the philippine political structure essay 2 3 paragraph

Politics In The Philippines Essay

Politics is defined as the theory and practice of government, the interrelation between people who exercise and resist power, and the use of tactics and strategy to gain power in a certain number of people. However, a lot of deeper definitions have been correlated with the term “politics”, both in a positive and negative way. It is now said that politics is a gamble, dirty and decisive, that it already lost its noble meaning. It is once said that politics may be considered as the noblest profession, if only it is created for the service of the people.

Essay Example on About Politics In The Philippines

Ladies and gentlemen, politics covers a very comprehensive area, covering the physical, economical, social and moral aspect of a nation. And I would like to make the simplest yet profound presentation of this topic based on our very own. This is the anatomy of the Philippine Politics. The political system and the economical status are two inseparable factors on the growth of every country, and from there, we can say that we have no stable economic status because we have no stable government.

The economical status is displayed because there is the government that is supposed to manage and regulate the functions of the economy. Therefore, it is the government that plays a big part. The goal of the government MUST be to sustain its people the standard of living that every individual really deserves. But here in the Philippines, many Filipinos live in the upper class, more on the middle class, and MOST on the lowest class, just on or under the poverty line.

the philippine political structure essay 2 3 paragraph

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“ Very organized ,I enjoyed and Loved every bit of our professional interaction ”

Why is this so? Is everything the government’s fault? Of is it the masses? Let’s dissect each of these two.

The government is supposed to be composed of the government officials only, since it is called the government. But the fact that a lot of Filipinos do not see is that aside from the gluttonous government officials who fights for power, there is also some of the elite class, the greedy businessmen who have hidden agendas as they make deeper coordination with the government transactions and processes. They both hypocritically reach their left hands to the “ordinary citizens” while their right hands are mischievously getting money from the funds of the people.

A very good example of “multi-tasking” isn’t it? But while they are too busy tricking the people, there is the police, the armed forces, and the courts that had grown inefficient to restore peace and order in the country. There are the once blue seas now black. There are the little children who go to school barefoot with rotten books in their broken bags. There is the usual Filipino family with a dozen children eating once a day under a leaking roof. You see? As the fortunate ruling class is pacifying themselves with power and luxury, the poor ones are suffering.

Now, are the masses blameless? NO. The ordinary citizens were rightfully given the bill of rights and granted with full democracy. But that doesn’t mean that they have to react violently and dogmatically. They were living with genuine sovereignty, free to speak themselves and do whatever pleases them. But that was often the misconception about freedom. They keep on exercising their own independence without even thinking and considering the rights of the other person. Just days ago, the president of the SGC of the University of the Philippines kept on barking about the inept governance of

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Essay on Philippine Politics And Governance

Students are often asked to write an essay on Philippine Politics And Governance in their schools and colleges. And if you’re also looking for the same, we have created 100-word, 250-word, and 500-word essays on the topic.

Let’s take a look…

100 Words Essay on Philippine Politics And Governance

Introduction to philippine politics.

Philippine politics is a blend of democracy and a republic system. The Philippines is a democratic country, meaning the people have the power to choose their leaders. The republic part means that the country has a President, who is the head of state.

The Structure of Government

The Philippine government has three branches: the Executive, the Legislative, and the Judicial. The Executive branch is led by the President. The Legislative branch makes laws and is divided into two parts: the Senate and the House of Representatives. The Judicial branch interprets laws.

Role of the President

The President of the Philippines has a vital role. They are the chief executive and the commander-in-chief of the armed forces. They are responsible for implementing laws and maintaining peace and order.

The Election Process

Elections in the Philippines are held every six years. Citizens aged 18 and above can vote. They choose their leaders, including the President, Vice President, Senators, and Representatives. These leaders are expected to serve the people and the country.

Challenges in Philippine Politics

Philippine politics faces many challenges. These include corruption, poverty, and political dynasties. These issues hinder the country’s progress. They affect the government’s ability to serve the people and develop the nation.

Understanding Philippine politics and governance is crucial. It helps us understand the country’s challenges and how they can be solved. It also helps us appreciate the role of citizens in shaping the nation’s future.

250 Words Essay on Philippine Politics And Governance

Politics in the Philippines is a complex subject. It is run as a democratic republic, which means the people have the power to choose their leaders. The President is the head of the state and the government.

Elections are important events in the Philippines. They happen every six years for the President and Vice President, and every three years for other officials. The people vote for their leaders, which is a way of saying who they want to run the country.

