qjad055

• Permissions Icon Permissions

While hypothesis testing is a highly formalized activity, hypothesis generation remains largely informal. We propose a systematic procedure to generate novel hypotheses about human behavior, which uses the capacity of machine learning algorithms to notice patterns people might not. We illustrate the procedure with a concrete application: judge decisions about whom to jail. We begin with a striking fact: the defendant’s face alone matters greatly for the judge’s jailing decision. In fact, an algorithm given only the pixels in the defendant’s mug shot accounts for up to half of the predictable variation. We develop a procedure that allows human subjects to interact with this black-box algorithm to produce hypotheses about what in the face influences judge decisions. The procedure generates hypotheses that are both interpretable and novel: they are not explained by demographics (e.g., race) or existing psychology research, nor are they already known (even if tacitly) to people or experts. Though these results are specific, our procedure is general. It provides a way to produce novel, interpretable hypotheses from any high-dimensional data set (e.g., cell phones, satellites, online behavior, news headlines, corporate filings, and high-frequency time series). A central tenet of our article is that hypothesis generation is a valuable activity, and we hope this encourages future work in this largely “prescientific” stage of science.

Science is curiously asymmetric. New ideas are meticulously tested using data, statistics, and formal models. Yet those ideas originate in a notably less meticulous process involving intuition, inspiration, and creativity. The asymmetry between how ideas are generated versus tested is noteworthy because idea generation is also, at its core, an empirical activity. Creativity begins with “data” (albeit data stored in the mind), which are then “analyzed” (through a purely psychological process of pattern recognition). What feels like inspiration is actually the output of a data analysis run by the human brain. Despite this, idea generation largely happens off stage, something that typically happens before “actual science” begins. 1 Things are likely this way because there is no obvious alternative. The creative process is so human and idiosyncratic that it would seem to resist formalism.

That may be about to change because of two developments. First, human cognition is no longer the only way to notice patterns in the world. Machine learning algorithms can also find patterns, including patterns people might not notice themselves. These algorithms can work not just with structured, tabular data but also with the kinds of inputs that traditionally could only be processed by the mind, like images or text. Second, data on human behavior is exploding: second-by-second price and volume data in asset markets, high-frequency cellphone data on location and usage, CCTV camera and police bodycam footage, news stories, children’s books, the entire text of corporate filings, and so on. The kind of information researchers once relied on for inspiration is now machine readable: what was once solely mental data is increasingly becoming actual data. 2

We suggest that these changes can be leveraged to expand how hypotheses are generated. Currently, researchers do of course look at data to generate hypotheses, as in exploratory data analysis, but this depends on the idiosyncratic creativity of investigators who must decide what statistics to calculate. In contrast, we suggest capitalizing on the capacity of machine learning algorithms to automatically detect patterns, especially ones people might never have considered. A key challenge is that we require hypotheses that are interpretable to people. One important goal of science is to generalize knowledge to new contexts. Predictive patterns in a single data set alone are rarely useful; they become insightful when they can be generalized. Currently, that generalization is done by people, and people can only generalize things they understand. The predictors produced by machine learning algorithms are, however, notoriously opaque—hard-to-decipher “black boxes.” We propose a procedure that integrates these algorithms into a pipeline that results in human-interpretable hypotheses that are both novel and testable.

While our procedure is broadly applicable, we illustrate it in a concrete application: judicial decision making. Specifically we study pretrial decisions about which defendants are jailed versus set free awaiting trial, a decision that by law is supposed to hinge on a prediction of the defendant’s risk ( Dobbie and Yang 2021 ). 3 This is also a substantively interesting application in its own right because of the high stakes involved and mounting evidence that judges make these decisions less than perfectly ( Kleinberg et al. 2018 ; Rambachan et al. 2021 ; Angelova, Dobbie, and Yang 2023 ).

We begin with a striking fact. When we build a deep learning model of the judge—one that predicts whether the judge will detain a given defendant—a single factor emerges as having large explanatory power: the defendant’s face. A predictor that uses only the pixels in the defendant’s mug shot explains from one-quarter to nearly one-half of the predictable variation in detention. 4 Defendants whose mug shots fall in the bottom quartile of predicted detention are 20.4 percentage points more likely to be jailed than those in the top quartile. By comparison, the difference in detention rates between those arrested for violent versus nonviolent crimes is 4.8 percentage points. Notice what this finding is and is not. We are not claiming the mug shot predicts defendant behavior; that would be the long-discredited field of phrenology ( Schlag 1997 ). We instead claim the mug shot predicts judge behavior: how the defendant looks correlates strongly with whether the judge chooses to jail them. 5

Has the algorithm found something new in the pixels of the mug shot or simply rediscovered something long known or intuitively understood? After all, psychologists have been studying people’s reactions to faces for at least 100 years ( Todorov et al. 2015 ; Todorov and Oh 2021 ), while economists have shown that judges are influenced by factors (like race) that can be seen from someone’s face ( Arnold, Dobbie, and Yang 2018 ; Arnold, Dobbie, and Hull 2020 ). When we control for age, gender, race, skin color, and even the facial features suggested by previous psychology research (dominance, trustworthiness, attractiveness, and competence), none of these factors (individually or jointly) meaningfully diminishes the algorithm’s predictive power (see Figure I , Panel A). It is perhaps worth noting that the algorithm on its own does rediscover some of the signal from these features: in fact, collectively these known features explain |$22.3\%$| of the variation in predicted detention (see Figure I , Panel B). The key point is that the algorithm has discovered a great deal more as well.

Correlates of Judge Detention Decision and Algorithmic Prediction of Judge Decision

Panel A summarizes the explanatory power of a regression model in explaining judge detention decisions, controlling for the different explanatory variables indicated at left (shaded tiles), either on their own (dark circles) or together with the algorithmic prediction of the judge decisions (triangles). Each row represents a different regression specification. By “other facial features,” we mean variables that previous psychology research suggests matter for how faces influence people’s reactions to others (dominance, trustworthiness, competence, and attractiveness). Ninety-five percent confidence intervals around our R 2 estimates come from drawing 10,000 bootstrap samples from the validation data set. Panel B shows the relationship between the different explanatory variables as indicated at left by the shaded tiles with the algorithmic prediction itself as the outcome variable in the regressions. Panel C examines the correlation with judge decisions of the two novel hypotheses generated by our procedure about what facial features affect judge detention decisions: well-groomed and heavy-faced.

Perhaps we should control for something else? Figuring out that “something else” is itself a form of hypothesis generation. To avoid a possibly endless—and misleading—process of generating other controls, we take a different approach. We show mug shots to subjects and ask them to guess whom the judge will detain and incentivize them for accuracy. These guesses summarize the facial features people readily (if implicitly) believe influence jailing. Although subjects are modestly good at this task, the algorithm is much better. It remains highly predictive even after controlling for these guesses. The algorithm seems to have found something novel beyond what scientists have previously hypothesized and beyond whatever patterns people can even recognize in data (whether or not they can articulate them).

What, then, are the novel facial features the algorithm has discovered? If we are unable to answer that question, we will have simply replaced one black box (the judge’s mind) with another (an algorithmic model of the judge’s mind). We propose a solution whereby the algorithm can communicate what it “sees.” Specifically, our procedure begins with a mug shot and “morphs” it to create a mug shot that maximally increases (or decreases) the algorithm’s predicted detention probability. The result is pairs of synthetic mug shots that can be examined to understand and articulate what differs within the pairs. The algorithm discovers, and people name that discovery. In principle we could have just shown subjects actual mug shots with higher versus lower predicted detention odds. But faces are so rich that between any pair of actual mug shots, many things will happen to be different and most will be unrelated to detention (akin to the curse of dimensionality). Simply looking at pairs of actual faces can, as a result, lead to many spurious observations. Morphing creates counterfactual synthetic images that are as similar as possible except with respect to detention odds, to minimize extraneous differences and help focus on what truly matters for judge detention decisions.

Importantly, we do not generate hypotheses by looking at the morphs ourselves; instead, they are shown to independent study subjects (MTurk or Prolific workers) in an experimental design. Specifically, we showed pairs of morphed images and asked participants to guess which image the algorithm predicts to have higher detention risk. Subjects were given both incentives and feedback, so they had motivation and opportunity to learn the underlying patterns. While subjects initially guess the judge’s decision correctly from these morphed mug shots at about the same rate as they do when looking at “raw data,” that is, actual mug shots (modestly above the |$50\%$| random guessing mark), they quickly learn from these morphed images what the algorithm is seeing and reach an accuracy of nearly |$70\%$|⁠ . At the end, participants are asked to put words to the differences they see across images in each pair, that is, to name what they think are the key facial features the algorithm is relying on to predict judge decisions. Comfortingly, there is substantial agreement on what subjects see: a sizable share of subjects all name the same feature. To verify whether the feature they identify is used by the algorithm, a separate sample of subjects independently coded mug shots for this new feature. We show that the new feature is indeed correlated with the algorithm’s predictions. What subjects think they’re seeing is indeed what the algorithm is also “seeing.”

Having discovered a single feature, we can iterate the procedure—the first feature explains only a fraction of what the algorithm has captured, suggesting there are many other factors to be discovered. We again produce morphs, but this time hold the first feature constant: that is, we orthogonalize so that the pairs of morphs do not differ on the first feature. When these new morphs are shown to subjects, they consistently name a second feature, which again correlates with the algorithm’s prediction. Both features are quite important. They explain a far larger share of what the algorithm sees than all the other variables (including race and skin color) besides gender. These results establish our main goals: show that the procedure produces meaningful communication, and that it can be iterated.

What are the two discovered features? The first can be called “well-groomed” (e.g., tidy, clean, groomed, versus unkept, disheveled, sloppy look), and the second can be called “heavy-faced” (e.g., wide facial shape, puffier face, wider face, rounder face, heavier). These features are not just predictive of what the algorithm sees, but also of what judges actually do ( Figure I , Panel C). We find that both well-groomed and heavy-faced defendants are more likely to be released, even controlling for demographic features and known facial features from psychology. Detention rates of defendants in the top and bottom quartile of well-groomedness differ by 5.5 percentage points ( ⁠|$24\%$| of the base rate), while the top versus bottom quartile difference in heavy-facedness is 7 percentage points (about |$30\%$| of the base rate). Both differences are larger than the 4.8 percentage points detention rate difference between those arrested for violent versus nonviolent crimes. Not only are these magnitudes substantial, these hypotheses are novel even to practitioners who work in the criminal justice system (in a public defender’s office and a legal aid society).

Establishing whether these hypotheses are truly causally related to judge decisions is obviously beyond the scope of the present article. But we nonetheless present a few additional findings that are at least suggestive. These novel features do not appear to be simply proxies for factors like substance abuse, mental health, or socioeconomic status. Moreover, we carried out a lab experiment in which subjects are asked to make hypothetical pretrial release decisions as if they were a judge. They are shown information about criminal records (current charge, prior arrests) along with mug shots that are randomly morphed in the direction of higher or lower values of well-groomed (or heavy-faced). Subjects tend to detain those with higher-risk structured variables (criminal records), all else equal, suggesting they are taking the task seriously. These same subjects, though, are also more likely to detain defendants who are less heavy-faced or well-groomed, even though these were randomly assigned.

Ultimately, though, this is not a study about well-groomed or heavy-faced defendants, nor are its implications limited to faces or judges. It develops a general procedure that can be applied wherever behavior can be predicted using rich (especially high-dimensional) data. Development of such a procedure has required overcoming two key challenges.

First, to generate interpretable hypotheses, we must overcome the notorious black box nature of most machine learning algorithms. Unlike with a regression, one cannot simply inspect the coefficients. A modern deep-learning algorithm, for example, can have tens of millions of parameters. Noninspectability is especially problematic when the data are rich and high dimensional since the parameters are associated with primitives such as pixels. This problem of interpretation is fundamental and remains an active area of research. 6 Part of our procedure here draws on the recent literature in computer science that uses generative models to create counterfactual explanations. Most of those methods are designed for AI applications that seek to automate tasks humans do nearly perfectly, like image classification, where predictability of the outcome (is this image of a dog or a cat?) is typically quite high. 7 Interpretability techniques are used to ensure the algorithm is not picking up on spurious signal. 8 We developed our method, which has similar conceptual underpinnings to this existing literature, for social science applications where the outcome (human behavior) is typically more challenging to predict. 9 To what degree existing methods (as they currently stand or with some modification) could perform as well or better in social science applications like ours is a question we leave to future work.

Second, we must overcome what we might call the Rorschach test problem. Suppose we, the authors, were to look at these morphs and generate a hypothesis. We would not know if the procedure played any meaningful role. Perhaps the morphs, like ink blots, are merely canvases onto which we project our creativity. 10 Put differently, a single research team’s idiosyncratic judgments lack the kind of replicability we desire of a scientific procedure. To overcome this problem, it is key that we use independent (nonresearcher) subjects to inspect the morphs. The fact that a sizable share of subjects all name the same discovery suggests that human-algorithm communication has occurred and the procedure is replicable, rather than reflecting some unique spark of creativity.

At the same time, the fact that our procedure is not fully automatic implies that it will be shaped and constrained by people. Human participants are needed to name the discoveries. So whole new concepts that humans do not yet understand cannot be produced. Such breakthroughs clearly happen (e.g., gravity or probability) but are beyond the scope of procedures like ours. People also play a crucial role in curating the data the algorithm sees. Here, for example, we chose to include mug shots. The creative acquisition of rich data is an important human input into this hypothesis generation procedure. 11

Our procedure can be applied to a broad range of settings and will be particularly useful for data that are not already intrinsically interpretable. Many data sets contain a few variables that already have clear, fixed meanings and are unlikely to lead to novel discoveries. In contrast, images, text, and time series are rich high-dimensional data with many possible interpretations. Just as there is an ocean of plausible facial features, these sorts of data contain a large set of potential hypotheses that an algorithm can search through. Such data are increasingly available and used by economists, including news headlines, legislative deliberations, annual corporate reports, Federal Open Market Committee statements, Google searches, student essays, résumés, court transcripts, doctors’ notes, satellite images, housing photos, and medical images. Our procedure could, for example, raise hypotheses about what kinds of news lead to over- or underreaction of stock prices, which features of a job interview increase racial disparities, or what features of an X-ray drive misdiagnosis.

Central to this work is the belief that hypothesis generation is a valuable activity in and of itself. Beyond whatever the value might be of our specific procedure and empirical application, we hope these results also inspire greater attention to this traditionally “prescientific” stage of science.

We develop a simple framework to clarify the goals of hypothesis generation and how it differs from testing, how algorithms might help, and how our specific approach to algorithmic hypothesis generation differs from existing methods. 12

II.A. The Goals of Hypothesis Generation

What criteria should we use for assessing hypothesis generation procedures? Two common goals for hypothesis generation are ones that we ensure ex post. First is novelty. In our application, we aim to orthogonalize against known factors, recognizing that it may be hard to orthogonalize against all known hypotheses. Second, we require that hypotheses be testable ( Popper 2002 ). But what can be tested is hard to define ex ante, in part because it depends on the specific hypothesis and the potential experimental setups. Creative empiricists over time often find ways to test hypotheses that previously seemed untestable. 13 To these, we add two more: interpretability and empirical plausibility.

What do we mean by empirically plausible? Let y be some outcome of interest, which for simplicity we assume is binary, and let h ( x ) be some hypothesis that maps the features of each instance, x , to [0,1]. By empirical plausibility we mean some correlation between y and h ( x ). Our ultimate aim is to uncover causal relationships. But causality can only be known after causal testing. That raises the question of how to come up with ideas worth causally testing, and how we would recognize them when we see them. Many true hypotheses need not be visible in raw correlations. Those can only be identified with background knowledge (e.g., theory). Other procedures would be required to surface those. Our focus here is on searching for true hypotheses that are visible in raw correlations. Of course not every correlation will turn out to be a true hypothesis, but even in those cases, generating such hypotheses and then invalidating them can be a valuable activity. Debunking spurious correlations has long been one of the most useful roles of empirical work. Understanding what confounders produce those correlations can also be useful.

We care about our final goal for hypothesis generation, interpretability, because science is largely about helping people make forecasts into new contexts, and people can only do that with hypotheses they meaningfully understand. Consider an uninterpretable hypothesis like “this set of defendants is more likely to be jailed than that set,” but we cannot articulate a reason why. From that hypothesis, nothing could be said about a new set of courtroom defendants. In contrast an interpretable hypothesis like “skin color affects detention” has implications for other samples of defendants and for entirely different settings. We could ask whether skin color also affects, say, police enforcement choices or whether these effects differ by time of day. By virtue of being interpretable, these hypotheses let us use a wider set of knowledge (police may share racial biases; skin color is not as easily detected at night). 14 Interpretable descriptions let us generalize to novel situations, in addition to being easier to communicate to key stakeholders and lending themselves to interpretable solutions.

