ethnic conflict essay

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28 Ethnic Conflicts

Published: October 2011
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Ethnic conflict is broadly defined as political or social conflict involving one or more groups that are identified by some markers of ethnic identity. Its appearance varies according to time and place. Ethnic conflict can take the form of discriminatory policies that affect housing opportunities, material resources, and reproductive rights, and that exclude individuals and communities from participation in decision-making processes. All ethnic conflicts have a common structure of social inequality. This chapter presents social work interventions in the situation of ethnic conflict and its aftermath. Social workers have to be careful not to ascribe the term ethnic conflict to heterogeneous situations of exclusion, inequality, and violence, but at the same time they must recognize that ethnic conflict might be the consequence of economic and political deprivation of groups and communities. They have to recognize that ethnic conflict, either violent or nonviolent, is often a consequence of ethnic mobilization produced by powerful elites to achieve certain aims.

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Ethnic Conflict Essay

Ethnic and Class Conflicts in Turkestan Essay

1 Works Cited

Despite the fact that the Russian mobilization of human and material sources during World War I impressed for its self-discipline, there was a considerable crisis in manipulating the civil industry. Russia concentrated its main workforce on the military munitions, therefore, the railway system paralysed, which meant a fail in military transportation. Administration needed to do something to compensate the labour shortage. The problem was solved, though not decisively; by the issuing of decree to

Inter Ethnic Conflict And Ethnic Conflicts

Topic Underlying Causes of Inter-Ethnic Conflict in Samburu County, Kenya Background Inter-ethnic conflict is one of the major problems facing most Kenya community and mostly the nomadic communities. Inter-ethnic conflicts involving pastoralists have become widespread and increasingly severe in the northern region of Kenya. Conflict has often resulted in severe disruption of social and economic development. It has also constrained efforts to reduce or end poverty and sustain basic human rights.

Cause Of Conflict: The Four Causes Of Ethnic Conflict

Causes of Ethnic Conflict Huntington argues in his book “clash of civilization” that cultural and ethnic differences between “civilizations,” namely, states or groups of states that distinguish themselves by cultural traits, will lead to conflict (1993). Throughout history, ethnic conflicts have long been a component of international politics. Even today, ethnic wars continue to be the most common form of armed conflicts around the world. In the recent past for example, there have been numerous

The Conflict of the Ethnic Groups

Ethnic groups' conflict Pastoralist Community Initiative And Development Assistance (PACIDA )highlights the insecurity as a consequence of race for the limited water and pasture in Marsabit area of Kenya (East Africa). Their report of the situation in Marsabit in 2009 indicated that within Marsabit, "security has been a major problem. Over the past months in the cause of the year, series of cattle rustling and loss of human lives was quiet frequent, especially in Marsabit. Over range of four month

Ethnic Identity, And Ethnic Conflict In Africa

Ethnic conflict is the dominant security issue of our time, 75 percent of all new conflicts are ethnic. Since 1989, ethnic conflict has killed at least 3.5 million and displaced 26 million people. Almost all ethnic conflicts, especially in the 21st century, occur in post-colonial settings. Colonialism is why we have ethnic conflicts, especially in Africa. There are many factors contributing to post-colonial ethnic conflict, however some have more influence over the others. I argue that during colonialism

Ethnic Conflicts In Sudan

result of ethnic fighting, The attack against the Ruop was carried out by the Pakem fighters in retaliation for the attacks that were carried out by a group of Ruop youths. The fighting was very heavy, it left more than 45 people dead and many more injured. The military has since been deployed from the state capital to try and stop the violence that has seen the burning down of houses and property. These tribal clashes are not new in Sudan for example, the Ma'alya and Rizergat ethnic groups had

Ethnic Conflict: Kashmir

The conflict in Kashmir dates all the way back to 1947 and still continues to this day. Kashmir is an 85,806 square mile territory North of India and East of Pakistan. Kashmir was one of the many states governed by British rule before gaining its independence in 1947. This independence was not truly meant to be permanent; the ruler, Maharaja Hari Singh, was meant to join Kashmir to either India or Pakistan. The majority of Kashmir’s population was Muslim, so Pakistan, being a Muslim nation, expected

Nigeria: Ethnic Conflict Essay

6 Works Cited

Ethnicity is how individuals perceive themselves, and unlike race it can be changed. There are countries in which there are several different types of ethnic groups, and in some cases that could lead to conflict within a country, but as research will show it is not the only cause, and in some cases the conflict was purposely organized. In such cases it is usually in a developing country, which is “defined according to their Gross National Income (GNI) per capita per year. Countries with GNI of US$