Political Parties

There are many political parties in the Philippines. These parties represent different views and ideas. They play a big role in the elections as they support their candidates and help them win.

Role of the Government

The government has a big job to do. It has to make laws, keep the peace, and make sure people have what they need. The government is divided into three parts: the Executive, the Legislative, and the Judicial branches. Each has its own duties and powers.

Challenges in Governance

Running a country is not easy. There are many challenges like corruption, poverty, and natural disasters. These issues make it hard for the government to do its job well.

Philippine politics and governance are interesting to learn about. They show how people’s choices can shape a country. It also teaches us about the challenges of running a country and the importance of good leadership.

500 Words Essay on Philippine Politics And Governance

Introduction to philippine politics and governance.

Philippine politics and governance are interesting subjects. They are based on a democratic system, which means that the people have the power to choose their leaders. The Philippines has a president who is the head of the state, and also a prime minister who is the head of government.

The Political Structure

The Philippines has three branches of government: the executive, the legislative, and the judicial branch. The president, who is elected by the people, heads the executive branch. He or she takes care of the country’s affairs. The legislative branch makes laws. It is made up of two groups: the Senate and the House of Representatives. The judicial branch, led by the Supreme Court, makes sure that laws are fair and just.

Political Parties in the Philippines

In the Philippines, there are many political parties. These parties represent different beliefs and ideas about how the country should be run. During elections, these parties present candidates for the people to vote for. The party with the most votes usually takes control of the government.

Elections and Voting

Elections are very important in the Philippines. They are a way for people to choose their leaders and have a say in how their country is run. Voting is a right of all citizens who are 18 years old and above. During elections, people vote for their preferred candidates for various positions such as president, vice president, senators, and representatives.

Like any other country, the Philippines also faces challenges in its political system. One big challenge is corruption. This is when government officials use their power for their own benefit instead of serving the people. Another challenge is political dynasties, where families hold power for many years. This can limit the chance for new leaders to emerge.

Efforts for Improvement

Despite these challenges, there are efforts to improve the political system in the Philippines. Some people are working to fight corruption and promote good governance. There are also laws that aim to limit political dynasties and promote fair elections.

In conclusion, Philippine politics and governance are shaped by the democratic system, political parties, and elections. Although there are challenges such as corruption and political dynasties, there are also efforts to improve the system. Understanding these aspects can help us appreciate the importance of active participation in the political process.

That’s it! I hope the essay helped you.

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Essay on Philippine Literature
Essay on Philippine Independence
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Essay: Politics in the Philippines

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If we are to look at the history of the Philippines, we can see that there have been precedents and attempts towards a federal government. Looking through our pre-colonial history, we can see that we were composed of small polities named barangays. Since Spain’s conquest, the type of government dominant in the Philippines has been a unitary one, ruled from the capital of colonial Philippines until today, the so called “Imperial Manila”. Centuries have passed since then and so it simply is no wonder that there would be calls for decentralization and an interest towards federalism to many people. Such notions may just be a natural progress of society, or a sensible choice and idea to a people that have been ruled and exploited by the elites for centuries. But whatever the case is, there have been numerous cases and attempts towards federalization already as seen throughout our Filipino history. In fact, the precedent of the Philippine Colonial government can be also seen resembling some areas of federalization, specifically, the numerous barangays of pre-colonial Philippines. To note, Hutchcroft, (2017) states that these historical precedents are important in efforts for reforms towards federalism, stating it as one of the three basic principles for political reform. Continuing, the advent of the Spanish subjugated and made all these barangays as mostly autonomous polities, but swearing allegiance and tributes to the Spanish Crown. The efforts of the Spanish though have undermined the aforementioned precedent, dividing and turning these barangays against each other through their strategy of “divide and conquer”. It also didn’t help that the Spanish rule have and cooperation with the Spanish administrators and friars have tremendously helped these rulers now known as cabeza de barangay, ruling as little kings of their land. This has affected the solidarity among the barangays, which Cyr (2014) states to be the foundation for a successful federalism. The various barangays have been cultivated to hate other barangays as their enemy and to form an identity different from other barangays. This “distinction” of identity is seen not only in the conquered barangays, which would ironically be their common identity in revolt against Spain, but this distinction or separation of identity was also present in the southern barangays in Mindanao that resisted and were unconquered by the Spanish. The works of Rizal though have been instrumental in reigniting the solidarity among these barangays, which along with the help of the illustrados, have resulted in the formation of the Malolos Constitution. This was one of the most substantial attempts towards federalization if it would have succeeded.