II.B. Human versus Algorithmic Hypothesis Generation

Human hypothesis generation has the advantage of generating hypotheses that are interpretable. By construction, the ideas that humans come up with are understandable by humans. But as a procedure for generating new ideas, human creativity has the drawback of often being idiosyncratic and not necessarily replicable. A novel hypothesis is novel exactly because one person noticed it when many others did not. A large body of evidence shows that human judgments have a great deal of “noise.” It is not just that different people draw different conclusions from the same observations, but the same person may notice different things at different times ( Kahneman, Sibony, and Sunstein 2022 ). A large body of psychology research shows that people typically are not able to introspect and understand why we notice specific things those times we do notice them. 15

There is also no guarantee that human-generated hypotheses need be empirically plausible. The intuition is related to “overfitting.” Suppose that people look at a subset of all data and look for something that differentiates positive ( y  = 1) from negative ( y  = 0) cases. Even with no noise in y , there is randomness in which observations are in the data. That can lead to idiosyncratic differences between y  = 0 and y  = 1 cases. As the number of comprehensible hypotheses gets large, there is a “curse of dimensionality”: many plausible hypotheses for these idiosyncratic differences. That is, many different hypotheses can look good in sample but need not work out of sample. 16

In contrast, supervised learning tools in machine learning are designed to generate predictions in new (out-of-sample) data. 17 That is, algorithms generate hypotheses that are empirically plausible by construction. 18 Moreover, machine learning can detect patterns in data that humans cannot. Algorithms can notice, for example, that livestock all tend to be oriented north ( Begall et al. 2008 ), whether someone is about to have a heart attack based on subtle indications in an electrocardiogram ( Mullainathan and Obermeyer 2022 ), or that a piece of machinery is about to break ( Mobley 2002 ). We call these machine learning prediction functions m ( x ), which for a binary outcome y map to [0, 1].

The challenge is that most m ( x ) are not interpretable. For this type of statistical model to yield an interpretable hypothesis, its parameters must be interpretable. That can happen in some simple cases. For example, if we had a data set where each dimension of x was interpretable (such as individual structured variables in a tabular data set) and we used a predictor such as OLS (or LASSO), we could just read the hypotheses from the nonzero coefficients: which variables are significant? Even in that case, interpretation is challenging because machine learning tools, built to generate accurate predictions rather than apportion explanatory power across explanatory variables, yield coefficients that can be unstable across realizations of the data ( Mullainathan and Spiess 2017 ). 19 Often interpretation is much less straightforward than that. If x is an image, text, or time series, the estimated models (such as convolutional neural networks) can have literally millions of parameters. The models are defined on granular inputs with no particular meaning: if we knew m ( x ) weighted a particular pixel, what have we learned? In these cases, the estimated model m ( x ) is not interpretable. Our focus is on these contexts where algorithms, as black-box models, are not readily interpreted.

Ideally one might marry people’s unique knowledge of what is comprehensible with an algorithm’s superior capacity to find meaningful correlations in data: to have the algorithm discover new signal and then have humans name that discovery. How to do so is not straightforward. We might imagine formalizing the set of interpretable prediction functions, and then focus on creating machine learning techniques that search over functions in that set. But mathematically characterizing those functions is typically not possible. Or we might consider seeking insight from a low-dimensional representation of face space, or “eigenfaces,” which are a common teaching tool for principal components analysis ( Sirovich and Kirby 1987 ). But those turn out not to provide much useful insight for our purposes. 20 In some sense it is obvious why: the subset of actual faces is unlikely to be a linear subspace of the space of pixels. If we took two faces and linearly interpolated them the resulting image would not look like a face. Some other approach is needed. We build on methods in computer science that use generative models to generate counterfactual explanations.

II.C. Related Methods

Our hypothesis generation procedure is part of a growing literature that aims to integrate machine learning into the way science is conducted. A common use (outside of economics) is in what could be called “closed world problems”: situations where the fundamental laws are known, but drawing out predictions is computationally hard. For example, the biochemical rules of how proteins fold are known, but it is hard to predict the final shape of a protein. Machine learning has provided fundamental breakthroughs, in effect by making very hard-to-compute outcomes computable in a feasible timeframe. 21

Progress has been far more limited with applications where the relationship between x and y is unknown (“open world” problems), like human behavior. First, machine learning here has been useful at generating unexpected findings, although these are not hypotheses themselves. Pierson et al. (2021) show that a deep-learning algorithm is better able to predict patient pain from an X-ray than clinicians can: there are physical knee defects that medicine currently does not understand. But that study is not able to isolate what those defects are. 22 Second, machine learning has also been used to explore investigator-generated hypotheses, such as Mullainathan and Obermeyer (2022) , who examine whether physicians suffer from limited attention when diagnosing patients. 23

Finally, a few papers take on the same problem that we do. Fudenberg and Liang (2019) and Peterson et al. (2021) have used algorithms to predict play in games and choices between lotteries. They inspected those algorithms to produce their insights. Similarly, Kleinberg et al. (2018) and Sunstein (2021) use algorithmic models of judges and inspect those models to generate hypotheses. 24 Our proposal builds on these papers. Rather than focusing on generating an insight for a specific application, we suggest a procedure that can be broadly used for many applications. Importantly, our procedure does not rely on researcher inspection of algorithmic output. When an expert researcher with a track record of generating scientific ideas uses some procedure to generate an idea, how do we know whether the result is due to the procedure or the researcher? By relying on a fixed algorithmic procedure that human subjects can interface with, hypothesis generation goes from being an idiosyncratic act of individuals to a replicable process.

III.A. Judicial Decision Making

Although our procedure is broadly applicable, we illustrate it through a specific application to the U.S. criminal justice system. We choose this application partly because of its social relevance. It is also an exemplar of the type of application where our hypothesis generation procedure can be helpful. Its key ingredients—a clear decision maker, a large number of choices (over 10 million people are arrested each year in the United States) that are recorded in data, and, increasingly, high-dimensional data that can also be used to model those choices, such as mug shot images, police body cameras, and text from arrest reports or court transcripts—are shared with a variety of other applications.

Our specific focus is on pretrial hearings. Within 24–48 hours after arrest, a judge must decide where the defendant will await trial, in jail or at home. This is a consequential decision. Cases typically take 2–4 months to resolve, sometimes up to 9–12 months. Jail affects people’s families, their livelihoods, and the chances of a guilty plea ( Dobbie, Goldin, and Yang 2018 ). On the other hand, someone who is released could potentially reoffend. 25

While pretrial decisions are by law supposed to hinge on the defendant’s risk of flight or rearrest if released ( Dobbie and Yang 2021 ), studies show that judges’ decisions deviate from those guidelines in a number of ways. For starters, judges seem to systematically mispredict defendant risk ( Jung et al. 2017 ; Kleinberg et al. 2018 ; Rambachan 2021 ; Angelova, Dobbie, and Yang 2023 ), partly because judges overweight the charge for which people are arrested ( Sunstein 2021 ). Judge decisions can also depend on extralegal factors like race ( Arnold, Dobbie, and Yang 2018 ; Arnold, Dobbie, and Hull 2020 ), whether the judge’s favorite football team lost ( Eren and Mocan 2018 ), weather ( Heyes and Saberian 2019 ), the cases the judge just heard ( Chen, Moskowitz, and Shue 2016 ), and if the hearing is on the defendant’s birthday ( Chen and Philippe 2023 ). These studies test hypotheses that some human being was clever enough to think up. But there remains a great deal of unexplained variation in judges’ decisions. The challenge of expanding the set of hypotheses for understanding this variation without losing the benefit of interpretability is the motivation for our own analysis here.

III.B. Administrative Data

We obtained data from Mecklenburg County, North Carolina, the second most populated county in the state (over 1 million residents) that includes North Carolina’s largest city (Charlotte). The county is similar to the rest of the United States in terms of economic conditions (2021 poverty rates were |$11.0\%$| versus |$11.4\%$|⁠ , respectively), although the share of Mecklenburg County’s population that is non-Hispanic white is lower than the United States as a whole ( ⁠|$56.6\%$| versus |$75.8\%$|⁠ ). 26 We rely on three sources of administrative data: 27

The Mecklenburg County Sheriff’s Office (MCSO) publicly posts arrest data for the past three years, which provides information on defendant demographics like age, gender, and race, as well as the charge for which someone was arrested.

The North Carolina Administrative Office of the Courts (NCAOC) maintains records on the judge’s pretrial decisions (detain, release, etc.).

Data from the North Carolina Department of Public Safety includes information about the defendant’s prior convictions and incarceration spells, if any.

We also downloaded photos of the defendants from the MCSO public website (so-called mug shots), 28 which capture a frontal view of each person from the shoulders up in front of a gray background. These images are 400 pixels wide by 480 pixels high, but we pad them with a black boundary to be square 512 × 512 images to conform with the requirements of some of the machine learning tools. In Figure II , we give readers a sense of what these mug shots look like, with two important caveats. First, given concerns about how the overrepresentation of disadvantaged groups in discussions of crime can contribute to stereotyping ( Bjornstrom et al. 2010 ), we illustrate the key ideas of the paper using images for non-Hispanic white males. Second, out of sensitivity to actual arrestees, we do not wish to display actual mug shots (which are available at the MCSO website). 29 Instead, the article only shows mug shots that are synthetic, generated using generative adversarial networks as described in Section V.B .

Illustrative Facial Images

This figure shows facial images that illustrate the format of the mug shots posted publicly on the Mecklenberg County, North Carolina, sheriff’s office website. These are not real mug shots of actual people who have been arrested, but are synthetic. Moreover, given concerns about how the overrepresentation of disadvantaged groups in discussions of crime can exacerbate stereotyping, we illustrate the our key ideas using images for non-Hispanic white men. However, in our human intelligence tasks that ask participants to provide labels (ratings for different image features), we show images that are representative of the Mecklenberg County defendant population as a whole.

These data capture much of the information the judge has available at the time of the pretrial hearing, but not all of it. Both the judge and the algorithm see structured variables about each defendant like defendant demographics, current charge, and prior record. Because the mug shot (which the algorithm uses) is taken not long before the pretrial hearing, it should be a reasonable proxy for what the judge sees in court. The additional information the judge has but the algorithm does not includes the narrative arrest report from the police and what happens in court. While pretrial hearings can be quite brief in many jurisdictions (often not more than just a few minutes), the judge may nonetheless hear statements from police, prosecutors, defense lawyers, and sometimes family members. Defendants usually have their lawyers speak for them and do not say much at these hearings.

We downloaded 81,166 arrests made between January 18, 2017, and January 17, 2020, involving 42,353 unique defendants. We apply several data filters, like dropping cases without mugshots ( Online Appendix Table A.I ), leaving 51,751 observations. Because our goal is inference about new out-of-sample (OOS) observations, we partition our data as follows:

A train set of N = 22,696 cases, constructed by taking arrests through July 17, 2019, grouping arrests by arrestee, 30 randomly selecting |$70\%$| to the training-plus-validation data set, then randomly selecting |$70\%$| of those arrestees for the training data specifically.

A validation set of N = 9,604 cases used to report OOS performance in the article’s main exhibits, consisting of the remaining |$30\%$| in the combined training-plus-validation data frame.

A lock-box hold-out set of N = 19,009 cases that we did not touch until the article was accepted for final publication, to avoid what one might call researcher overfitting: we run lots of models over the course of writing the article, and the results on the validation data set may overstate our findings. This data set consists of the N = 4,759 valid cases for the last six months of our data period (July 17, 2019, to January 17, 2020) plus a random sample of |$30\%$| of those arrested before July 17, 2019, so that we can present results that are OOS with respect to individuals and time. Once this article was officially accepted, we replicated the findings presented in our main exhibits (see Online Appendix D and Online Appendix Tables A.XVIII–A.XXXII ). We see that our core findings are qualitatively similar. 31

Descriptive statistics are shown in Table I . Relative to the county as a whole, the arrested population substantially overrepresents men ( ⁠|$78.7\%$|⁠ ) and Black residents ( ⁠|$69.4\%$|⁠ ). The average age of arrestees is 31.8 years. Judges detain |$23.3\%$| of cases, and in |$25.1\%$| of arrests the person is rearrested before their case is resolved (about one-third of those released). Randomization of arrestees to the training versus validation data sets seems to have been successful, as shown in Table I . None of the pairwise comparisons has a p -value below .05 (see Online Appendix Table A.II ). A permutation multivariate analysis of variance test of the joint null hypothesis that the training-validation differences for all variables are all zero yields p  = .963. 32 A test for the same joint null hypothesis for the differences between the training sample and the lock-box hold-out data set (out of sample by individual) yields a test statistic of p  = .537.

Summary Statistics for Mecklenburg County NC Data, 2017–2020

Notes. This table reports descriptive statistics for our full data set and analysis subsets, which cover the period January 18, 2017, through January 17, 2020, from Mecklenburg County, NC. The lock-box hold-out data set consists of data from the last six months of our study period (July 17, 2019–January 17, 2020) plus a subset of cases through July 16, 2019, selected by randomly selecting arrestees. The remainder of the data set is then randomly assigned by arrestee to our training data set (used to build our algorithms) or to our validation set (which we use to report results in the article’s main exhibits). For additional details of our data filters and partitioning procedures, see Online Appendix Table A.I . We define pretrial release as being released on the defendant’s own recognizance or having been assigned and then posting cash bail requirements within three days of arrest. We define rearrest as experiencing a new arrest before adjudication of the focal arrest, with detained defendants being assigned zero values for the purposes of this table. Arrest charge categories reflect the most serious criminal charge for which a person was arrested, using the FBI Uniform Crime Reporting hierarchy rule in cases where someone is arrested and charged with multiple offenses. For analyses of variance for the test of the joint null hypothesis that the difference in means across each variable is zero, see Online Appendix Table A.II .

III.C. Human Labels

The administrative data capture many key features of each case but omit some other important ones. We solve these data insufficiency problems through a series of human intelligence tasks (HITs), which involve having study subjects on one of two possible platforms (Amazon’s Mechanical Turk or Prolific) assign labels to each case from looking at the mug shots. More details are in Online Appendix Table A.III . We use data from these HITs mostly to understand how the algorithm’s predictions relate to already-known determinants of human decision making, and hence the degree to which the algorithm is discovering something novel.

One set of HITs filled in demographic-related data: ethnicity; skin tone (since people are often stereotyped on skin color, or “colorism”; Hunter 2007 ), reported on an 18-point scale; the degree to which defendants appear more stereotypically Black on a 9-point scale ( Eberhardt et al. 2006 show this affects criminal justice decisions); and age, to compare to administrative data for label quality checks. 33 Because demographics tend to be easy for people to see in images, we collect just one label per image for each of these variables. To confirm one label is enough, we repeated the labeling task for 100 images but collected 10 labels for each image; we see that additional labels add little information. 34 Another data quality check comes from the fact that the distributions of skin color ratings do systematically differ by defendant race ( Online Appendix Figure A.III ).

A second type of HIT measured facial features that previous psychology research has shown affect human judgments. The specific set of facial features we focus on come from the influential study by Oosterhof and Todorov (2008) of people’s perceptions of the facial features of others. When subjects are asked to provide descriptions of different faces, principal components analysis suggests just two dimensions account for about |$80\%$| of the variation: (i) trustworthiness and (ii) dominance. We also collected data on two other facial features shown to be associated with real-world decisions like hiring or whom to vote for: (iii) attractiveness and (iv) competence ( Frieze, Olson, and Russell 1991 ; Little, Jones, and DeBruine 2011 ; Todorov and Oh 2021 ). 35

We asked subjects to rate images for each of these psychological features on a nine-point scale. Because psychological features may be less obvious than demographic features, we collected three labels per training–data set image and five per validation–data set image. 36 There is substantial variation in the ratings that subjects assign to different images for each feature (see Online Appendix Figure A.VI ). The ratings from different subjects for the same feature and image are highly correlated: interrater reliability measures (Cronbach’s α) range from 0.87 to 0.98 ( Online Appendix Figure A.VII ), similar to those reported in studies like Oosterhof and Todorov (2008) . 37 The information gain from collecting more than a few labels per image is modest. 38 For summary statistics, see Online Appendix Table A.IV .

Finally, we also tried to capture people’s implicit or tacit understanding of the determinants of judges’ decisions by asking subjects to predict which mug shot out of a pair would be detained, with images in each pair matched on gender, race, and five-year age brackets. 39 We incentivized study subjects for correct predictions and gave them feedback over the course of the 50 image pairs to facilitate learning. We treat the first 10 responses per subject as a “learning set” that we exclude from our analysis.