The Conflict Of Ethnic Civil War

they reach different conclusions. In his analysis Kaufmann finds that eight ethnic civil wars have been resolved by negotiated agreements other than partition. This would ultimately speak against his finding that no ethnic civil war has ever been resolved by a power-sharing agreement. However, he contends that all these eight cases have in fact depended on grants of full or partial autonomy to a regionally concentrated ethnic group and were therefore based on physical separation rather than shared power

Ethnic and Religious Conflict in Nigeria

origin and history of ethnic conflict (societal wars and violence) can be traced from eternal (internal) state rivalry to external (physical). And its root cause is not very far from power competition and decision making over economic resources and other important human factor, like position. The

Can nationalism be understood as a cause of ethnic conflict?

The vast majority of conflicts that have raged since the end of the Cold War have had ethnic or nationalistic dimensions [1] . This observation suffices to highlight the relevance of the initial question both to academics and policy-makers. This essay argues that nationalism can be understood as a cause of ethnic conflict and proceeds to qualify this claim. In particular, scepticism towards single-factor explanations suggests situating nationalism in a broader framework of multiple and multi-level explications of ethnic conflict. In terms of structure, this paper engages first with concisely defining the terms under discussion. Having done so, it suggests possible analytical paths one can take to unravel the complex genesis of ethnic conflicts, focusing on the role played by nationalism. This theoretical endeavour is integrated with empirical illustrations from the ethnonationalist struggles that marked the death of Yugoslavia [2] in the 1990s and the empowerment of ethnocracies [3] throughout the Balkans.

This paper starts with the unenviable but necessary task of defining the main terms under discussion, i.e. nationalism and ethnic conflict. The fact that nationalism is a complex phenomenon resisting a single method of investigation does not preclude the possibility of a general definition. Here, the focus is on the political dimension [4] of nationalism expressed by an ambition of congruence between state and nation [5] . In order to highlight its relationship with ethnic conflict, nationalism can be more narrowly defined as a political movement where individual members give their primary loyalty to their ethnic or national community [6] , this allegiance constituting the main thrust of their political endeavors.

Defining ethnic conflict is problematic. It can be broadly understood as a situation entailing varying degrees of political competition, inter-state as well as intra-state, between at least two collectivities that understand themselves as ethnically different. A definition that accommodates both violent and non-violent conflicts has the practical merit of extending the focus from simply areas of violent ethnic conflict to areas where violence is latent but has the potential to erupt.

In looking at what type of causality exists between nationalism and ethnic conflict, this paper starts from the assumption that a strong nexus exists between ethno-nationalist claims and conflict [7] .

In order to understand the nature of this nexus, starting with a puzzle can be helpful. Why is it that ethnic conflicts break out in some places and times and not in others, given identical levels of ethnic heterogeneity? This empirical observation makes explanations of ethnic conflict based on mere ethnic diversity unwarranted. In other words, no significant relation exists between ethnic demography and the likelihood of conflict [8] . What is it that makes divisions along ethnic lines salient to forms of opposition that can degenerate into levels of violence as extreme as genocide? Empirically speaking, what made the peaceful multi-ethnic neighborhoods of Sarajevo turn into battlefields? The short answer is the politicization of ethnicity and ethnic diversity. Insofar as nationalism is precisely a theory of political legitimacy requiring that ethnic boundaries do not cut across political ones [9] , the nexus between nationalism and ethnic conflict is clear.

The above is only the short answer to the more interesting but extremely complex question of what factors lead to the politicization of ethnicity and the eruption of ethno-national conflicts. The literature offers a copious array of explanations of ethnic conflict that focus on different factors. Given that single factor explanations cannot account for significant variation in the incidence and intensity of ethnic conflict, it is helpful to introduce a more complex causality of conflict genesis that distinguishes between underlying causes (or permissive conditions), and proximate causes (or catalytic factors) [10] . In Brown, nationalism, understood as a political factor, constitutes an underlying cause of ethnic conflict alongside structural, economic/social and cultural/perceptual factors. The problem I have with Brown’s framework is that after putting forth a hopeful strategy to disentangle the web of causality of conflict, he seems to conflate the two typologies of causes. Gagnon claims that violent conflict is caused by the dynamics of within-group conflict whereby elites provoke inter-ethnic opposition to create a domestic political context where ethnicity is the only politically relevant identity. This allegedly serves as a power retention strategy in the face of shifts in the structure of domestic political and economic power [11] . In the Balkans, the shifts originating from political and economic failures of the socialist utopia led to an acute social and identity crisis that saw nationalisms rise as the dominant response [12] . Insofar as nationalism is precisely this strategy of politicizing ethnicity it seems possible to see it as a proximate, and not just underlying, cause of conflict.