While the Spanish colonization has resulted in the formation of the Philippine state, its legacy is akin to a vicious circle that still persists until today, reinforced during the colonial rule of the Americans. Due to the misconception of the Americans then of the Spanish rule being an “overcentralized” rule, a view still persisting until today but contested by some, the following reforms of the Americans were focused on decentralization (Hutchcroft, 2000). It is further stated in Hutchcroft’s paper that the political necessity to pacify the islands, beliefs and ideologies that the American’s possessed greatly influenced the decentralization effort. One example of this is the right to suffrage that was extended to the land-holding elites only for a long time. Further down the line, the American administrators rule was characterized by further decentralization and compromises with local politicians, powers misused by the local politicians as what it eventually led to was local authoritarianism. The amount of powers decentralized to the local politicians and their political advantage allowed for the formation and preservation of political dynasties. This was followed by further attempts to decentralize by opening national elections. This is of great significance to Philippine politics. Local politicians and political dynasties saw this as further opportunity to advance their own interests and political power through the use of their local power. It was also during this period that patronage politics flourished. While there are many valid analyses as to how patronage politics manifested and has stayed strong, with one analysis regarding the Filipino culture being the most prominent, there is also the perspective of Hutchcroft claiming it stemmed from the US’ efforts in “the particular configuration of the U.S.-crafted colonial polity”, rather than the result from “tradition” or culture (Hutchcroft, 2000). These were the main contributing factors to the formation of aan image of a national oligarchy. While there were still attempts by the American administrators to centralize, it was ultimately insufficient, and the American period saw not the removal or curbing of the elites, but instead the further legalization and consolidation of their powers that would allow them to maintain their rule for decades to come. The political system in the Philippines eventually developed, though not strictly in a good direction, with frameworks like Anarchy of Families (Mccoy, 1993), Bossism (Sidel, 1997), and Patron-client framework being the most influential in viewing contemporary Philippine politics. Later in the paper, the researcher would be mainly using the Bossism framework to analyze federalism’s potential grave effects on Philippine development and shifting of frameworks used to view Philippine politics. It is imperative, however, to first examine and analyze other viewpoints so as to avoid reinforcing of biases and cross-referencing of facts.

First and foremost, federalism is decentralization from national to local governments. If we are to tackle the age old problem that is “Imperial Manila”, it would seem that decentralization would be the solution for it once and for all. Mendoza (2017) however, disagrees with such notions, but does still support federalism. Mendoza clarifies that even with the Local Government Code of 1991, which is a monumental legislature towards decentralization, still did little to curb the “Imperial Manila”. Mendoza proposes instead that the enactment of federalism shouldn’t be treated as a silver bullet to all our political ills, but instead as an opportunity to greatly affect and reform our systems within, akin to the Marcos regime essentially a “reset button” to the country. One of the issues that should be tackled in this period of reform should also be the problem of political dynasties and their lacking accountability. Not only is there a problem regarding governance when dynasties are involved, but these political dynasties are also a problem in the legislature. In fact, Yusingco and Yusingco(2018) have pointed out this issue specifically. Not only does the strong presence of political dynasties in the Houses pose a strong impediment for laws to address their problem, but can even impede reforms on a constitutional level. Even in researches, there is still a divide as to whether federalism can bring economic growth, with researches backed with data stating that federalism can bring economic prosperity, and some claiming it only leads to further inequality and average poverty from all the observed countries (Hatfield, 2006; Uy, 2018)

The political landscape of the Philippines after the American Colonization was viewed for a long time to be explained and dominated by patron-clientelism framework (PCF). Mccoy’s (1993) theory of anarchy of families also offer a glimpse of Philippine politics, and may even see a greater relevance as seen in the trend of increasing political dynasties. While it may seem that Philippine politics is greatly dominated by personal factors as seen in the frameworks of Mccoy and the PCF, there is often the ignored “impersonal and non-clientelist” means that politicians employ during elections. Of course this is not to discredit personalistic features in politics, but there is also a need to see the impersonal things that are clearly present in Philippine politics, especially since most of the opinion pieces and literature have been citing mostly such personalistic features like political dynasties. The Bossism framework by Sidel is a great framework that focuses on such.