The first step of our hypothesis generation procedure is to build an algorithmic model of some behavior, which in our case is the judge’s detention decision. A sizable share of the predictable variation in judge decisions comes from a surprising source: the defendant’s face. Facial features implicated by past research explain just a modest share of this predictable variation. The algorithm seems to have found a novel discovery.

IV.A. What Drives Judge Decisions?

We begin by predicting judge pretrial detention decisions ( y  = 1 if detain, y  = 0 if release) using all the inputs available ( x ). We use the training data set to construct two separate models for the two types of data available. We apply gradient-boosted decision trees to predict judge decisions using the structured administrative data (current charge, prior record, age, gender), m s ( x ); for the unstructured data (raw pixel values from the mug shots), we train a convolutional neural network, m u ( x ). Each model returns an estimate of y (a predicted detention probability) for a given x . Because these initial steps of our procedure use standard machine learning methods, we relegate their discussion to the Online Appendix .

We pool the signal from both models to form a single weighted-average model |$m_p(x)=[\hat{\beta _s} m_s(x) + \hat{\beta _u} m_u(x)]$| using a so-called stacking procedure where the data are used to estimate the relevant weights. 40 Combining structured and unstructured data is an active area of deep-learning research, often called fusion modeling ( Yuhas, Goldstein, and Sejnowski 1989 ; Lahat, Adali, and Jutten 2015 ; Ramachandram and Taylor 2017 ; Baltrušaitis, Ahuja, and Morency 2019 ). We have tried several of the latest fusion architectures; none improve on our ensemble approach.

Judge decisions do have some predictable structure. We report predictive performance as the area under the receiver operating characteristic curve, or AUC, which is a measure of how well the algorithm rank-orders cases with values from 0.5 (random guessing) to 1.0 (perfect prediction). Intuitively, AUC can be thought of as the chance that a uniformly randomly selected detained defendant has a higher predicted detention likelihood than a uniformly randomly selected released defendant. The algorithm built using all candidate features, m p ( x ), has an AUC of 0.780 (see Online Appendix Figure A.X ).

What is the algorithm using to make its predictions? A single type of input captures a sizable share of the total signal: the defendant’s face. The algorithm built using only the mug shot image, m u ( x ), has an AUC of 0.625 (see Online Appendix Figure A.X ). Since an AUC of 0.5 represents random prediction, in AUC terms the mug shot accounts for |$\frac{0.625-0.5}{0.780-0.5}=44.6\%$| of the predictive signal about judicial decisions.

Another common way to think about predictive accuracy is in R 2 terms. While our data are high dimensional (because the facial image is a high-dimensional object), the algorithm’s prediction of the judge’s decision based on the facial image, m u ( x ), is a scalar and can be easily included in a familiar regression framework. Like AUC, measures like R 2 and mean squared error capture how well a model rank-orders observations by predicted probabilities, but R 2 , unlike AUC, also captures how close predictions are to observed outcomes (calibration). 41 The R 2 from regressing y against m s ( x ) and m u ( x ) in the validation data is 0.11. Regressing y against m u ( x ) alone yields an R 2 of 0.03. So depending on how we measure predictive accuracy, around a quarter ( ⁠|$\frac{0.03}{0.11}=27.3\%)$| to a half ( ⁠|$44.6\%$|⁠ ) of the predicted signal about judges’ decisions is captured by the face.

Average differences are another way to see what drives judges’ decisions. For any given feature x k , we can calculate the average detention rate for different values of the feature. For example, for the variable measuring whether the defendant is male ( x k  = 1) versus female ( x k  = 0), we can calculate and plot E [ y | x k  = 1] versus E [ y | x k  = 0]. As shown in Online Appendix Figure A.XI , the difference in detention rates equals 4.8 percentage points for those arrested for violent versus nonviolent crimes, 10.2 percentage points for men versus women, and 4.3 percentage points for bottom versus top quartile of skin tone, which are all sizable relative to the baseline detention rate of |$23.3\%$| in our validation data set. By way of comparison, average detention rates for the bottom versus top quartile of the mug shot algorithm’s predictions, m u ( x ), differ by 20.4 percentage points.

In what follows, we seek to understand more about the mug shot–based prediction of the judge’s decision, which we refer to simply as m ( x ) in the remainder of the article.

IV.B. Judicial Error?

So far we have shown that the face predicts judges’ behavior. Are judges right to use face information? To be precise, by “right” we do not mean a broader ethical judgment; for many reasons, one could argue it is never ethical to use the face. But suppose we take a rather narrow (exceedingly narrow) formulation of “right.” Recall the judge is meant to make jailing decisions based on the defendant’s risk. Is the use of these facial characteristics consistent with that objective? Put differently, if we account for defendant risk differences, do these facial characteristics still predict judge decisions? The fact that judges rely on the face in making detention decisions is in itself a striking insight regardless of whether the judges use appearance as a proxy for risk or are committing a cognitive error.

At first glance, the most straightforward way to answer this question would be to regress rearrest against the algorithm’s mug shot–based detention prediction. That yields a statistically significant relationship: The coefficient (and standard error) for the mug shot equals 0.6127 (0.0460) with no other explanatory variables in the regression versus 0.5735 (0.0521) with all the explanatory variables (as in the final column, Table III ). But the interpretation here is not so straightforward.

The challenge of interpretation comes from the fact that we have only measured crime rates for the released defendants. The problem with having measured crime, not actual crime, is that whether someone is charged with a crime is itself a human choice, made by police. If the choices police make about when to make an arrest are affected by the same biases that might afflict judges, then measured rearrest rates may correlate with facial characteristics simply due to measurement bias. The problem created by having measures of rearrest only for released defendants is that if judges have access to private information (defendant characteristics not captured by our data set), and judges use that information to inform detention decisions, then the released and detained defendants may be different in unobservable ways that are relevant for rearrest risk ( Kleinberg et al. 2018 ).

With these caveats in mind, at least we can perform a bounding exercise. We created a predictor of rearrest risk (see Online Appendix B ) and then regress judges’ decisions on predicted rearrest risk. We find that a one-unit change in predicted rearrest risk changes judge detention rates by 0.6103 (standard error 0.0213). By comparison, we found that a one-unit change in the mug shot (by which we mean the algorithm’s mug shot–based prediction of the judge detention decision) changes judge detention rates by 0.6963 (standard error 0.0383; see Table III , column (1)). That means if the judges were reacting to the defendant’s face only because the face is a proxy for rearrest risk, the difference in rearrest risk for those with a one-unit difference in the mug shot would need to be |$\frac{0.6963}{0.6103} = 1.141$|⁠ . But when we directly regress rearrest against the algorithm’s mug shot–based detention prediction, we get a coefficient of 0.6127 (standard error 0.0460). Clearly 0.6127 < 1.141; that is, the mug shot does not seem to be strongly related enough to rearrest risk to explain the judge’s use of it in making detention decisions. 42

Of course this leaves us with the second problem with our data: we only have crime data on the released. It is possible the relationship between the mug shot and risk could be very different among the |$23.3\%$| of defendants who are detained (which we cannot observe). Put differently, the mug shot–risk relationship among the |$76.7\%$| of the defendants who are released is 0.6127; and let A be the (unknown) mug shot–risk relationship among the jailed. What we really want to know is the mug shot–risk relationship among all defendants, which equals (0.767 · 0.6127) + (0.233 · A ). For this mug shot–risk relationship among all defendants to equal 1.141, A would need to be 2.880, nearly five times as great among the detained defendants as among the released. This would imply an implausibly large effect of the mug shot on rearrest risk relative to the size of the effects on rearrest risk of other defendant characteristics. 43

In addition, the results from Section VI.B call into question that these characteristics are well-understood proxies for risk. As we show there, experts who understand pretrial (public defenders and legal aid society staff) do not recognize the signal about judge decision making that the algorithm has discovered in the mug shot. These considerations as a whole—that measured rearrest is itself biased, the bounding exercise, and the failure of experts to recreate this signal—together lead us to tentatively conclude that it is unlikely that what the algorithm is finding in the face is merely a well-understood proxy for risk, but reflects errors in the judicial decision-making process. Of course, that presumption is not essential for the rest of the article, which asks: what exactly has the algorithm discovered in the face?

IV.C. Is the Algorithm Discovering Something New?

Previous studies already tell us a number of things about what shapes the decisions of judges and other people. For example, we know people stereotype by gender ( Avitzour et al. 2020 ), age ( Neumark, Burn, and Button 2016 ; Dahl and Knepper 2020 ), and race or ethnicity ( Bertrand and Mullainathan 2004 ; Arnold, Dobbie, and Yang 2018 ; Arnold, Dobbie, and Hull 2020 ; Fryer 2020 ; Hoekstra and Sloan 2022 ; Goncalves and Mello 2021 ). Is the algorithm just rediscovering known determinants of people’s decisions, or discovering something new? We address this in two ways. We first ask how much of the algorithm’s predictions can be explained by already-known features ( Table II ). We then ask how much of the algorithm’s predictive power in explaining actual judges’ decisions is diminished when we control for known factors ( Table III ). We carry out both analyses for three sets of known facial features: (i) demographic characteristics, (ii) psychological features, and (iii) incentivized human guesses. 44

Is the Algorithm Rediscovering Known Facial Features?

Notes. The table presents the results of regressing an algorithmic prediction of judge detention decisions against each of the different explanatory variables as listed in the rows, where each column represents a different regression specification (the specific explanatory variables in each regression are indicated by the filled-in coefficients and standard errors in the table). The algorithm was trained using mug shots from the training data set; the regressions reported here are carried out using data from the validation data set. Data on skin tone, attractiveness, competence, dominance, and trustworthiness comes from asking subjects to assign feature ratings to mug shot images from the Mecklenburg County, NC, Sheriff’s Office public website (see the text). The human guess about the judges’ decision comes from showing workers on the Prolific platform pairs of mug shot images and asking them to report which defendant they believe the judge would be more likely to detain. Regressions follow a linear probability model and also include indicators for unknown race and unknown gender. * p < .1; ** p < .05; *** p < .01.

Does the Algorithm Predict Judge Behavior after Controlling for Known Factors?

Notes. This table reports the results of estimating a linear probability specification of judges’ detain decisions against different explanatory variables in the validation set described in Table I . Each row represents a different explanatory variable for the regression, while each column reports the results of a separate regression with different combinations of explanatory variables (as indicated by the filled-in coefficients and standard errors in the table). The algorithmic predictions of the judges’ detain decision come from our convolutional neural network algorithm built using the defendants’ face image as the only feature, using data from the training data set. Measures of defendant demographics and current arrest charge come from government administrative data obtained from a combination of Mecklenburg County, NC, and state agencies. Measures of skin tone, attractiveness, competence, dominance, and trustworthiness come from subject ratings of mug shot images (see the text). Human guess variable comes from showing subjects pairs of mug shot images and asking subjects to identify the defendant they think the judge would be more likely to detain. Regression specifications also include indicators for unknown race and unknown gender. * p < .1; ** p < .05; *** p < .01.

Table II , columns (1)–(3) show the relationship of the algorithm’s predictions to demographics. The predictions vary enormously by gender (men have predicted detention likelihoods 11.9 percentage points higher than women), less so by age, 45 and by different indicators of race or ethnicity. With skin tone scored on a 0−1 continuum, defendants whom independent raters judge to be at the lightest end of the continuum are 4.4 percentage points less likely to be detained than those rated to have the darkest skin tone (column (3)). Conditional on skin tone, Black defendants have a 1.9 percentage point lower predicted likelihood of detention compared with whites. 46

Table II , column (4) shows how the algorithm’s predictions relate to facial features implicated by past psychological studies as shaping people’s judgments of one another. These features also help explain the algorithm’s predictions of judges’ detention decisions: people judged by independent raters to be one standard deviation more attractive, competent, or trustworthy have lower predicted likelihood of detention equal to 0.55, 0.91, and 0.48 percentage points, respectively, or |$2.2\%$|⁠ , |$3.6\%$|⁠ , and |$1.8\%$| of the base rate. 47 Those whom subjects judge are one standard deviation more dominant-looking have a higher predicted likelihood of detention of 0.37 percentage points (or |$1.5\%)$|⁠ .

How do we know we have controlled for everything relevant from past research? The literature on what shapes human judgments in general is vast; perhaps there are things that are relevant for judges’ decisions specifically that we have inadvertently excluded? One way to solve this problem would be to do a comprehensive scan of past studies of human judgment and decision making, and then decide which results from different non–criminal justice contexts might be relevant for criminal justice. But that itself is a form of human-driven hypothesis generation, bringing us right back to where we started.

To get out of this box, we take a different approach. Instead of enumerating individual characteristics, we ask people to embody their beliefs in a guess, which ought to be the compound of all these characteristics. Then we can ask whether the algorithm has rediscovered this human guess (and later whether it has discovered more). We ask independent subjects to look at pairs of mug shots matched by gender, race, and five-year age bins and forecast which defendant is more likely to be detained by a judge. We provide a financial incentive for accurate guesses to increase the chances that subjects take the exercise seriously. 48 We also provide subjects with an opportunity to learn by showing subjects 50 image pairs with feedback after each pair about which defendant the judge detained. We treat the first 10 image pairs from each subject as learning trials and only use data from the last 40 image pairs. This approach is intended to capture anything that influences judges’ decisions that subjects could recognize, from subtle signs of things like socioeconomic status or drug use or mood, to things people can recognize but not articulate.

It turns out subjects are modestly good at this task ( Table II ). Participants guess which mug shot is more likely to be detained at a rate of |$51.4\%$|⁠ , which is different to a statistically significant degree from the |$50\%$| random-guessing threshold. When we regress the algorithm’s predicted detention rate against these subject guesses, the coefficient is 3.99 percentage points, equal to |$17.1\%$| of the base rate.

The findings in Table II are somewhat remarkable. The only input the algorithm had access to was the raw pixel values of each mug shot, yet it has rediscovered findings from decades of previous research and human intuition.

Interestingly, these features collectively explain only a fraction of the variation in the algorithm’s predictions: the R 2 is only 0.2228. That by itself does not necessarily mean the algorithm has discovered additional useful signal. It is possible that the remaining variation is prediction error—components of the prediction that do not explain actual judges’ decisions.

In Table III , we test whether the algorithm uncovers any additional signal for actual judge decisions, above and beyond the influence of these known factors. The algorithm by itself produces an R 2 of 0.0331 (column (1)), substantially higher than all previously known features taken together, which produce an R 2 of 0.0162 (column (5)), or the human guesses alone which produce an R 2 of 0.0025 (so we can see the algorithm is much better at predicting detention from faces than people are). Another way to see that the algorithm has detected signal above and beyond these known features is that the coefficient on the algorithm prediction when included alone in the regression, 0.6963 (column (1)), changes only modestly when we condition on everything else, now equal to 0.6171 (column (7)). The algorithm seems to have discovered some novel source of signal that better predicts judge detention decisions. 49

The algorithm has made a discovery: something about the defendant’s face explains judge decisions, above and beyond the facial features implicated by existing research. But what is it about the face that matters? Without an answer, we are left with a discovery of an unsatisfying sort. We have simply replaced one black box hypothesis generation procedure (human creativity) with another (the algorithm). In what follows we demonstrate how existing methods like saliency maps cannot solve this challenge in our application and then discuss our solution to that problem.

V.A. The Challenge of Explanation

The problem of algorithm-human communication stems from the fact that we cannot simply look inside the algorithm’s “black box” and see what it is doing because m ( x ), the algorithmic predictor, is so complicated. A common solution in computer science is to forget about looking inside the algorithmic black box and focus instead on drawing inferences from curated outputs of that box. Many of these methods involve gradients: given a prediction function m ( x ), we can calculate the gradient |$\nabla m(x) = \frac{\mathrm{d}{m}}{\mathrm{d}x}(x)$|⁠ . This lets us determine, at any input value, what change in the input vector maximally changes the prediction. 50 The idea of gradients is useful for image classification tasks because it allows us to tell which pixel image values are most important for changing the predicted outcome.

For example, a widely used method known as saliency maps uses gradient information to highlight the specific pixels that are most important for predicting the outcome of interest ( Baehrens et al. 2010 ; Simonyan, Vedaldi, and Zisserman 2014 ). This approach works well for many applications like determining whether a given picture contains a given type of animal, a common task in ecology ( Norouzzadeh et al. 2018 ). What distinguishes a cat from a dog? A saliency map for a cat detector might highlight pixels around, say, the cat’s head: what is most cat-like is not the tail, paws, or torso, but the eyes, ears, and whiskers. But more complicated outcomes of the sort social scientists study may depend on complicated functions of the entire image.