Van Evera’s account illuminates the ‘nationalism as underlying cause versus proximate cause of war’ debate as I framed it above. He suggests that the type of causality between nationalism and conflict depends both on the type of nationalism and on a series of structural factors. Nationalisms characterized by unattained statehood, expansionist attitudes towards national diasporas, low national respect for minority rights, and asymmetrical ideology (only one or some nationalities deserve statehood) are more likely to cause war [13] . Pan-Serbian nationalism embodied at least some of these characteristics, given both its attempted diaspora-incorporation through territorial expansion, and its demagoguery of systematic denigration of other nations/nationalities depicted as ‘bad’, ‘dirty’ and ‘dangerous’ [14] . Is it all demagoguery and elite, top-down manipulation of the masses? Hardly. Actual grievances do matter. The Serbian case shows how supply (elite nationalist strategies) had to meet demand: paramount to Milosevic’s success in mobilizing ethnic sentiment was the existence of a whole range of grievances between Albanians and Serbs in Kosovo, which left the Serbian audience primed to accept his divisive message [15] . Nonetheless, since ethnic grievances are commonly felt and latent, it is the factors that turn them into violent actions in some cases and not others that should be considered explanatory for that violence [16] .

The conventionally held view that manipulation of public opinion through a monopolized, biased media plays a crucial role in spreading and reinforcing nationalist messages, the obvious antidote to which would be a democratization of civil society, is only partly warranted and can be misleading. When waning authoritarian power is newly challenged by mass politics the opportunities for nationalist mythmaking abound: the absence of institutions to correct the imperfections of the ‘marketplace of ideas’ create openings for nationalist mythmakers to hijack public discourse [17] . The Yugoslav case illustrates the point: the democratizing content of Tito’s decentralizing reforms in the 1960s, intended to assuage ethno-nationalism, put the media in the hands of regional leaderships and in the 1980s in the hands of nationalists like Milosevic [18] .

In conclusion, this essay has suggested that nationalism can be understood as one of the causes of ethnic conflict. It has defined this causality in terms of 1) types of nationalisms that are more likely to engender violence, e.g. Pan-Serbian nationalism with its expansionist attitude towards its diaspora; and 2) in terms of conditions that actualize this violent potential. Preeminent amongst these is the adoption by political and intellectual elites of nationalism as a power retention strategy in a context of institutional weakness -in the Yugoslav case, brought about by political and economic systemic transition. To achieve ethnic mobilization, the supply side of nationalism has to meet the demand side, where the existence of historical and other grievances and a general sense of anxiety held by the population matter a great deal. The media and public discourse, as conduits of this encounter, have also been showed to be paramount. Under constraints, this paper has traded off greater scope of analysis for greater depth, which has unfortunately meant ignoring several important aspects of the relationship between nationalism and ethnic conflict.

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[1] Brown M.E. (ed.), ‘Preface’ in Nationalism and Ethnic Conflict (Cambridge: MIT Press , 1997), p. xi

[2] expression borrowed from Silber L. and Little A., The Death Of Yugoslavia (London: Penguin, 1996)

[3] Ivekovic I., Ethnic And Regional Conflicts In Yugoslavia And Transcaucasia. A Political Economy Of Contemporary Ethnonational Mobilization (Ravenna: Longo Editore, 2000), p.119

[4] ‘nationalism is above all about politics and politics is about power’ Breuilly J., Nationalism And The State (Manchester: Manchester University Press), p.1

[5] Gellner E., Nations And Nationalism (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1983), p.1

[6] Smith sees ethnic communities as defined by a common name, myth of descent, shared history, culture, a link with a historic territory and common solidarity. In Smith A., The Ethnic Origins Of Nations (Oxford: Blackwell, 1986), pp.22-31

[7] Systematic analysis of improved data points in this direction, e.g. Cederman L. et al., ‘Why Do Ethnic Groups Rebel?’ in World Politics , Vol.62, No.1, (January 2010), p. 88

[8] Laitin D.D., Nations, States And Violence (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007), p.15

[9] Gellner, p.1

[10] Brown, p.4.