As discussed earlier, local politicians are no stranger to using autocratic means, due in part to the vast powers granted to them and lacking accountability to the people. They truly are no different to kings in their own domain. It is simply common to see the usage of violence, vote-buying, and coercion in local elections, most prominently in areas farther from Manila or non-urban areas. Access to these impersonal means however, are mostly reliant on access to state instruments. These local politicians, with methods akin to bosses, were only able to win and gain access to government instruments through powerbrokers from the national government, in exchange for their support in national elections. This is the relation between the local and national government, acting as bosses through the use of state instruments. This is, from my understanding, Sidel’s framework of Bossism. It is also imperative that while using this framework to view Philippine politics, to keep in mind Sidel’s interpretation of the State as an instrument. This is important as viewing the state as such removes the notion that the state is a “weak state”, rather ours is a strong, but fragmented state. In its function as an extractive tool or institution, it is very much efficient. Such extractive function though is not only limited to the granting of monopolies, regulatory laws, land grabbing, and extraction of natural resources, but also to the extraction of the state itself as a resource. Such nature of fragmentation is also important to address as solidarity, one of the basic principles of federalism, is evidently lacking due in part to the division created by the Spanish and by our geography itself. Politicians, local or national, are only interested in furthering their own localities like stationary bandits only for the purpose of exploiting it more in the long term (Olson, 1993).

Sidel’s bossism framework also explains bosses and how political dynasties are established and maintained, which will be discussed later as to what federalism’s significance is in relation to these. Not all bosses necessarily employ violence, but grant monopolies to themselves and others to obtain support from local elites, and attempt to obtain propriety wealth. Most of the cases however, majority use an abundance of violence and coercion, resulting to these bosses also being called as “warlords”. These two are the most prominent types of bossism and the types examined in Sidel’s paper. These bosses that establish themselves mostly embrace this warlord identity. Their offspring or successor however, are educated and is prepared for politics that do not rely only on violence and coercive forces as a warlord does. Successive wins in election rely on the support of the superordinate power brokers, granting local bosses the previously discussed state apparatuses. It is also through this that these power brokers essentially hold control and support from local bosses. Thus the only alternative for these bosses to remove themselves from this state of uncertainty at the whims, victory, and decision of power brokers is to obtain power for themselves, wealth in this case, that is outside the control of the government. This is called propriety wealth, and without sufficient propriety wealth, even the longest standing political dynasties can still be toppled and simply replaced with another boss.

The researcher has picked the theory of Sidel’s bossism as this framework is not only one of the frameworks that can offer a detailed description of Philippine politics, but also due to the assumed effects of Federalism that will change the dynamics of this framework the most. The shift in power between the national or federal, and local government, as stated earlier, is the most important aspect of federalism. Viewing this matter through the lens of Bossism offers not only a different perspective from the PCF dominated views, but also examine the impersonal features of Philippine politics which arguably will be strengthened the most in a transition towards a federal government.

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The evolving landscape of Philippine politics

During the first half of Marcos Sr.’s 21-year tenure (1965-1986), he laid a solid foundation for national policy. However, Congress, both then and now, lacked the courage, foresight, and patriotism to address the legislation needed to counter increasing insurgency and civil unrest. Nevertheless, Marcos Sr. introduced overdue reforms such as agrarian reform, bureaucracy restructuring, and cooperative strengthening. Additionally, his foreign policy aimed to enhance Philippine independence by opening more windows to the world while maintaining ties with the United States. Mr. Marcos, who witnessed this shift in foreign relations, is unlikely to be as beholden to Xi Jinping as Rodrigo Duterte was after being mesmerized by China’s president.

Marcos Sr. effectively used the branding of the “New Society” to instill a sense of patriotism among Filipinos. This campaign, employing ubiquitous slogans, songs, and posters, united the government, media, private sector, and communities. The emotional impact of this consciousness-molding endeavor still resonates with many Filipinos. Mr. Marcos now aims to replicate this success with his “Bagong Pilipinas” (New Philippines) campaign, which seeks to foster pride and trust in the government. The strategic theme and Marcosian style of this campaign have the potential to create a coherent image of a government moving forward.

Despite lacking the commanding presence of his father, Mr. Marcos should not be mistaken for an unwillingness to break ties with influential figures. His approach, characterized by the phrase “friends to all and enemies to none,” avoids confrontational stances at face-to-face encounters. However, this tactic resembles China’s approach toward the Philippines—“tulak ng bibig, kabig ng dibdib” (push with words but pull with action).