Even if saliency maps were more selective in highlighting pixels in applications like ours, for hypothesis generation they also suffer from a second limitation: they do not convey enough information to enable people to articulate interpretable hypotheses. In the cat detector example, a saliency map can tell us that something about the cat’s (say) whiskers are key for distinguishing cats from dogs. But what about that feature matters? Would a cat look more like a dog if its whiskers were longer? Or shorter? More (or less?) even in length? People need to know not just what features matter but how they must change to change the prediction. For hypothesis generation, the saliency map undercommunicates with humans.

To test the ability of saliency maps to help with our application, we focused on a facial feature that people already understand and can easily recognize from a photo: age. We first build an algorithm that predicts each defendant’s age from their mug shot. For a representative image, as in the top left of Figure III , we can highlight which pixels are most important for predicting age, shown in the top right. 51 A key limitation of saliency maps is easy to see: because age (like many human facial features) is a function of almost every part of a person’s face, the saliency map highlights almost everything.

Candidate Algorithm-Human Communication Vehicles for a Known Facial Feature: Age

Panel A shows a randomly selected point in the GAN latent space for a non-Hispanic white male defendant. Panel B shows a saliency map that highlights the pixels that are most important for an algorithmic model that predicts the defendant’s age from the mug shot image. Panel C shows an image changed or “morphed” in the direction of older age, based on the gradient of the image-based age prediction, using the “naive” morphing procedure that does not constrain the new image to lie on the face manifold (see the text). Panel D shows the image morphed to the maximum age using our actual preferred morphing procedure.

An alternative to simply highlighting high-leverage pixels is to change them in the direction of the gradient of the predicted outcome, to—ideally—create a new face that now has a different predicted outcome, what we call “morphing.” This new image answers the counterfactual question: “How would this person’s face change to increase their predicted outcome?” Our approach builds on the ability of people to comprehend ideas through comparisons, so we can show morphed image pairs to subjects to have them name the differences that they see. Figure IV summarizes our semiautomated hypothesis generation pipeline. (For more details see Online Appendix B .) The benefit of morphed images over actual mug shot images is to isolate the differences across faces that matter for the outcome of interest. By reducing noise, morphing also reduces the risk of spurious discoveries.

Hypothesis Generation Pipeline

The diagram illustrates all the algorithmic components in our procedure by presenting a full pipeline for algorithmic interpretation.

Figure V illustrates how this morphing procedure works in practice and highlights some of the technical challenges that arise. Let the box in the top panel represent the space of all possible images—all possible combinations of pixel values for, say, a 512 × 512 image. Within this space, we can apply our mug shot–based predictor of the known facial feature, age, to identify all images with the same predicted age, as shown by the contour map of the prediction function. Imagine picking some random initial mug shot image. We could follow the gradient to find an image with a higher predicted value of the outcome y .

Morphing Images for Detention Risk On and Off the Face Manifold

The figure shows the difference between an unconstrained (naive) morphing procedure and our preferred new morphing approach. In both panels, the background represents the image space (set of all possible pixel values) and the blue line (color version available online) represents the set of all pixel values that correspond to any face image (the face manifold). The orange lines show all images that have the same predicted outcome (isoquants in predicted outcome). The initial face (point on the outermost contour line) is a randomly selected face in GAN face space. From there we can naively follow the gradients of an algorithm that predicts some outcome of interest from face images. As shown in Panel A, this takes us off the face manifold and yields a nonface image. Alternatively, with a model of the face manifold, we can follow the gradient for the predicted outcome while ensuring that the new image is again a realistic instance as shown in Panel B.

The challenge is that most points in this image space are not actually face images. Simply following the gradient will usually take us off the data distribution of face images, as illustrated abstractly in the top panel of Figure V . What this means in practice is shown in the bottom left panel of Figure III : the result is an image that has a different predicted outcome (in the figure, illustrated for age) but no longer looks like a real instance—that is, no longer looks like a realistic face image. This “naive” morphing procedure will not work without some way to ensure the new point we wind up on in image space corresponds to a realistic face image.

V.B. Building a Model of the Data Distribution

To ensure morphing leads to realistic face images, we need a model of the data distribution p ( x )—in our specific application, the set of images that are faces. We rely on an unsupervised learning approach to this problem. 52 Specifically, we use generative adversarial networks (GANs), originally introduced to generate realistic new images for a variety of tasks (see Goodfellow et al. 2014 ). 53

A GAN is built by training two algorithms that “compete” with each another, the generator G and the classifier C : the generator creates synthetic images and the classifier (or “discriminator”), presented with synthetic or real images, tries to distinguish which is which. A good discriminator pressures the generator to produce images that are harder to distinguish from real; in turn, a good generator pressures the classifier to get better at discriminating real from synthetic images. Data on actual faces are used to train the discriminator, which results in the generator being trained as it seeks to fool the discriminator. With machine learning, the performance of C and G improve with successive iterations of training. A perfect G would output images where the classifier C does no better than random guessing. Such a generator would by definition limit itself to the same input space that defines real images, that is, the data distribution of faces. (Additional discussion of GANs in general and how we construct our GAN specifically are in Online Appendix B .)

To build our GAN and evaluate its expressiveness we use standard training metrics, which turn out to compare favorably to what we see with other widely used GAN models on other data sets (see Online Appendix B.C for details). A more qualitative way to judge our GAN comes from visual inspection; some examples of synthetic face images are in Figure II . Most importantly, the GAN we build (as is true of GANs in general) is not generic. GANs are specific. They do not generate “faces” but instead seek to match the distribution of pixel combinations in the training data. For example, our GAN trained using mug shots would never generate generic Facebook profile photos or celebrity headshots.

Figure V illustrates how having a model such as the GAN lets morphing stay on the data distribution of faces and produce realistic images. We pick a random point in the space of faces (mug shots) and then use the algorithmic predictor of the outcome of interest m ( x ) to identify nearby faces that are similar in all respects except those relevant for the outcome. Notice this procedure requires that faces closer to one another in GAN latent space should look relatively more similar to one another to a human in pixel space. Otherwise we might make a small movement along the gradient and wind up with a face that looks different in all sorts of other ways that are irrelevant to the outcome. That is, we need the GAN not just to model the support of the data but also to provide a meaningful distance metric.

When we produce these morphs, what can possibly change as we morph? In principle there is no limit. The changes need not be local: features such as skin color, which involves many pixels, could change. So could features such as attractiveness, where the pixels that need to change to make a face more attractive vary from face to face: the “same” change may make one face more attractive and another less so. Anything represented in the face could change, as could anything else in the image beyond the face that matters for the outcome (if, for example, localities varied in both detention rates and the type of background they have someone stand in front of for mug shots).

In practice, though, there is a limit. What can change depends on how rich and expressive the estimated GAN is. If the GAN fails to capture a certain kind of face or a dimension of the face, then we are unlikely to be able to morph on that dimension. The morphing procedure is only as complete as the GAN is expressive. Assuming the GAN expresses a feature, then if m ( x ) truly depends on that feature, morphing will likely display it. Nor is there any guarantee that in any given application the classifier m ( x ) will find novel signal for the outcome y , or that the GAN successfully learns the data distribution ( Nalisnick et al. 2018 ), or that subjects can detect and articulate whatever signal the classifier algorithm has discovered. Determining the general conditions under which our procedure will work is something we leave to future research. Whether our procedure can work for the specific application of judge decisions is the question to which we turn next. 54

V.C. Validating the Morphing Procedure

We return to our algorithmic prediction of a known facial feature—age—and see what morphing by age produces as a way to validate or test our procedure. When we follow the gradient of the predicted outcome (age), by constraining ourselves to stay on the GAN’s latent space of faces we wind up with a new age-morphed face that does indeed look like a realistic face image, as shown in the bottom right of Figure III . We seem to have successfully developed a model of the data distribution and a way to move around on that surface to create realistic new instances.

To figure out if algorithm-human communication occurs, we run these age-morphed image pairs through our experimental pipeline ( Figure IV ). Our procedure is only useful if it is replicable—that is, if it does not depend on the idiosyncratic insights of any particular person. For that reason, the people looking at these images and articulating what they see should not be us (the investigators) but a sample of external, independent study subjects. In our application, we use Prolific workers (see Online Appendix Table A.III ). Reliability or replicability is indicated by the agreement in the subject responses: lots of subjects see and articulate the same thing in the morphed images.

We asked subjects to look at 50 age-morphed image pairs selected at random from a population of 100 pairs, and told them the images in each pair differ on some hidden dimension but did not tell them what that was. 55 We asked subjects to guess which image expresses that hidden feature more, gave them feedback about the right answer, treated the first 10 image pairs as learning examples, and calculated accuracy on the remaining 40 images. Subjects correctly selected the older image |$97.8\%$| of the time.

The final step was to ask subjects to name what differs in image pairs. Making sense of these responses requires some way to group them into semantic categories. Each subject comment could include several concepts (e.g., “wrinkles, gray hair, tired”). We standardized these verbal descriptions by removing punctuation, using only lowercase characters, and removing stop words. We gave three research assistants not otherwise involved in the project these responses and asked them to create their own categories that would capture all the responses (see Online Appendix Figure A.XIII ). We also gave them an illustrative subject comment and highlighted the different “types” of categories (descriptive physical features, i.e., “thick eyebrows,” descriptive impression category, i.e., “energetic,” but also an illustration of a category of comment that is too vague to lend itself to useful measurement, i.e., “ears”). In our validation exercise |$81.5\%$| of subject reports fall into the semantic categories of either age or the closely related feature of hair color. 56

V.D. Understanding the Judge Detention Predictor

Having validated our algorithm-human communication procedure for the known facial feature of age, we are ready to apply it to generate a new hypothesis about what drives judge detention decisions. To do this we combine the mug shot algorithm predictor of judges’ detention decisions, m ( x ), with our GAN of the data distribution of mug shot images, then create new synthetic image pairs morphed with respect to the likelihood the judge would detain the defendant (see Figure IV ).

The top panel of Figure VI shows a pair of such images. Underneath we show an “image strip” of intermediate steps, along with each image’s predicted detention rate. With an overall detention rate of |$23.3\%$| in our validation data set, morphing takes us from about one-half the base rate ( ⁠|$13\%$|⁠ ) up to nearly twice the base rate ( ⁠|$41\%$|⁠ ). Additional examples of morphed image pairs are shown in Figure VII .

Illustration of Morphed Faces along the Detention Gradient

Panel A shows the result of selecting a random point on the GAN latent face space for a white non-Hispanic male defendant, then using our new morphing procedure to increase the predicted detention risk of the image to 0.41 (left) or reduce the predicted detention risk down to 0.13 (right). The overall average detention rate in the validation data set of actual mug shot images is 0.23 by comparison. Panel B shows the different intermediate images between these two end points, while Panel C shows the predicted detention risk for each of the images in the middle panel.

Examples of Morphing along the Gradients of the Face-Based Detention Predictor

We showed 54 subjects 50 detention-risk-morphed image pairs each, asked them to predict which defendant would be detained, offered them financial incentives for correct answers, 57 and gave them feedback on the right answer. Online Appendix Figure A.XV shows how accurate subjects are as they get more practice across successive morphed image pairs. With the initial image-pair trials, subjects are not much better than random guessing, in the range of what we see when subjects look at pairs of actual mugshots (where accuracy is |$51.4\%$| across the final 40 mug shot pairs people see). But unlike what happens when subjects look at actual images, when looking at morphed image pairs subjects seem to quickly learn what the algorithm is trying to communicate to them. Accuracy increased by over 10 percentage points after 20 morphed image pairs and reached |$67\%$| after 30 image pairs. Compared to looking at actual mugshots, the morphing procedure accomplished its goal of making it easier for subjects to see what in the face matters most for detention risk.

We asked subjects to articulate the key differences they saw across morphed image pairs. The result seems to be a reliable hypothesis—a facial feature that a sizable share of subjects name. In the top panel of Figure VIII , we present a histogram of individual tokens (cleaned words from worker comments) in “word cloud” form, where word size is approximately proportional to frequency. 58 Some of the most common words are “shaved,” “cleaner,” “length,” “shorter,” “moustache,” and “scruffy.” To form semantic categories, we use a procedure similar to what we describe for our validation exercise for the known feature of age. 59 Grouping tokens into semantic categories, we see that nearly |$40\%$| of the subjects see and name a similar feature that they think helps explain judge detention decisions: how well-groomed the defendant is (see the bottom panel of Figure VIII ). 60

Subject Reports of What They See between Detention-Risk-Morphed Image Pairs

Panel A shows a word cloud of subject reports about what they see as the key difference between image pairs where one is a randomly selected point in the GAN latent space and the other is morphed in the direction of a higher predicted detention risk. Words are approximately proportionately sized to the frequency of subject mentions. Panel B shows the frequency of semantic groupings of those open-ended subject reports (see the text for additional details).

Can we confirm that what the subjects think the algorithm is seeing is what the algorithm actually sees? We asked a separate set of 343 independent subjects (MTurk workers) to label the 32,881 mug shots in our combined training and validation data sets for how well-groomed each image was perceived to be on a nine-point scale. 61 For data sets of our size, these labeling costs are fairly modest, but in principle those costs could be much more substantial (or even prohibitive) in some applications.

Table IV suggests algorithm-human communication has successfully occurred: our new hypothesis, call it h 1 ( x ), is correlated with the algorithm’s prediction of the judge, m ( x ). If subjects were mistaken in thinking they saw well-groomed differences across images, there would be no relationship between well-groomed and the detention predictions. Yet what we actually see is the R 2 from regressing the algorithm’s predictions against well-groomed equals 0.0247, or |$11\%$| of the R 2 we get from a model with all the explanatory variables (0.2361). In a bivariate regression the coefficient (−0.0172) implies that a one standard deviation increase in well-groomed (1.0118 points on our 9-point scale) is associated with a decline in predicted detention risk of 1.74 percentage points, or |$7.5\%$| of the base rate. Another way to see the explanatory power of this hypothesis is to note that this coefficient hardly changes when we add all the other explanatory variables to the regression (equal to −0.0153 in the final column) despite the substantial increase in the model’s R 2 .

Correlation between Well-Groomed and the Algorithm’s Prediction

Notes. This table shows the results of estimating a linear probability specification regressing algorithmic predictions of judges’ detain decision against different explanatory variables, using data from the validation set of cases from Mecklenburg County, NC. Each row of the table represents a different explanatory variable for the regression, while each column reports the results of a separate regression with different combinations of explanatory variables (as indicated by the filled-in coefficients and standard errors in the table). Algorithmic predictions of judges’ decisions come from applying an algorithm built with face images in the training data set to validation set observations. Data on well-groomed, skin tone, attractiveness, competence, dominance, and trustworthiness come from subject ratings of mug shot images (see the text). Human guess variable comes from showing subjects pairs of mug shot images and asking subjects to identify the defendant they think the judge would be more likely to detain. Regression specifications also include indicators for unknown race and unknown gender. * p < .1; ** p < .05; *** p < .01.

V.E. Iteration

Our procedure is iterable. The first novel feature we discovered, well-groomed, explains some—but only some—of the variation in the algorithm’s predictions of the judge. We can iterate our procedure to generate hypotheses about the remaining residual variation as well. Note that the order in which features are discovered will depend on how important each feature is in explaining the judge’s detention decision and on how salient each feature is to the subjects who are viewing the morphed image pairs. So explanatory power for the judge’s decisions need not monotonically decline as we iterate and discover new features.

To isolate the algorithm’s signal above and beyond what is explained by well-groomed, we wish to generate a new set of morphed image pairs that differ in predicted detention but hold well-groomed constant. That would help subjects see other novel features that might differ across the detention-risk-morphed images, without subjects getting distracted by differences in well-groomed. 62 But iterating the procedure raises several technical challenges. To see these challenges, consider what would in principle seem to be the most straightforward way to orthogonalize, in the GAN’s latent face space:

use training data to build predictors of detention risk, m ( x ), and the facial features to orthogonalize against, h 1 ( x );

pick a point on the GAN latent space of faces;

collect the gradients with respect to m ( x ) and h 1 ( x );

use the Gram-Schmidt process to move within the latent space toward higher predicted detention risk m ( x ), but orthogonal to h 1 ( x ); and

show new morphed image pairs to subjects, have them name a new feature.

The challenge with implementing this playbook in practice is that we do not have labels for well-groomed for the GAN-generated synthetic faces. Moreover, it would be infeasible to collect this feature for use in this type of orthogonalization procedure. 63 That means we cannot orthogonalize against well-groomed, only against predictions of well-groomed. And orthogonalizing with respect to a prediction is an error-prone process whenever the predictor is imperfect (as it is here). 64 The errors in the process accumulate as we take many morphing steps. Worse, that accumulated error is not expected to be zero on average. Because we are morphing in the direction of predicted detention and we know predicted detention is correlated with well-groomed, the prediction error will itself be correlated with well-groomed.