[11] Gagnon V.P. ‘Ethnic Nationalism and International Conflict. The Case Of Serbia’ in Brown (ed.), p. 133-4

[12] Ivekovic, p.104

[13] Van Evera ‘Hypotheses On Nationalism And War’ in Brown, pp.31-4

[14] Ivekovic, p.129

[15] Snyder et al., ‘Nationalism And The Marketplace Of Ideas’ in Brown, p. 76

[16] Laitin, p. 25

[17] Snyder, p. 63, 68

[18] Ibid., p. 77

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Migration, Ethnicity and Conflict in Southeast Asia

First Online: 23 January 2019

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Riwanto Tirtosudarmo 2

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This chapter is an overview of the interconnections between migration, ethnicity, and conflict in Southeast Asia. Southeast Asia is home of diverse ethnic groups, a region that experienced deep Western colonization. The British in Burma and Malaysia, the French in Vietnam, the Spain and the American in the Philippine, and the Dutch in Indonesia. Ethnicity, partly created during the colonization, becomes the fault-line and posits a time-bomb, critically dangerous entities following the process of decolonization. Apart from deep colonialism that brought with them Western capitalism, education system, and Christianity, Southeast Asia is also the recipient of ancient civilizations, Hinduism and Buddhism, Islam and Confucianism, brought by the Indian and Arab traders as well Chinese immigrants. Ethnicity and race often overlap with religions, stick into a particular geographical space, that created a kind of locally constructed polity. The decolonization followed by the transition into the nation-state is a painful political process. The nation building is an unfinished business characterized by rebellions, separatism, and ethnic and religious conflicts. The scars from unraveling violent conflicts still can be felt in many places in South Asia today, and it likely will continue to be seen in the near future.

As one might expect in a region with deeper sources of political instability and fewer democratic traditions, the ways in which population issues and politics have intersected have been harsher… Michael S Teitelbaum and Jay Winter 1998 : 5

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In June 2002 the IUSSP Regional Conference in Bangkok organised a special panel on migration and conflict. In November 2003 IUSSP organised a workshop that examined particularly the overlap between demography and conflict research and posed such questions as: What can demographers and conflict researchers learn from one another? What is known about the population dynamics of conflict? Is there a theoretical framework to guide our understanding of the demography of conflict and violence? In relation to ethnicity, the workshop aimed to discuss such questions as: What is the role of ethnicity, religion and other group characteristics in the generation of conflict and when do they become a cause of conflict? How do political leaders make use of societal cleavages to spur conflict or war? Under what circumstances can population policy become an instrument exacerbating or leading to conflict? Among the publications resulting from this workshop, see the special issue of Brunborg and Urdal ( 2005 ).

Finkle and Crane ( 1975 ) provide a comprehensive analysis of the politics of the World Population Conference in Bucharest in the first issue of the new journal published by the Population Council in New York Population and Development Review . Since then, Finkle regularly provides commentary analysis on the politics of subsequent world population conferences (Mexico City, 1984 and Cairo, 1994).

An example of research work on rural-urban migration is a book by Jack Caldwell ( 1969 ) African Rural-Urban Migration: The Movement to Ghana’s Towns . A contending Marxist explanation is given by Samir Amin ( 1974 ) in his book Modern migration in Western Africa.

Myron Weiner, Sons of the Soil: Migration and Ethnic Conflict in India (Princeton University Press, Princeton, 1978 ).

In 1998 Myron Weiner invited the author to join a workshop at MIT to discuss the broad theme of ‘demography and security’. The papers presented at this workshop were later published as a book in 2001 by Berghahn titled Demography and National Security . The author’s chapter in this book shows the security aspects of transmigration policy in Indonesia (Tirtosudarmo 2001 ). For a more expanded discussion on migration, development and security, see Tirtosudarmo 2005b .

Mahmod Mamdani ( 1973 ) argues that the long historical processes of ethnic construction under European colonialism played a crucial role in the development of tensions and conflicts between Hutus and Tutsis.

See, among others, studies by Gurr ( 1993 , 2000 ) and Varsney ( 2003 ).

Robert Kaplan has traveled extensively in many ‘trouble spots’ in the ‘third world ’. His famous article, ‘The Coming Anarchy’, appeared in the Atlantic Monthly in 1994 . Several books published by Kaplan focus on the contagious effects of deteriorating social fabrics in the third world, which he argues ought to sound the alarm for the rich Western countries, prompting them to take more serious action.