Duterte’s continued vocal presence through Apollo Quiboloy’s Sonshine Media Network International or SMNI, commenting on the likes of fugitive Gerald Bantag, only diminishes his stature. Associating with rogue personalities mattered little when he held the presidency, but now it paints a pathetic picture. Duterte should regain the limelight by participating in interviews with respected media personalities but the prospect is daunting due to the anticipated onslaught of online trolls.

China’s continued reliance on Duterte for support is a miscalculation. By failing to deliver on promised infrastructure and investment projects, while also neglecting a mutually beneficial arrangement in the West Philippine Sea, China undermined Duterte’s credibility. His strategy of appeasement, which appears to favor a “Philippines as a province of China” approach, has alienated the people who initially welcomed his presidency.

Despite his promising start, Mr. Marcos still faces uncertainties regarding the legitimacy of his May 2023 victory. Similar to the doubts surrounding Marcos Sr.’s presidency due to the irregular ratification of the 1973 Constitution, the legitimacy of the May 2022 results is still under some question. Additionally, his Maharlika Investment Fund poses risks, potentially endangering the public’s long-term financial security and survival. This rebranding of critical developmental and public services money as investible surplus raises concerns about a more insidious form of money laundering.

Mr. Marcos’ main adversaries are “backsliding” and the diversion of key reforms when a likely presidential successor emerges at the midpoint of his term. At this stage, the nation gravitates toward the new savior, disengaging from Mr. Marcos and preparing to shift gears, alliances, and trajectories.

The upcoming presidential election in May 2028 is expected to center around major policy issues, signaling a departure from the focus on personalities. Key areas of concern will likely include Philippine relations with China versus the US and its allies, food security and agriculture, energy, cost of living, housing availability and affordability, livelihood and education infrastructure, and law and governance. Moreover, this election will serve as a battleground between China and the US.

It is crucial to recognize the underestimated forces in nature and culture that manifest themselves with great impact. Just as rivers remember their pathways over eons, human attempts to build on floodplains often lead to destruction. Similarly, the evolving political dynamics in the Philippines, shaped by the interplay between Mr. Marcos, Duterte, and China, will undoubtedly reshape the nation’s future.

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Introduction to Philippine Politics: Local Politics, the State, Nation-Building, and Democratization

The current volume is a set of supplementary readings that form part of the multivolume Third World Perspectives on Politics Series. The idea for the series is to come up with volumes of supplemental readings in existing political science courses in particular and social science courses in general. These readings, originally published in Kasarinlan: Philippine Journal of Third World Studies, adopt a developing country perspective, or more appropriately a Third World Perspective, in comparison to most readings in Philippine politics. This volume provides a number of analytical tools and frameworks that can be used as theoretical and methodological handles in the study of Philippine politics. Thus, this volume not only equips readers with the use of these analytical tools and frameworks, but at the same time, gives them a chance to assess the continuing use of these heuristic devices given the various political problems and issues in the changing Philippine political landscape. Furthermore, these readings, originally published from the late 1980s to early 2000, provide some historical and contextual background to the current problems and issues in Philippine politics. They also help readers assess if the problems, issues, and sometimes, proposed solutions mentioned by the authors continue to be relevant in the context of contemporary Philippine government and politics. Finally, the authors are not only Filipino political scientists but also Filipino scholars from other disciplines, as well as foreign scholars who have taken an interest in studying Philippine politics and comparing them with other developing countries in Southeast Asia and elsewhere. Students will definitely benefit from the multidisciplinary and comparative perspectives of the selected readings.

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Philippine Government Essay Examples

The problem of corruption in the philippine government.

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To start with, this is an essay about Philippine Constitution in which will be revealed some points of the topic.The 1987 Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines aims to build a just and humane community entailed with ideals and aspirations of its people that...

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I am proud to be a Filipino because we have a positive outlook when it comes to coping with issues. It is due to our culture and good governance. Filipinos never lose hope that something wonderful will happen and everything will be alright, even in...

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This is political dynasty in the Philippines essay in which this topic will be discussed. To start with, Filipinos could sometimes be overwhelming; with their intense and very authentic way of showcasing their deep-rooted relationship to their families as well as having a strong attachment...

The Undeniable Impact of Political Dynasties in Governance

It is evident that political dynasty existed and is still existing here in the Philippines, starting from national government to local government. In the last half century, the seven president of the Philippines came only to 5 families. This is political dynasty essay in which...

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