Instead we use a different approach. We build a new detention-risk predictor with a curated training data set, limited to pairs of images matched on the features to be orthogonalized against. For each detained observation i (such that y i  = 1), we find a released observation j (such that y j  = 0) where h 1 ( x i ) =  h 1 ( x j ). In that training data set y is now orthogonal to h 1 ( x ), so we can use the gradient of the orthogonalized detention risk predictor to move in GAN latent space to create new morphed images with different detention odds but are similar with respect to well-groomed. 65 We call these “orthogonalized morphs,” which we then feed into the experimental pipeline shown in Figure IV . 66 An open question for future work is how many iterations are possible before the dimensionality of the matching problem required for this procedure would create problems.

Examples from this orthogonalized image-morphing procedure are in Figure IX . Changes in facial features across morphed images are notably different from those in the first iteration of morphs as in Figure VI . From these examples, it appears possible that orthogonalization may be slightly imperfect; sometimes they show subtle differences in “well-groomed” and perhaps age. As with the first iteration of the morphing procedure, the second (orthogonalized) iteration of the procedure again generates images that vary substantially in their predicted risk, from 0.07 up to 0.27 (see Online Appendix Figure A.XVIII ).

Examples of Morphing along the Orthogonal Gradients of the Face-Based Detention Predictor

Still, there is a salient new signal: when presented to subjects they name a second facial feature, as shown in Figure X . We showed 52 subjects (Prolific workers) 50 orthogonalized morphed image pairs and asked them to name the differences they see. The word cloud shown in the top panel of Figure X shows that some of the most common terms reported by subjects include “big,” “wider,” “presence,” “rounded,” “body,” “jaw,” and “head.” When we ask independent research assistants to group the subject tokens into semantic groups, we can see as in the bottom of the figure that a sizable share of subject comments (around |$22\%$|⁠ ) refer to a similar facial feature, h 2 ( x ): how “heavy-faced” or “full-faced” the defendant is.

Subject Reports of What They See between Detention-Risk-Morphed Image Pairs, Orthogonalized to the First Novel Feature Discovered (Well-Groomed)

Panel A shows a word cloud of subject reports about what they see as the key difference between image pairs, where one is a randomly selected point in the GAN latent space and the other is morphed in the direction of a higher predicted detention risk, where we are moving along the detention gradient orthogonal to well-groomed and skin tone (see the text). Panel B shows the frequency of semantic groupings of these open-ended subject reports (see the text for additional details).

This second facial feature (like the first) is again related to the algorithm’s prediction of the judge. When we ask a separate sample of subjects (343 MTurk workers, see Online Appendix Table A.III ) to independently label our validation images for heavy-facedness, we can see the R 2 from regressing the algorithm’s predictions against heavy-faced yields an R 2 of 0.0384 ( Table V , column (1)). With a coefficient of −0.0182 (0.0009), the results imply that a one standard deviation change in heavy-facedness (1.1946 points on our 9-point scale) is associated with a reduced predicted detention risk of 2.17 percentage points, or |$9.3\%$| of the base rate. Adding in other facial features implicated by past research substantially boosts the adjusted R 2 of the regression but barely changes the coefficient on heavy-facedness.

Correlation between Heavy-Faced and the Algorithm’s Prediction

Notes. This table shows the results of estimating a linear probability specification regressing algorithmic predictions of judges’ detain decision against different explanatory variables, using data from the validation set of cases from Mecklenburg County, NC. Each row of the table represents a different explanatory variable for the regression, while each column reports the results of a separate regression with different combinations of explanatory variables (as indicated by the filled-in coefficients and standard errors in the table). Algorithmic predictions of judges’ decisions come from applying the algorithm built with face images in the training data set to validation set observations. Data on heavy-faced, well-groomed, skin tone, attractiveness, competence, dominance, and trustworthiness come from subject ratings of mug shot images (see the text). Human guess variable comes from showing subjects pairs of mug shot images and asking subjects to identify the defendant they think the judge would be more likely to detain. Regression specifications also include indicators for unknown race and unknown gender. * p < .1; ** p < .05; *** p < .01.

In principle, the procedure could be iterated further. After all, well-groomed, heavy-faced plus previously known facial features all together still only explain |$27\%$| of the variation in the algorithm’s predictions of the judges’ decisions. As long as there is residual variation, the hypothesis generation crank could be turned again and again. Because our goal is not to fully explain judges’ decisions but to illustrate that the procedure works and is iterable, we leave this for future work (ideally done on data from other jurisdictions as well).

Here we consider whether the new hypotheses our procedure has generated meet our final criterion: empirical plausibility. We show that these facial features are new not just to the scientific literature but also apparently to criminal justice practitioners, before turning to whether these correlations might reflect some underlying causal relationship.

VI.A. Do These Hypotheses Predict What Judges Actually Do?

Empirical plausibility need not be implied by the fact that our new facial features are correlated with the algorithm’s predictions of judges’ decisions. The algorithm, after all, is not a perfect predictor. In principle, well-groomed and heavy-faced might be correlated with the part of the algorithm’s prediction that is unrelated to judge behavior, or m ( x ) − y .

In Table VI , we show that our two new hypotheses are indeed empirically plausible. The adjusted R 2 from regressing judges’ decisions against heavy-faced equals 0.0042 (column (1)), while for well-groomed the figure is 0.0021 (column (2)) and for both together the figure equals 0.0061 (column (3)). As a benchmark, the adjusted R 2 from all variables (other than the algorithm’s overall mug shot–based prediction) in explaining judges’ decisions equals 0.0218 (column (6)). So the explanatory power of our two novel hypotheses alone equals about |$28\%$| of what we get from all the variables together.

Do Well-Groomed and Heavy-Faced Correlate with Judge Decisions?

Notes. This table reports the results of estimating a linear probability specification of judges’ detain decisions against different explanatory variables in the validation set described in Table I . The algorithmic predictions of the judges’ detain decision come from our convolutional neural network algorithm built using the defendants’ face image as the only feature, using data from the training data set. Measures of defendant demographics and current arrest charge come from Mecklenburg County, NC, administrative data. Data on heavy-faced, well-groomed, skin tone, attractiveness, competence, dominance, and trustworthiness come from subject ratings of mug shot images (see the text). Human guess variable comes from showing subjects pairs of mug shot images and asking subjects to identify the defendant they think the judge would be more likely to detain. Regression specifications also include indicators for unknown race and unknown gender. * p < .1; ** p < .05; *** p < .01.

For a sense of the magnitude of these correlations, the coefficient on heavy-faced of −0.0234 (0.0036) in column (1) and on well-groomed of −0.0198 (0.0043) in column (2) imply that one standard deviation changes in each variable are associated with reduced detention rates equal to 2.8 and 2.0 percentage points, respectively, or |$12.0\%$| and |$8.9\%$| of the base rate. Interestingly, column (7) shows that heavy-faced remains statistically significant even when we control for the algorithm’s prediction. The discovery procedure led us to a facial feature that, when measured independently, captures signal above and beyond what the algorithm found. 67

VI.B. Do Practitioners Already Know This?

Our procedure has identified two hypotheses that are new to the existing research literature and to our study subjects. Yet the study subjects we have collected data from so far likely have relatively little experience with the criminal justice system. A reader might wonder: do experienced criminal justice practitioners already know that these “new” hypotheses affect judge decisions? The practitioners might have learned the influence of these facial features from day-to-day experience.

To answer this question, we carried out two smaller-scale data collections with a sample of N  = 15 staff at a public defender’s office and a legal aid society. We first asked an open-ended question: on what basis do judges decide to detain versus release defendants pretrial? Practitioners talked about judge misunderstandings of the law, people’s prior criminal records, and judge underappreciation for the social contexts in which criminal records arise. Aside from the defendant’s race, nothing about the appearance of defendants was mentioned.

We showed practitioners pairs of actual mug shots and asked them to guess which person is more likely to be detained by a judge (as we had done with MTurk and Prolific workers). This yields a sample of 360 detention forecasts. After seeing these mug shots practitioners were asked an open-ended question about what they think matters about the defendant’s appearance for judge detention decisions. There were a few mentions of well-groomed and one mention of something related to heavy-faced, but these were far from the most frequently mentioned features, as seen in Online Appendix Figure A.XX .

The practitioner forecasts do indeed seem to be more accurate than those of “regular” study subjects. Table VII , column (5) shows that defendants whom the practitioners predict will be detained are 29.2 percentage points more likely to actually be detained, even after controlling for the other known determinants of detention from past research. This is nearly four times the effect of forecasts made by Prolific workers, as shown in the last column of Table VI . The practitioner guesses (unlike the regular study subjects) are even about as accurate as the algorithm; the R 2 from the practitioner guess (0.0165 in column (1)) is similar to the R 2 from the algorithm’s predictions (0.0166 in column (6)).

Results from the Criminal Justice Practitioner Sample

Notes. This table shows the results of estimating judges’ detain decisions using a linear probability specification of different explanatory variables on a subset of the validation set. The criminal justice practitioner’s guess about the judge’s decision comes from showing 15 different public defenders and legal aid society members actual mug shot images of defendants and asking them to report which defendant they believe the judge would be more likely to detain. The pairs are selected to be congruent in gender and race but discordant in detention outcome. The algorithmic predictions of judges’ detain decisions come from applying the algorithm, which is built with face images in the training data set, to validation set observations. Measures of defendant demographics and current arrest charge come from Mecklenburg County, NC, administrative data. Data on heavy-faced, well-groomed, skin tone, attractiveness, competence, dominance, and trustworthiness come from subject ratings of mug shot images (see the text). Regression specifications also include indicators for unknown race and unknown gender. * p < .1; ** p < .05; *** p < .01.

Yet practitioners do not seem to already know what the algorithm has discovered. We can see this in several ways in Table VII . First, the sum of the adjusted R 2 values from the bivariate regressions of judge decisions against practitioner guesses and judge decisions against the algorithm mug shot–based prediction is not so different from the adjusted R 2 from including both variables in the same regression (0.0165 + 0.0166 = 0.0331 from columns (1) plus (6), versus 0.0338 in column (7)). We see something similar for the novel features of well-groomed and heavy-faced specifically as well. 68 The practitioners and the algorithm seem to be tapping into largely unrelated signal.

VI.C. Exploring Causality

Are these novel features actually causally related to judge decisions? Fully answering that question is clearly beyond the scope of the present article. But we can present some additional evidence that is at least suggestive.

For starters we can rule out some obvious potential confounders. With the specific hypotheses in hand, identifying the most important concerns with confounding becomes much easier. In our application, well-groomed and heavy-faced could in principle be related to things like (say) the degree to which the defendant has a substance-abuse problem, is struggling with mental health, or their socioeconomic status. But as shown in a series of Online Appendix  tables, we find that when we have study subjects independently label the mug shots in our validation data set for these features and then control for them, our novel hypotheses remain correlated with the algorithmic predictions of the judge and actual judge decisions. 69 We might wonder whether heavy-faced is simply a proxy for something that previous mock-trial-type studies suggest might matter for criminal justice decisions, “baby-faced” ( Berry and Zebrowitz-McArthur 1988 ). 70 But when we have subjects rate mug shots for baby-facedness, our full-faced measure remains strongly predictive of the algorithm’s predictions and actual judge decisions; see Online Appendix Tables A.XII and A.XVI .

In addition, we carried out a laboratory-style experiment with Prolific workers. We randomly morphed synthetic mug shot images in the direction of either higher or lower well-groomed (or full-faced), randomly assigned structured variables (current charge and prior record) to each image, explained to subjects the detention decision judges are asked to make, and then asked them which from each pair of subjects they would be more likely to detain if they were the judge. The framework from Mobius and Rosenblat (2006) helps clarify what this lab experiment gets us: appearance might affect how others treat us because others are reacting to something about our own appearance directly, because our appearance affects our own confidence, or because our appearance affects our effectiveness in oral communication. The experiment’s results shut down these latter two mechanisms and isolate the effects of something about appearance per se, recognizing it remains possible well-groomed and heavy-faced are correlated with some other aspect of appearance. 71

The study subjects recommend for detention those subjects with higher-risk structured variables (like current charge and prior record), which at the very least suggests they are taking the task seriously. Holding these other case characteristics constant, we find that the subjects are more likely to recommend for detention those defendants who are less well-groomed or less heavy-faced (see Online Appendix Table A.XVII ). Qualitatively, these results support the idea that well-groomed and heavy-faced could have a causal effect. It is not clear that the magnitudes in these experiments necessarily have much meaning: the subjects are not actual judges, and the context and structure of choice is very different from real detention decisions. Still, it is worth noting that the magnitudes implied by our results are nontrivial. Changing well-groomed or heavy-faced has the same effect on subject decisions as a movement within the predicted rearrest risk distribution of 4 and 6 percentile points, respectively (see Online Appendix C for details). Of course only an actual field experiment could conclusively determine causality here, but carrying out that type of field experiment might seem more worthwhile to an investigator in light of the lab experiment’s results.

Is this enough empirical support for these hypotheses to justify incurring the costs of causal testing? The empirical basis for these hypotheses would seem to be at least as strong as (or perhaps stronger than) the informal standard currently used to decide whether an idea is promising enough to test, which in our experience comes from some combination of observing the world, brainstorming, and perhaps some exploratory investigator-driven correlational analysis.

What might such causal testing look like? One possibility would follow in the spirit of Goldin and Rouse (2000) and compare detention decisions in settings where the defendant is more versus less visible to the judge to alter the salience of appearance. For example, many jurisdictions have continued to use some version of virtual hearings even after the pandemic. 72 In Chicago the court system has the defendant appear virtually but everyone else is in person, and the court system of its own volition has changed the size of the monitors used to display the defendant to court participants. One could imagine adding some planned variation to screen size or distance or angle to the judge. These video feeds could in principle be randomly selected for AI adjustment to the defendant’s level of well-groomedness or heavy-facedness (this would probably fall into a legal gray area). In the case of well-groomed, one could imagine a field experiment that changed this aspect of the defendant’s actual appearance prior to the court hearing. We are not claiming these are the right designs but intend only to illustrate that with new hypotheses in hand, economists are positioned to deploy the sort of creativity and rigorous testing that have become the hallmark of the field’s efforts at causal inference.

We have presented a new semi-automated procedure for hypothesis generation. We applied this new procedure to a concrete, socially important application: why judges jail some defendants and not others. Our procedure suggests two novel hypotheses: some defendants appear more well-groomed or more heavy-faced than others.

Beyond the specific findings from our illustrative application, our empirical analysis also illustrates a playbook for other applications. Start with a high-dimensional predictor m ( x ) of some behavior of interest. Build an unsupervised model of the data distribution, p ( x ). Then combine the models for m ( x ) and p ( x ) in a morphing procedure to generate new instances that answer the counterfactual question: what would a given instance look like with higher or lower likelihood of the outcome? Show morphed pairs of instances to participants and get them to name what they see as the differences between morphed instances. Get others to independently rate instances for whatever the new hypothesis is; do these labels correlate with both m ( x ) and the behavior of interest, y ? If so, we have a new hypothesis worth causal testing. This playbook is broadly applicable whenever three conditions are met.

The first condition is that we have a behavior we can statistically predict. The application we examine here fits because the behavior is clearly defined and measured for many cases. A study of, say, human creativity would be more challenging because it is not clear that it can be measured ( Said-Metwaly, Van den Noortgate, and Kyndt 2017 ). A study of why U.S. presidents use nuclear weapons during wartime would be challenging because there have been so few cases.

The second condition relates to what input data are available to predict behavior. Our procedure is likely to add only modest value in applications where we only have traditional structured variables, because those structured variables already make sense to people. Moreover the structured variables are usually already hypothesized to affect different behaviors, which is why economists ask about them on surveys. Our procedure will be more helpful with unstructured, high-dimensional data like images, language, and time series. The deeper point is that the collection of such high-dimensional data is often incidental to the scientific enterprise. We have images because the justice system photographs defendants during booking. Schools collect text from students as part of required assignments. Cellphones create location data as part of cell tower “pings.” These high-dimensional data implicitly contain an endless number of “features.”

Such high-dimensional data have already been found to predict outcomes in many economically relevant applications. Student essays predict graduation. Newspaper text predicts political slant of writers and editors. Federal Open Market Committee notes predict asset returns or volatility. X-ray images or EKG results predict doctor diagnoses (or misdiagnoses). Satellite images predict the income or health of a place. Many more relationships like these remain to be explored. From such prediction models, one could readily imagine human inspection of morphs leading to novel features. For example, suppose high-frequency data on volume and stock prices are used to predict future excess returns, for example, to understand when the market over- or undervalues a stock. Morphs of these time series might lead us to discover the kinds of price paths that produce overreaction. After all, some investors have even named such patterns (e.g., “head and shoulders,” “double bottom”) and trade on them.