Among the contending views on both Homer-Dixon and Kaplan’s arguments that relate population-environmental variables and violence and conflicts is a book Violent Environment , edited by Michael Watts and Nancy Peluso ( 2001 ).

Quoted from Peluso and Watts ( 2001 :3).

Homer-Dixon ( 1999 :177).

Frederick Barth ( 1969 ),‘Introduction’: 14.

See comparative studies by Gurr on the contentious politics of minority groups and the state ( 1993 , 2000 ).

On this issue of demographic engineering as a technique of conflict resolution, see also McGarry ( 1998 ).

Anh ( 2006 ) and Anh and Supang ( 2004 )

On the displaced population in the Thai-Burma borders, see the intriguing paper ‘The Silence and Violence of Forced Migration: The Myanmar-Thailand Border’ in Grundy-Warr ( 2004 ).

On the political demography of nation-state building in Indonesia, see the chapter on demography and conflict by Tirtosudarmo ( 2005a ).

On the East Timorese displaced people, see various publications by JRS and Human Rights Watch.

The discourse on the so-called internally displaced population in the region is relatively new. In the Indonesian and Filipino languages, for example, the term that is used is pengungsi (Indonesian) and bakwi ’ (Filipino) or ‘refugee’ if we translate into English. While in the international communities, the term refugee constitutes a totally different meaning from ‘internally displaced population’, in the Indonesian context it is used interchangeably. Pengungsi is a very common usage in Indonesia, meaning people that are taking refuge in a (temporary) safe place as they were forced to move from their usual residence. The reasons for their moves range from natural disasters (earthquakes, volcanic eruptions) to manmade disasters (flooding, development projects, local government eviction from public areas, communal conflicts and war). The forcefulness of circumstances that instigate the movement constitutes the main characteristic of the pengungsi phenomena. Seen from this broader understanding of causes of the movement, the so-called internally displaced population could be something that is nothing new in Indonesia (before and since Independence). On the historical perspective of forced migration in Indonesia, see Hugo ( 2006 ).

Since then IDPs have been quickly entered into public discourses; various institutions, both foreign and local, began to follow the UN steps in capitalising the plight of displaced people that flourished as communal conflicts became one facet in the wider context of political changes in the region. The displaced population—in terms of their label category—reflects the process of forced geographic movement. The critical feature in this event, however, is the process of how human beings are compelled to be dispossessed of their material as well as social and cultural belongings. The dispossession process is in fact the crux of the matter of any form of forced displacement. The latest incident in mid-January 2006 concerning the arrival of 43West Papuan people (36 adults and 7children) by boat to Far North Queensland seeking asylum in Australia is a case in point. As the signatory of the 1951 Convention and the 1967 Protocol relating to the Status of Refugees, Australia is obliged to process the future refugee status of these people. The case, however, will likely be handled by the Australian government very carefully to avoid an irritating reaction from the Indonesian government.

On the impact of major global powers on Southeast Asia’s displaced population see Hedman ( 2006 ).

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Tirtosudarmo, R. (2018). Migration, Ethnicity and Conflict in Southeast Asia. In: The Politics of Migration in Indonesia and Beyond. Springer, Singapore. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-9032-5_11

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Ethnic Conflicts in International Relation Policies Essay

Introduction, works cited.

It is a fact that the fall of the Soviet Union led to various ethnic conflicts. Perhaps this can be described as the failure of effective international relation policies. On the other hand, ethnic conflicts have resulted in a greater vision of instilling democracy in the countries with poor human rights records. As much as the downfall of the Soviet Union led to subsequent problems, there are also solutions attached to the same.

According to Chaim Kaufmann, ethnic identities are used to validate ethnic conflicts (Jervis and Art 439). It is natural that members of opposing communities cannot support rival ethnic communities. Eventually, a group of hardliners is created making it difficult for peace treaties to take place. It is almost certain that loyalty to ethnic identities becomes essential during an escalated ethnic conflict.

In this regard, non-allegiance to such ethnic allegiance results in the formation of extremists. The extremist philosophies in relation to the ethnic loyalty and identity are a dangerous trend as it may cause genocide. Such a trend was evidenced during the Rwandese genocide in 1994.

The issue of the security dilemma is critical during the ethnic conflicts. The government inability to provide security to its citizens leads to anarchy. It is important to note that ethnic conflicts can cause either ethnic portioning or ethnic separation.