The final condition is to be able to morph the input data to create new cases that differ in the predicted outcome. This requires some unsupervised learning technique to model the data distribution. The good news is that a number of such techniques are now available that work well with different types of high-dimensional data. We happen to use GANs here because they work well with images. But our procedure can accomodate a variety of unsupervised models. For example for text we can use other methods like Bidirectional Encoder Representations from Transformers ( Devlin et al. 2018 ), or for time series we could use variational auto-encoders ( Kingma and Welling 2013 ).

An open question is the degree to which our experimental pipeline could be changed by new technologies, and in particular by recent innovations in generative modeling. For example, several recent models allow people to create new synthetic images from text descriptions, and so could perhaps (eventually) provide alternative approaches to the creation of counterfactual instances. 73 Similarly, recent generative language models appear to be able to process images (e.g., GPT-4), although they are only recently publicly available. Because there is inevitably some uncertainty in forecasting what those tools will be able to do in the future, they seem unlikely to be able to help with the first stage of our procedure’s pipeline—build a predictive model of some behavior of interest. To see why, notice that methods like GPT-4 are unlikely to have access to data on judge decisions linked to mug shots. But the stage of our pipeline that GPT-4 could potentially be helpful for is to substitute for humans in “naming” the contrasts between the morphed pairs of counterfactual instances. Though speculative, such innovations potentially allow for more of the hypothesis generation procedure to be automated. We leave the exploration of these possibilities to future work.

Finally, it is worth emphasizing that hypothesis generation is not hypothesis testing. Each follows its own logic, and one procedure should not be expected to do both. Each requires different methods and approaches. What is needed to creatively produce new hypotheses is different from what is needed to carefully test a given hypothesis. Testing is about the curation of data, an effort to compare comparable subsets from the universe of all observations. But the carefully controlled experiment’s focus on isolating the role of a single prespecified factor limits the ability to generate new hypotheses. Generation is instead about bringing as much data to bear as possible, since the algorithm can only consider signal within the data available to it. The more diverse the data sources, the more scope for discovery. An algorithm could have discovered judge decisions are influenced by football losses, as in Eren and Mocan (2018) , but only if we thought to merge court records with massive archives of news stories as for example assembled by Leskovec, Backstrom, and Kleinberg (2009) . For generating ideas, creativity in experimental design useful for testing is replaced with creativity in data assembly and merging.

More generally, we hope to raise interest in the curious asymmetry we began with. Idea generation need not remain such an idiosyncratic or nebulous process. Our framework hopefully illustrates that this process can also be modeled. Our results illustrate that such activity could bear actual empirical fruit. At a minimum, these results will hopefully spur more theoretical and empirical work on hypothesis generation rather than leave this as a largely “prescientific” activity.

This is a revised version of Chicago Booth working paper 22-15 “Algorithmic Behavioral Science: Machine Learning as a Tool for Scientific Discovery.” We gratefully acknowledge support from the Alfred P. Sloan Foundation, Emmanuel Roman, and the Center for Applied Artificial Intelligence at the University of Chicago, and we thank Stephen Billings for generously sharing data. For valuable comments we thank Andrei Shleifer, Larry Katz, and five anonymous referees, as well as Marianne Bertrand, Jesse Bruhn, Steven Durlauf, Joel Ferguson, Emma Harrington, Supreet Kaur, Matteo Magnaricotte, Dev Patel, Betsy Levy Paluck, Roberto Rocha, Evan Rose, Suproteem Sarkar, Josh Schwartzstein, Nick Swanson, Nadav Tadelis, Richard Thaler, Alex Todorov, Jenny Wang, and Heather Yang, plus seminar participants at Bocconi, Brown, Columbia, ETH Zurich, Harvard, the London School of Economics, MIT, Stanford, the University of California Berkeley, the University of Chicago, the University of Pennsylvania, the University of Toronto, the 2022 Behavioral Economics Annual Meetings, and the 2022 NBER Summer Institute. For invaluable assistance with the data and analysis we thank Celia Cook, Logan Crowl, Arshia Elyaderani, and especially Jonas Knecht and James Ross. This research was reviewed by the University of Chicago Social and Behavioral Sciences Institutional Review Board (IRB20-0917) and deemed exempt because the project relies on secondary analysis of public data sources. All opinions and any errors are our own.

The question of hypothesis generation has been a vexing one in philosophy, as it appears to follow a process distinct from deduction and has been sometimes called “abduction” (see Schickore 2018 for an overview). A fascinating economic exploration of this topic can be found in Heckman and Singer (2017) , which outlines a strategy for how economists should proceed in the face of surprising empirical results. Finally, there is a small but growing literature that uses machine learning in science. In the next section we discuss how our approach is similar in some ways and different in others.

See Einav and Levin (2014) , Varian (2014) , Athey (2017) , Mullainathan and Spiess (2017) , Gentzkow, Kelly, and Taddy (2019) , and Adukia et al. (2023) on how these changes can affect economics.

In practice, there are a number of additional nuances, as discussed in Section III.A and Online Appendix A.A .

This is calculated for some of the most commonly used measures of predictive accuracy, area under the curve (AUC) and R 2 , recognizing that different measures could yield somewhat different shares of variation explained. We emphasize the word predictable here: past work has shown that judges are “noisy” and decisions are hard to predict ( Kahneman, Sibony, and Sunstein 2022 ). As a consequence, a predictive model of the judge can do better than the judge themselves ( Kleinberg et al. 2018 ).

In Section IV.B , we examine whether the mug shot’s predictive power can be explained by underlying risk differences. There, we tentatively conclude that the predictive power of the face likely reflects judicial error, but that working assumption is not essential to either our results or the ultimate goal of the article: uncovering hypotheses for later careful testing.

For reviews of the interpretability literature, see Doshi-Velez and Kim (2017) and Marcinkevičs and Vogt (2020) .

See Liu et al. (2019) , Narayanaswamy et al. (2020) , Lang et al. (2021) , and Ghandeharioun et al. (2022) .

For example, if every dog photo in a given training data set had been taken outdoors and every cat photo was taken indoors, the algorithm might learn what animal is in the image based in part on features of the background, which would lead the algorithm to perform poorly in a new data set of more representative images.

For example, for canonical computer science applications like image classification (does this photo contain an image of a dog or of a cat?), predictive accuracy (AUC) can be on the order of 0.99. In contrast, our model of judge decisions using the face only achieves an AUC of 0.625.

Of course even if the hypotheses that are generated are the result of idiosyncratic creativity, this can still be useful. For example, Swanson (1986 , 1988) generated two novel medical hypotheses: the possibility that magnesium affects migraines and that fish oil may alleviate Raynaud’s syndrome.

Conversely, given a data set, our procedure has a built-in advantage: one could imagine a huge number of hypotheses that, while possible, are not especially useful because they are not measurable. Our procedure is by construction guaranteed to generate hypotheses that are measurable in a data set.

For additional discussion, see Ludwig and Mullainathan (2023a) .

For example, isolating the causal effects of gender on labor market outcomes is a daunting task, but the clever test in Goldin and Rouse (2000) overcomes the identification challenges by using variation in screening of orchestra applicants.

See the clever paper by Grogger and Ridgeway (2006) that uses this source of variation to examine this question.

This is related to what Autor (2014) called “Polanyi’s paradox,” the idea that people’s understanding of how the world works is beyond our capacity to explicitly describe it. For discussions in psychology about the difficulty for people to access their own cognition, see Wilson (2004) and Pronin (2009) .

Consider a simple example. Suppose x  = ( x 1 , …, x k ) is a k -dimensional binary vector, all possible values of x are equally likely, and the true function in nature relating x to y only depends on the first dimension of x so the function h 1 is the only true hypothesis and the only empirically plausible hypothesis. Even with such a simple true hypothesis, people can generate nonplausible hypotheses. Imagine a pair of data points ( x 0 , 0) and ( x 1 , 1). Since the data distribution is uniform, x 0 and x 1 will differ on |$\frac{k}{2}$| dimensions in expectation. A person looking at only one pair of observations would have a high chance of generating an empirically implausible hypothesis. Looking at more data, the probability of discovering an implausible hypothesis declines. But the problem remains.

Some canonical references include Breiman et al. (1984) , Breiman (2001) , Hastie et al. (2009) , and Jordan and Mitchell (2015) . For discussions about how machine learning connects to economics, see Belloni, Chernozhukov, and Hansen (2014) , Varian (2014) , Mullainathan and Spiess (2017) , Athey (2018) , and Athey and Imbens (2019) .

Of course there is not always a predictive signal in any given data application. But that is equally an issue for human hypothesis generation. At least with machine learning, we have formal procedures for determining whether there is any signal that holds out of sample.

The intuition here is quite straightforward. If two predictor variables are highly correlated, the weight that the algorithm puts on one versus the other can change from one draw of the data to the next depending on the idiosyncratic noise in the training data set, but since the variables are highly correlated, the predicted outcome values themselves (hence predictive accuracy) can be quite stable.

See Online Appendix Figure A.I , which shows the top nine eigenfaces for the data set we describe below, which together explain |$62\%$| of the variation.

Examples of applications of this type include Carleo et al. (2019) , He et al. (2019) , Davies et al. (2021) , Jumper et al. (2021) , and Pion-Tonachini et al. (2021) .

As other examples, researchers have found that retinal images alone can unexpectedly predict gender of patient or macular edema ( Narayanaswamy et al. 2020 ; Korot et al. 2021 ).

Sheetal, Feng, and Savani (2020) use machine learning to determine which of the long list of other survey variables collected as part of the World Values Survey best predict people’s support for unethical behavior. This application sits somewhat in between an investigator-generated hypothesis and the development of an entirely new hypothesis, in the sense that the procedure can only choose candidate hypotheses for unethical behavior from the set of variables the World Values Survey investigators thought to include on their questionnaire.

Closest is Miller et al. (2019) , which morphs EKG output but stops at the point of generating realistic morphs and does not carry this through to generating interpretable hypotheses.

Additional details about how the system works are found in Online Appendix A .

For Black non-Hispanics, the figures for Mecklenburg County versus the United States were |$33.3\%$| versus |$13.6\%$|⁠ . See https://www.census.gov/programs-surveys/sis/resources/data-tools/quickfacts.html .

Details on how we operationalize these variables are found in Online Appendix A .

The mug shot seems to have originated in Paris in the 1800s ( https://law.marquette.edu/facultyblog/2013/10/a-history-of-the-mug-shot/ ). The etymology of the term is unclear, possibly based on “mug” as slang for either the face or an “incompetent person” or “sucker” since only those who get caught are photographed by police ( https://www.etymonline.com/word/mug-shot ).

See https://mecksheriffweb.mecklenburgcountync.gov/ .

We partition the data by arrestee, not arrest, to ensure people show up in only one of the partitions to avoid inadvertent information “leakage” across data partitions.

As the Online Appendix  tables show, while there are some changes to a few of the coefficients that relate the algorithm’s predictions to factors known from past research to shape human decisions, the core findings and conclusions about the importance of the defendant’s appearance and the two specific novel facial features we identify are similar.

Using the data on arrests up to July 17, 2019, we randomly reassign arrestees to three groups of similar size to our training, validation, and lock-box hold-out data sets, convert the data to long format (with one row for each arrest-and-variable) and calculate an F -test statistic for the joint null hypothesis that the difference in baseline characteristics are all zero, clustering standard errors by arrestee. We store that F -test statistic, rerun this procedure 1,000 times, and then report the share of splits with an F -statistic larger than the one observed for the original data partition.

For an example HIT task, see Online Appendix Figure A.II .

For age and skin tone, we calculated the average pairwise correlation between two labels sampled (without replacement) from the 10 possibilities, repeated across different random pairs. The Pearson correlation was 0.765 for skin tone, 0.741 for age, and between age assigned labels versus administrative data, 0.789. The maximum correlation between the average of the first k labels collected and the k + 1 label is not all that much higher for k  = 1 than k  = 9 (0.733 versus 0.837).

For an example of the consent form and instructions given to labelers, see Online Appendix Figures A.IV and A.V .

We actually collected at least three and at least five, but the averages turned out to be very close to the minimums, equal to 3.17 and 5.07, respectively.

For example, in Oosterhof and Todorov (2008) , Supplemental Materials Table S2, they report Cronbach’s α values of 0.95 for attractiveness, and 0.93 for both trustworthy and dominant.

See Online Appendix Figure A.VIII , which shows that the change in the correlation between the ( k + 1)th label with the mean of the first k labels declines after three labels.

For an example, see Online Appendix Figure A.IX .

We use the validation data set to estimate |$\hat{\beta }$| and then evaluate the accuracy of m p ( x ). Although this could lead to overfitting in principle, since we are only estimating a single parameter, this does not matter much in practice; we get very similar results if we randomly partition the validation data set by arrestee, use a random |$30\%$| of the validation data set to estimate the weights, then measure predictive performance in the other random |$70\%$| of the validation data set.

The mean squared area for a linear probability model’s predictions is related to the Brier score ( Brier 1950 ). For a discussion of how this relates to AUC and calibration, see Murphy (1973) .

Note how this comparison helps mitigate the problem that police arrest decisions could depend on a person’s face. When we regress rearrest against the mug shot, that estimated coefficient may be heavily influenced by how police arrest decisions respond to the defendant’s appearance. In contrast when we regress judge detention decisions against predicted rearrest risk, some of the variation across defendants in rearrest risk might come from the effect of the defendant’s appearance on the probability a police officer makes an arrest, but a great deal of the variation in predicted risk presumably comes from people’s behavior.

The average mug shot–predicted detention risk for the bottom and top quartiles equal 0.127 and 0.332; that difference times 2.880 implies a rearrest risk difference of 59.0 percentage points. By way of comparison, the difference in rearrest risk between those who are arrested for a felony crime rather than a less serious misdemeanor crime is equal to just 7.8 percentage points.

In our main exhibits, we impose a simple linear relationship between the algorithm’s predicted detention risk and known facial features like age or psychological variables, for ease of presentation. We show our results are qualitatively similar with less parametric specifications in Online Appendix Tables A.VI, A.VII, and A.VIII .

With a coefficient value of 0.0006 on age (measured in years), the algorithm tells us that even a full decade’s difference in age has |$5\%$| the impact on detention likelihood compared to the effects of gender (10 × 0.0006 = 0.6 percentage point higher likelihood of detention, versus 11.9 percentage points).

Online Appendix Table A.V shows that Hispanic ethnicity, which we measure from subject ratings from looking at mug shots, is not statistically significantly related to the algorithm’s predictions. Table II , column (2) showed that conditional on gender, Black defendants have slightly higher predicted detention odds than white defendants (0.3 percentage points), but this is not quite significant ( t  = 1.3). Online Appendix Table A.V , column (1) shows that conditioning on Hispanic ethnicity and having stereotypically Black facial features—as measured in Eberhardt et al. (2006) —increases the size of the Black-white difference in predicted detention odds (now equal to 0.8 percentage points) as well as the difference’s statistical significance ( t  = 2.2).

This comes from multiplying the effect of each 1 unit change in our 9-point scale associated, equal to 0.55, 0.91, and 0.48 percentage points, respectively, with the standard deviation of the average label for each psychological feature for each image, which equal 0.923, 0.911, and 0.844, respectively.

As discussed in Online Appendix Table A.III , we offer subjects a |${\$}$| 3.00 base rate for participation plus an incentive of 5 cents per correct guess. With 50 image pairs shown to each participant, they could increase their earnings by another |${\$}$| 2.50, or up to |$83\%$| above the base compensation.

Table III gives us another way to see how much of previously known features are rediscovered by the algorithm. That the algorithm’s prediction plus all previously known features yields an R 2 of just 0.0380 (column (7)), not much larger than with the algorithm alone, suggests the algorithm has discovered most of the signal in these known features. But not necessarily all: these other known features often do remain statistically significant predictors of judges’ decisions even after controlling for the algorithm’s predictions (last column). One possible reason is that, given finite samples, the algorithm has only imperfectly reconstructed factors such as “age” or “human guess.” Controlling for these factors directly adds additional signal.

Imagine a linear prediction function like |$m(x_1,x_2) = \widehat{\beta }_1 x_1 + \widehat{\beta }_2 x_2$|⁠ . If our best estimates suggested |$\widehat{\beta }_2=0$|⁠ , the maximum change to the prediction comes from incrementally changing x 1 .

As noted already, to avoid contributing to the stereotyping of minorities in discussions of crime, in our exhibits we show images for non-Hispanic white men, although in our HITs we use images representative of the larger defendant population.

Modeling p ( x ) through a supervised learning task would involve assembling a large set of images, having subjects label each image for whether they contain a realistic face, and then predicting those labels using the image pixels as inputs. But this supervised learning approach is costly because it requires extensive annotation of a large training data set.

Kaji, Manresa, and Pouliot (2020) and Athey et al. (2021 , 2022) are recent uses of GANs in economics.

Some ethical issues are worth considering. One is bias. With human hypothesis generation there is the risk people “see” an association that impugns some group yet has no basis in fact. In contrast our procedure by construction only produces empirically plausible hypotheses. A different concern is the vulnerability of deep learning to adversarial examples: tiny, almost imperceptible changes in an image changing its classification for the outcome y , so that mug shots that look almost identical (that is, are very “similar” in some visual image metric) have dramatically different m ( x ). This is a problem because tiny changes to an image don’t change the nature of the object; see Szegedy et al. (2013) and Goodfellow, Shlens, and Szegedy (2014) . In practice such instances are quite rare in nature, indeed, so rare they usually occur only if intentionally (maliciously) generated.

Online Appendix Figure A.XII gives an example of this task and the instructions given to participating subjects to complete it. Each subject was tested on 50 image pairs selected at random from a population of 100 images. Subjects were told that for every pair, one image was higher in some unknown feature, but not given details as to what the feature might be. As in the exercise for predicting detention, feedback was given immediately after selecting an image, and a 5 cent bonus was paid for every correct answer.

In principle this semantic grouping could be carried out in other ways, for example, with automated procedures involving natural-language processing.

See Online Appendix Table A.III for a high-level description of this human intelligence task, and Online Appendix Figure A.XIV for a sample of the task and the subject instructions.

We drop every token of just one or two characters in length, as well as connector words without real meaning for this purpose, like “had,” “the,” and “and,” as well as words that are relevant to our exercise but generic, like “jailed,” “judge,” and “image.”

We enlisted three research assistants blinded to the findings of this study and asked them to come up with semantic categories that captured all subject comments. Since each assistant mapped each subject comment to |$5\%$| of semantic categories on average, if the assistant mappings were totally uncorrelated, we would expect to see agreement of at least two assistant categorizations about |$5\%$| of the time. What we actually see is if one research assistant made an association, |$60\%$| of the time another assistant would make the same association. We assign a comment to a semantic category when at least two of the assistants agree on the categorization.

Moreover what subjects see does not seem to be particularly sensitive to which images they see. (As a reminder, each subject sees 50 morphed image pairs randomly selected from a larger bank of 100 morphed image pairs). If we start with a subject who says they saw “well-groomed” in the morphed image pairs they saw, for other subjects who saw 21 or fewer images in common (so saw mostly different images) they also report seeing well-groomed |$31\%$| of the time, versus |$35\%$| among the population. We select the threshold of 21 images because this is the smallest threshold in which at least 50 pairs of raters are considered.

See Online Appendix Table A.III and Online Appendix Figure A.XVI . This comes to a total of 192,280 individual labels, an average of 3.2 labels per image in the training set and an average of 10.8 labels per image in the validation set. Sampling labels from different workers on the same image, these ratings have a correlation of 0.14.

It turns out that skin tone is another feature that is correlated with well-groomed, so we orthogonalize on that as well as well-groomed. To simplify the discussion, we use “well-groomed” as a stand-in for both features we orthogonalize against, well-groomed plus skin tone.

To see why, consider the mechanics of the procedure. Since we orthogonalize as we create morphs, we would need labels at each morphing step. This would entail us producing candidate steps (new morphs), collecting data on each of the candidates, picking one that has the same well-groomed value, and then repeating. Moreover, until the labels are collected at a given step, the next step could not be taken. Since producing a final morph requires hundreds of such intermediate morphing steps, the whole process would be so time- and resource-consuming as to be infeasible.

While we can predict demographic features like race and age (above/below median age) nearly perfectly, with AUC values close to 1, for predicting well-groomed, the mean absolute error of our OOS prediction is 0.63, which is plus or minus over half a slider value for this 9-point-scaled variable. One reason it is harder to predict well-groomed is because the labels, which come from human subjects looking at and labeling mug shots, are themselves noisy, which introduces irreducible error.

For additional details see Online Appendix Figure A.XVII and Online Appendix B .

There are a few additional technical steps required, discussed in Online Appendix B . For details on the HIT we use to get subjects to name the new hypothesis from looking at orthogonalized morphs, and the follow-up HIT to generate independent labels for that new hypothesis or facial feature, see Online Appendix Table A.III .

See Online Appendix Figure A.XIX .

The adjusted R 2 of including the practitioner forecasts plus well-groomed and heavy-facedness together (column (3), equal to 0.0246) is not that different from the sum of the R 2 values from including just the practitioner forecasts (0.0165 in column (1)) plus that from including just well-groomed and heavy-faced (equal to 0.0131 in Table VII , column (2)).

In Online Appendix Table A.IX we show that controlling for one obvious indicator of a substance abuse issue—arrest for drugs—does not seem to substantially change the relationship between full-faced or well-groomed and the predicted detention decision. Online Appendix Tables A.X and A.XI show a qualitatively similar pattern of results for the defendant’s mental health and socioeconomic status, which we measure by getting a separate sample of subjects to independently rate validation–data set mug shots. We see qualitatively similar results when the dependent variable is the actual rather than predicted judge decision; see Online Appendix Tables A.XIII, A.XIV, and A.XV .

Characteristics of having a baby face included large eyes, narrow chin, small nose, and high, raised eyebrows. For a discussion of some of the larger literature on how that feature shapes the reactions of other people generally, see Zebrowitz et al. (2009) .

For additional details, see Online Appendix C .

See https://www.nolo.com/covid-19/virtual-criminal-court-appearances-in-the-time-of-the-covid-19.html .

See https://stablediffusionweb.com/ and https://openai.com/product/dall-e-2 .

The data underlying this article are available in the Harvard Dataverse, https://doi.org/10.7910/DVN/ILO46V ( Ludwig and Mullainathan 2023b ).

Adukia   Anjali , Eble   Alex , Harrison   Emileigh , Birali Runesha   Hakizumwami , Szasz   Teodora , “ What We Teach about Race and Gender: Representation in Images and Text of Children’s Books ,” Quarterly Journal of Economics , 138 ( 2023 ), 2225 – 2285 . https://doi.org/10.1093/qje/qjad028

Google Scholar

Angelova   Victoria , Dobbie   Will S. , Yang   Crystal S. , “ Algorithmic Recommendations and Human Discretion ,” NBER Working Paper no. 31747, 2023 . https://doi.org/10.3386/w31747

Arnold   David , Dobbie   Will S. , Hull   Peter , “ Measuring Racial Discrimination in Bail Decisions ,” NBER Working Paper no. 26999, 2020.   https://doi.org/10.3386/w26999

Arnold   David , Dobbie   Will , Yang   Crystal S. , “ Racial Bias in Bail Decisions ,” Quarterly Journal of Economics , 133 ( 2018 ), 1885 – 1932 . https://doi.org/10.1093/qje/qjy012

Athey   Susan , “ Beyond Prediction: Using Big Data for Policy Problems ,” Science , 355 ( 2017 ), 483 – 485 . https://doi.org/10.1126/science.aal4321

Athey   Susan , “ The Impact of Machine Learning on Economics ,” in The Economics of Artificial Intelligence: An Agenda , Ajay Agrawal, Joshua Gans, and Avi Goldfarb, eds. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press , 2018 ), 507 – 547 .

Athey   Susan , Imbens   Guido W. , “ Machine Learning Methods That Economists Should Know About ,” Annual Review of Economics , 11 ( 2019 ), 685 – 725 . https://doi.org/10.1146/annurev-economics-080217-053433

Athey   Susan , Imbens   Guido W. , Metzger   Jonas , Munro   Evan , “ Using Wasserstein Generative Adversarial Networks for the Design of Monte Carlo Simulations ,” Journal of Econometrics , ( 2021 ), 105076. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jeconom.2020.09.013

Athey   Susan , Karlan   Dean , Palikot   Emil , Yuan   Yuan , “ Smiles in Profiles: Improving Fairness and Efficiency Using Estimates of User Preferences in Online Marketplaces ,” NBER Working Paper no. 30633 , 2022 . https://doi.org/10.3386/w30633

Autor   David , “ Polanyi’s Paradox and the Shape of Employment Growth ,” NBER Working Paper no. 20485 , 2014 . https://doi.org/10.3386/w20485

Avitzour   Eliana , Choen   Adi , Joel   Daphna , Lavy   Victor , “ On the Origins of Gender-Biased Behavior: The Role of Explicit and Implicit Stereotypes ,” NBER Working Paper no. 27818 , 2020 . https://doi.org/10.3386/w27818

Baehrens   David , Schroeter   Timon , Harmeling   Stefan , Kawanabe   Motoaki , Hansen   Katja , Müller   Klaus-Robert , “ How to Explain Individual Classification Decisions ,” Journal of Machine Learning Research , 11 ( 2010 ), 1803 – 1831 .

Baltrušaitis   Tadas , Ahuja   Chaitanya , Morency   Louis-Philippe , “ Multimodal Machine Learning: A Survey and Taxonomy ,” IEEE Transactions on Pattern Analysis and Machine Intelligence , 41 ( 2019 ), 423 – 443 . https://doi.org/10.1109/TPAMI.2018.2798607

Begall   Sabine , Červený   Jaroslav , Neef   Julia , Vojtěch   Oldřich , Burda   Hynek , “ Magnetic Alignment in Grazing and Resting Cattle and Deer ,” Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences , 105 ( 2008 ), 13451 – 13455 . https://doi.org/10.1073/pnas.0803650105

Belloni   Alexandre , Chernozhukov   Victor , Hansen   Christian , “ High-Dimensional Methods and Inference on Structural and Treatment Effects ,” Journal of Economic Perspectives , 28 ( 2014 ), 29 – 50 . https://doi.org/10.1257/jep.28.2.29

Berry   Diane S. , Zebrowitz-McArthur   Leslie , “ What’s in a Face? Facial Maturity and the Attribution of Legal Responsibility ,” Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin , 14 ( 1988 ), 23 – 33 . https://doi.org/10.1177/0146167288141003

Bertrand   Marianne , Mullainathan   Sendhil , “ Are Emily and Greg More Employable than Lakisha and Jamal? A Field Experiment on Labor Market Discrimination ,” American Economic Review , 94 ( 2004 ), 991 – 1013 . https://doi.org/10.1257/0002828042002561

Bjornstrom   Eileen E. S. , Kaufman   Robert L. , Peterson   Ruth D. , Slater   Michael D. , “ Race and Ethnic Representations of Lawbreakers and Victims in Crime News: A National Study of Television Coverage ,” Social Problems , 57 ( 2010 ), 269 – 293 . https://doi.org/10.1525/sp.2010.57.2.269

Breiman   Leo , “ Random Forests ,” Machine Learning , 45 ( 2001 ), 5 – 32 . https://doi.org/10.1023/A:1010933404324

Breiman   Leo , Friedman   Jerome H. , Olshen   Richard A. , Stone   Charles J. , Classification and Regression Trees (London: Routledge , 1984 ). https://doi.org/10.1201/9781315139470

Google Preview

Brier   Glenn W. , “ Verification of Forecasts Expressed in Terms of Probability ,” Monthly Weather Review , 78 ( 1950 ), 1 – 3 . https://doi.org/10.1175/1520-0493(1950)078<0001:VOFEIT>2.0.CO;2

Carleo   Giuseppe , Cirac   Ignacio , Cranmer   Kyle , Daudet   Laurent , Schuld   Maria , Tishby   Naftali , Vogt-Maranto   Leslie , Zdeborová   Lenka , “ Machine Learning and the Physical Sciences ,” Reviews of Modern Physics , 91 ( 2019 ), 045002 . https://doi.org/10.1103/RevModPhys.91.045002

Chen   Daniel L. , Moskowitz   Tobias J. , Shue   Kelly , “ Decision Making under the Gambler’s Fallacy: Evidence from Asylum Judges, Loan Officers, and Baseball Umpires ,” Quarterly Journal of Economics , 131 ( 2016 ), 1181 – 1242 . https://doi.org/10.1093/qje/qjw017

Chen   Daniel L. , Philippe   Arnaud , “ Clash of Norms: Judicial Leniency on Defendant Birthdays ,” Journal of Economic Behavior & Organization , 211 ( 2023 ), 324 – 344 . https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jebo.2023.05.002

Dahl   Gordon B. , Knepper   Matthew M. , “ Age Discrimination across the Business Cycle ,” NBER Working Paper no. 27581 , 2020 . https://doi.org/10.3386/w27581

Davies   Alex , Veličković   Petar , Buesing   Lars , Blackwell   Sam , Zheng   Daniel , Tomašev   Nenad , Tanburn   Richard , Battaglia   Peter , Blundell   Charles , Juhász   András , Lackenby   Marc , Williamson   Geordie , Hassabis   Demis , Kohli   Pushmeet , “ Advancing Mathematics by Guiding Human Intuition with AI ,” Nature , 600 ( 2021 ), 70 – 74 . https://doi.org/10.1038/s41586-021-04086-x

Devlin   Jacob , Chang   Ming-Wei , Lee   Kenton , Toutanova   Kristina , “ BERT: Pre-Training of Deep Bidirectional Transformers for Language Understanding ,” arXiv preprint arXiv:1810.04805 , 2018 . https://doi.org/10.48550/arXiv.1810.04805

Dobbie   Will , Goldin   Jacob , Yang   Crystal S. , “ The Effects of Pretrial Detention on Conviction, Future Crime, and Employment: Evidence from Randomly Assigned Judges ,” American Economic Review , 108 ( 2018 ), 201 – 240 . https://doi.org/10.1257/aer.20161503

Dobbie   Will , Yang   Crystal S. , “ The US Pretrial System: Balancing Individual Rights and Public Interests ,” Journal of Economic Perspectives , 35 ( 2021 ), 49 – 70 . https://doi.org/10.1257/jep.35.4.49

Doshi-Velez   Finale , Kim   Been , “ Towards a Rigorous Science of Interpretable Machine Learning ,” arXiv preprint arXiv:1702.08608 , 2017 . https://doi.org/10.48550/arXiv.1702.08608

Eberhardt   Jennifer L. , Davies   Paul G. , Purdie-Vaughns   Valerie J. , Lynn Johnson   Sheri , “ Looking Deathworthy: Perceived Stereotypicality of Black Defendants Predicts Capital-Sentencing Outcomes ,” Psychological Science , 17 ( 2006 ), 383 – 386 . https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9280.2006.01716.x

Einav   Liran , Levin   Jonathan , “ The Data Revolution and Economic Analysis ,” Innovation Policy and the Economy , 14 ( 2014 ), 1 – 24 . https://doi.org/10.1086/674019

Eren   Ozkan , Mocan   Naci , “ Emotional Judges and Unlucky Juveniles ,” American Economic Journal: Applied Economics , 10 ( 2018 ), 171 – 205 . https://doi.org/10.1257/app.20160390

Frieze   Irene Hanson , Olson   Josephine E. , Russell   June , “ Attractiveness and Income for Men and Women in Management ,” Journal of Applied Social Psychology , 21 ( 1991 ), 1039 – 1057 . https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1559-1816.1991.tb00458.x

Fryer   Roland G., Jr , “ An Empirical Analysis of Racial Differences in Police Use of Force: A Response ,” Journal of Political Economy , 128 ( 2020 ), 4003 – 4008 . https://doi.org/10.1086/710977

Fudenberg   Drew , Liang   Annie , “ Predicting and Understanding Initial Play ,” American Economic Review , 109 ( 2019 ), 4112 – 4141 . https://doi.org/10.1257/aer.20180654

Gentzkow   Matthew , Kelly   Bryan , Taddy   Matt , “ Text as Data ,” Journal of Economic Literature , 57 ( 2019 ), 535 – 574 . https://doi.org/10.1257/jel.20181020

Ghandeharioun   Asma , Kim   Been , Li   Chun-Liang , Jou   Brendan , Eoff   Brian , Picard   Rosalind W. , “ DISSECT: Disentangled Simultaneous Explanations via Concept Traversals ,” arXiv preprint arXiv:2105.15164   2022 . https://doi.org/10.48550/arXiv.2105.15164

Goldin   Claudia , Rouse   Cecilia , “ Orchestrating Impartiality: The Impact of ‘Blind’ Auditions on Female Musicians ,” American Economic Review , 90 ( 2000 ), 715 – 741 . https://doi.org/10.1257/aer.90.4.715

Goncalves   Felipe , Mello   Steven , “ A Few Bad Apples? Racial Bias in Policing ,” American Economic Review , 111 ( 2021 ), 1406 – 1441 . https://doi.org/10.1257/aer.20181607

Goodfellow   Ian , Pouget-Abadie   Jean , Mirza   Mehdi , Xu   Bing , Warde-Farley   David , Ozair   Sherjil , Courville   Aaron , Bengio   Yoshua , “ Generative Adversarial Nets ,” Advances in Neural Information Processing Systems , 27 ( 2014 ), 2672 – 2680 .

Goodfellow   Ian J. , Shlens   Jonathon , Szegedy   Christian , “ Explaining and Harnessing Adversarial Examples ,” arXiv preprint arXiv:1412.6572 , 2014 . https://doi.org/10.48550/arXiv.1412.6572

Grogger   Jeffrey , Ridgeway   Greg , “ Testing for Racial Profiling in Traffic Stops from Behind a Veil of Darkness ,” Journal of the American Statistical Association , 101 ( 2006 ), 878 – 887 . https://doi.org/10.1198/016214506000000168

Hastie   Trevor , Tibshirani   Robert , Friedman   Jerome H. , Friedman   Jerome H. , The Elements of Statistical Learning: Data Mining, Inference, and Prediction , vol. 2 (Berlin: Springer , 2009 ).

He   Siyu , Li   Yin , Feng   Yu , Ho   Shirley , Ravanbakhsh   Siamak , Chen   Wei , Póczos   Barnabás , “ Learning to Predict the Cosmological Structure Formation ,” Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences , 116 ( 2019 ), 13825 – 13832 . https://doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1821458116

Heckman   James J. , Singer   Burton , “ Abducting Economics ,” American Economic Review , 107 ( 2017 ), 298 – 302 . https://doi.org/10.1257/aer.p20171118

Heyes   Anthony , Saberian   Soodeh , “ Temperature and Decisions: Evidence from 207,000 Court Cases ,” American Economic Journal: Applied Economics , 11 ( 2019 ), 238 – 265 . https://doi.org/10.1257/app.20170223

Hoekstra   Mark , Sloan   CarlyWill , “ Does Race Matter for Police Use of Force? Evidence from 911 Calls ,” American Economic Review , 112 ( 2022 ), 827 – 860 . https://doi.org/10.1257/aer.20201292

Hunter   Margaret , “ The Persistent Problem of Colorism: Skin Tone, Status, and Inequality ,” Sociology Compass , 1 ( 2007 ), 237 – 254 . https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1751-9020.2007.00006.x

Jordan   Michael I. , Mitchell   Tom M. , “ Machine Learning: Trends, Perspectives, and Prospects ,” Science , 349 ( 2015 ), 255 – 260 . https://doi.org/10.1126/science.aaa8415

Jumper   John , Evans   Richard , Pritzel   Alexander , Green   Tim , Figurnov   Michael , Ronneberger   Olaf , Tunyasuvunakool   Kathryn , Bates   Russ , Žídek   Augustin , Potapenko   Anna  et al.  , “ Highly Accurate Protein Structure Prediction with AlphaFold ,” Nature , 596 ( 2021 ), 583 – 589 . https://doi.org/10.1038/s41586-021-03819-2

Jung   Jongbin , Concannon   Connor , Shroff   Ravi , Goel   Sharad , Goldstein   Daniel G. , “ Simple Rules for Complex Decisions ,” SSRN working paper , 2017 . https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2919024

Kahneman   Daniel , Sibony   Olivier , Sunstein   C. R , Noise (London: HarperCollins , 2022 ).

Kaji   Tetsuya , Manresa   Elena , Pouliot   Guillaume , “ An Adversarial Approach to Structural Estimation ,” University of Chicago, Becker Friedman Institute for Economics Working Paper No. 2020-144 , 2020 . https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3706365

Kingma   Diederik P. , Welling   Max , “ Auto-Encoding Variational Bayes ,” arXiv preprint arXiv:1312.6114 , 2013 . https://doi.org/10.48550/arXiv.1312.6114

Kleinberg   Jon , Lakkaraju   Himabindu , Leskovec   Jure , Ludwig   Jens , Mullainathan   Sendhil , “ Human Decisions and Machine Predictions ,” Quarterly Journal of Economics , 133 ( 2018 ), 237 – 293 . https://doi.org/10.1093/qje/qjx032

Korot   Edward , Pontikos   Nikolas , Liu   Xiaoxuan , Wagner   Siegfried K. , Faes   Livia , Huemer   Josef , Balaskas   Konstantinos , Denniston   Alastair K. , Khawaja   Anthony , Keane   Pearse A. , “ Predicting Sex from Retinal Fundus Photographs Using Automated Deep Learning ,” Scientific Reports , 11 ( 2021 ), 10286 . https://doi.org/10.1038/s41598-021-89743-x

Lahat   Dana , Adali   Tülay , Jutten   Christian , “ Multimodal Data Fusion: An Overview of Methods, Challenges, and Prospects ,” Proceedings of the IEEE , 103 ( 2015 ), 1449 – 1477 . https://doi.org/10.1109/JPROC.2015.2460697

Lang   Oran , Gandelsman   Yossi , Yarom   Michal , Wald   Yoav , Elidan   Gal , Hassidim   Avinatan , Freeman   William T , Isola   Phillip , Globerson   Amir , Irani   Michal , et al.  , “ Explaining in Style: Training a GAN to Explain a Classifier in StyleSpace ,” paper presented at the IEEE/CVF International Conference on Computer Vision , 2021. https://doi.org/10.1109/ICCV48922.2021.00073

Leskovec   Jure , Backstrom   Lars , Kleinberg   Jon , “ Meme-Tracking and the Dynamics of the News Cycle ,” paper presented at the 15th ACM SIGKDD international conference on Knowledge discovery and data mining, 2009. https://doi.org/10.1145/1557019.1557077

Little   Anthony C. , Jones   Benedict C. , DeBruine   Lisa M. , “ Facial Attractiveness: Evolutionary Based Research ,” Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society B: Biological Sciences , 366 ( 2011 ), 1638 – 1659 . https://doi.org/10.1098/rstb.2010.0404

Liu   Shusen , Kailkhura   Bhavya , Loveland   Donald , Han   Yong , “ Generative Counterfactual Introspection for Explainable Deep Learning ,” paper presented at the IEEE Global Conference on Signal and Information Processing (GlobalSIP) , 2019. https://doi.org/10.1109/GlobalSIP45357.2019.8969491

Ludwig   Jens , Mullainathan   Sendhil , “ Machine Learning as a Tool for Hypothesis Generation ,” NBER Working Paper no. 31017 , 2023a . https://doi.org/10.3386/w31017

Ludwig   Jens , Mullainathan   Sendhil , “ Replication Data for: ‘Machine Learning as a Tool for Hypothesis Generation’ ,” ( 2023b ), Harvard Dataverse. https://doi.org/10.7910/DVN/ILO46V .

Marcinkevičs   Ričards , Vogt   Julia E. , “ Interpretability and Explainability: A Machine Learning Zoo Mini-Tour ,” arXiv preprint arXiv:2012.01805 , 2020 . https://doi.org/10.48550/arXiv.2012.01805

Miller   Andrew , Obermeyer   Ziad , Cunningham   John , Mullainathan   Sendhil , “ Discriminative Regularization for Latent Variable Models with Applications to Electrocardiography ,” paper presented at the International Conference on Machine Learning , 2019.

Mobius   Markus M. , Rosenblat   Tanya S. , “ Why Beauty Matters ,” American Economic Review , 96 ( 2006 ), 222 – 235 . https://doi.org/10.1257/000282806776157515

Mobley   R. Keith , An Introduction to Predictive Maintenance (Amsterdam: Elsevier , 2002 ).

Mullainathan   Sendhil , Obermeyer   Ziad , “ Diagnosing Physician Error: A Machine Learning Approach to Low-Value Health Care ,” Quarterly Journal of Economics , 137 ( 2022 ), 679 – 727 . https://doi.org/10.1093/qje/qjab046

Mullainathan   Sendhil , Spiess   Jann , “ Machine Learning: an Applied Econometric Approach ,” Journal of Economic Perspectives , 31 ( 2017 ), 87 – 106 . https://doi.org/10.1257/jep.31.2.87

Murphy   Allan H. , “ A New Vector Partition of the Probability Score ,” Journal of Applied Meteorology and Climatology , 12 ( 1973 ), 595 – 600 . https://doi.org/10.1175/1520-0450(1973)012<0595:ANVPOT>2.0.CO;2

Nalisnick   Eric , Matsukawa   Akihiro , Whye Teh   Yee , Gorur   Dilan , Lakshminarayanan   Balaji , “ Do Deep Generative Models Know What They Don’t Know? ,” arXiv preprint arXiv:1810.09136 , 2018 . https://doi.org/10.48550/arXiv.1810.09136

Narayanaswamy   Arunachalam , Venugopalan   Subhashini , Webster   Dale R. , Peng   Lily , Corrado   Greg S. , Ruamviboonsuk   Paisan , Bavishi   Pinal , Brenner   Michael , Nelson   Philip C. , Varadarajan   Avinash V. , “ Scientific Discovery by Generating Counterfactuals Using Image Translation ,” in International Conference on Medical Image Computing and Computer-Assisted Intervention , (Berlin: Springer , 2020), 273 – 283 . https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-59710-8_27

Neumark   David , Burn   Ian , Button   Patrick , “ Experimental Age Discrimination Evidence and the Heckman Critique ,” American Economic Review , 106 ( 2016 ), 303 – 308 . https://doi.org/10.1257/aer.p20161008

Norouzzadeh   Mohammad Sadegh , Nguyen   Anh , Kosmala   Margaret , Swanson   Alexandra , S. Palmer   Meredith , Packer   Craig , Clune   Jeff , “ Automatically Identifying, Counting, and Describing Wild Animals in Camera-Trap Images with Deep Learning ,” Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences , 115 ( 2018 ), E5716 – E5725 . https://doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1719367115

Oosterhof   Nikolaas N. , Todorov   Alexander , “ The Functional Basis of Face Evaluation ,” Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences , 105 ( 2008 ), 11087 – 11092 . https://doi.org/10.1073/pnas.0805664105

Peterson   Joshua C. , Bourgin   David D. , Agrawal   Mayank , Reichman   Daniel , Griffiths   Thomas L. , “ Using Large-Scale Experiments and Machine Learning to Discover Theories of Human Decision-Making ,” Science , 372 ( 2021 ), 1209 – 1214 . https://doi.org/10.1126/science.abe2629

Pierson   Emma , Cutler   David M. , Leskovec   Jure , Mullainathan   Sendhil , Obermeyer   Ziad , “ An Algorithmic Approach to Reducing Unexplained Pain Disparities in Underserved Populations ,” Nature Medicine , 27 ( 2021 ), 136 – 140 . https://doi.org/10.1038/s41591-020-01192-7

Pion-Tonachini   Luca , Bouchard   Kristofer , Garcia Martin   Hector , Peisert   Sean , Bradley Holtz   W. , Aswani   Anil , Dwivedi   Dipankar , Wainwright   Haruko , Pilania   Ghanshyam , Nachman   Benjamin  et al.  “ Learning from Learning Machines: A New Generation of AI Technology to Meet the Needs of Science ,” arXiv preprint arXiv:2111.13786 , 2021 . https://doi.org/10.48550/arXiv.2111.13786

Popper   Karl , The Logic of Scientific Discovery (London: Routledge , 2nd ed. 2002 ). https://doi.org/10.4324/9780203994627

Pronin   Emily , “ The Introspection Illusion ,” Advances in Experimental Social Psychology , 41 ( 2009 ), 1 – 67 . https://doi.org/10.1016/S0065-2601(08)00401-2

Ramachandram   Dhanesh , Taylor   Graham W. , “ Deep Multimodal Learning: A Survey on Recent Advances and Trends ,” IEEE Signal Processing Magazine , 34 ( 2017 ), 96 – 108 . https://doi.org/10.1109/MSP.2017.2738401

Rambachan   Ashesh , “ Identifying Prediction Mistakes in Observational Data ,” Harvard University Working Paper, 2021 . www.nber.org/system/files/chapters/c14777/c14777.pdf

Said-Metwaly   Sameh , Van den Noortgate   Wim , Kyndt   Eva , “ Approaches to Measuring Creativity: A Systematic Literature Review ,” Creativity: Theories–Research-Applications , 4 ( 2017 ), 238 – 275 . https://doi.org/10.1515/ctra-2017-0013

Schickore   Jutta , “ Scientific Discovery ,” in The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy , Edward N. Zalta, ed. (Stanford, CA: Stanford University , 2018).

Schlag   Pierre , “ Law and Phrenology ,” Harvard Law Review , 110 ( 1997 ), 877 – 921 . https://doi.org/10.2307/1342231

Sheetal   Abhishek , Feng   Zhiyu , Savani   Krishna , “ Using Machine Learning to Generate Novel Hypotheses: Increasing Optimism about COVID-19 Makes People Less Willing to Justify Unethical Behaviors ,” Psychological Science , 31 ( 2020 ), 1222 – 1235 . https://doi.org/10.1177/0956797620959594

Simonyan   Karen , Vedaldi   Andrea , Zisserman   Andrew , “ Deep Inside Convolutional Networks: Visualising Image Classification Models and Saliency Maps ,” paper presented at the Workshop at International Conference on Learning Representations , 2014.

Sirovich   Lawrence , Kirby   Michael , “ Low-Dimensional Procedure for the Characterization of Human Faces ,” Journal of the Optical Society of America A , 4 ( 1987 ), 519 – 524 . https://doi.org/10.1364/JOSAA.4.000519

Sunstein   Cass R. , “ Governing by Algorithm? No Noise and (Potentially) Less Bias ,” Duke Law Journal , 71 ( 2021 ), 1175 – 1205 . https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3925240

Swanson   Don R. , “ Fish Oil, Raynaud’s Syndrome, and Undiscovered Public Knowledge ,” Perspectives in Biology and Medicine , 30 ( 1986 ), 7 – 18 . https://doi.org/10.1353/pbm.1986.0087

Swanson   Don R. , “ Migraine and Magnesium: Eleven Neglected Connections ,” Perspectives in Biology and Medicine , 31 ( 1988 ), 526 – 557 . https://doi.org/10.1353/pbm.1988.0009

Szegedy   Christian , Zaremba   Wojciech , Sutskever   Ilya , Bruna   Joan , Erhan   Dumitru , Goodfellow   Ian , Fergus   Rob , “ Intriguing Properties of Neural Networks ,” arXiv preprint arXiv:1312.6199 , 2013 . https://doi.org/10.48550/arXiv.1312.6199

Todorov   Alexander , Oh   DongWon , “ The Structure and Perceptual Basis of Social Judgments from Faces. in Advances in Experimental Social Psychology , B. Gawronski, ed. (Amsterdam: Elsevier , 2021 ), 189–245.

Todorov   Alexander , Olivola   Christopher Y. , Dotsch   Ron , Mende-Siedlecki   Peter , “ Social Attributions from Faces: Determinants, Consequences, Accuracy, and Functional Significance ,” Annual Review of Psychology , 66 ( 2015 ), 519 – 545 . https://doi.org/10.1146/annurev-psych-113011-143831

Varian   Hal R. , “ Big Data: New Tricks for Econometrics ,” Journal of Economic Perspectives , 28 ( 2014 ), 3 – 28 . https://doi.org/10.1257/jep.28.2.3

Wilson   Timothy D. , Strangers to Ourselves (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press , 2004 ).

Yuhas   Ben P. , Goldstein   Moise H. , Sejnowski   Terrence J. , “ Integration of Acoustic and Visual Speech Signals Using Neural Networks ,” IEEE Communications Magazine , 27 ( 1989 ), 65 – 71 . https://doi.org/10.1109/35.41402

Zebrowitz   Leslie A. , Luevano   Victor X. , Bronstad   Philip M. , Aharon   Itzhak , “ Neural Activation to Babyfaced Men Matches Activation to Babies ,” Social Neuroscience , 4 ( 2009 ), 1 – 10 . https://doi.org/10.1080/17470910701676236

Supplementary data

Email alerts, citing articles via.

• Recommend to Your Librarian

Affiliations

• Online ISSN 1531-4650
• Print ISSN 0033-5533
• Copyright © 2024 President and Fellows of Harvard College
• About Oxford Academic
• Publish journals with us
• University press partners
• What we publish
• New features  
• Open access
• Institutional account management
• Rights and permissions
• Get help with access
• Accessibility
• Advertising
• Media enquiries
• Oxford University Press
• Oxford Languages
• University of Oxford

Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers the University's objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education by publishing worldwide

• Copyright © 2024 Oxford University Press
• Cookie settings
• Cookie policy
• Privacy policy
• Legal notice

This Feature Is Available To Subscribers Only

Sign In or Create an Account

This PDF is available to Subscribers Only

For full access to this pdf, sign in to an existing account, or purchase an annual subscription.