The separation of the ethnic groups is problematic since the groups would resume to war even after peace is achieved. In fact, separation is not a guarantee mechanism towards peace. This is opposed to partitioning, which does not require portioning of the ethnic groups.

The moral hazard of assuming an automatic humanitarian intervention contributes to the ethnic conflicts. This tactic of the ethnic groups, that prefer section from a state, has been used many times. Such strategies justify moral standing on the waged violence against other ethnic groups. In reality, humanitarian intervention has been a major cause of mass killings as evidenced in Kosovo.

The third parties to ethnic conflicts especially the international community have caused more problems for maintaining neutrality in situations that require international intervention. The principle of neutrality in the ethnic conflicts is immoral if the conflict leads to genocide.

According to Chaim Kaufmann, there are solutions that can guarantee the ethnic peace (Jervis and Art 404). For example, the problem of the ethnic separation can be dealt with through reconstruction of the ethnic identities through partitioning (Jervis and Art 452).

This entails demographic partitioning of the ethnic groups in a manner that does not give the ethnic groups powers to suppress others using their population numbers. Using suppression to give a complete victory to one ethnic group can also be viable, if it leads to absolute peace.

The current trends in dealing with the ethnic conflicts have been power-sharing and state-building. The first trend ensures that the ethnic groups share power in government, resources and in major national decision making processes (Jervis and Art 442). State-building is encouraged in the states where the ethnic groups are a threat to their own existence.

In such situations, international community or neighboring countries have an obligation to help in running the country in terms of security and economy. This is done until the country is economically and politically stable for democracy to take shape.

In most cases, international governments are encouraged to maintain impartiality with an objective to ensure that ethnic conflicts end through the assistance of equal measures. This means that the third parties to an ethnic conflict cannot assist only one side of the conflicting parties.

Jervis, Robert and Robert J. Art, eds. International politics: enduring concepts and contemporary issues . Boston: Longman, 2003. Print.

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Examples Of Stereotypes In Los Vendidos By Luis Condez

When a group of people are paired together because of one object they share can be linked into one word, Stereotypes. Stereotypes can be found all around the world in every country. Many don’t realize this but stereotypes are even in America. The play “Los Vendidos” by Luis Valdez has concepts that involve modern day stereotypes of Latinos by including fears dealing with, ethnicity, race, and nationality. Ethnicity is one of the very many common types of stereotypes.

Understanding Race, Ethnicity And Minorities

To understand race, ethnicity and minorities, we must first understand the definition of these terms and why we could solely define minorities in terms of gender, in certain instances. For instance, Race is a socially meaningful classification of groups of people that have or share similar biological traits, such as Caucasian, African American, Asian or Latino. Ethnicity is the shared culture between a race, which could apply but not limited to religion or cultural beliefs. In addition, we deal with groups of people not only by ethnicity and race but majority and minority.

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Another socially defined term is ethnicity, which is based on one’s cultural characteristics like language, religion, and traditions. Some attempt to

The Pros And Cons Of Ethnocentrism

Ethnocentrism is a major reason for divisions amongst members of different races and religious groups in a society. In international relations, ethnocentrism creates conflicts and inhibits resolution of conflicts. There are extreme forms of ethnocentrism that pose serious social problems such as racism, colonialism and ethnic cleaning. It is difficult to completely prevent ethnocentrism but it can be decreased by raising awareness of it.

Essay On Cultural Conflict

People are living in the era of globalization. Every year, there is an increase in the number of immigrants and emigrants to foreign countries with the purpose of living and studying. As a result, cross-culture communication takes place in many nations. Obviously, no one can learn everything about all cultures and not any culture is completely similar. This inevitably entails culture conflict.

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Introduction

On February 28th 1998 an armed conflict ensued lasting until June 1999 in Kosovo. The warring parties were namely the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and the Kosovo Liberation Army constituted of Kosovo Albanian rebels. The former was operating under the auspices of the Montenegro and Serbian republics while the latter had the ground support from the NATO (North Atlantic Treaty Organization) and the Albanian forces. According to Christian Nielsen’s Ethnic Cleansing: Kosovo, conflict traces its roots to the historical contentions dated back to 1939. It is in this year, that Serbian and Ottoman forces went to war in Kosovo. Kosovo, as a region, was the bone of contention between the emerging nationalisms of the two protagonists-Serbia and Albania. The two groups wanted to assert their control over Kosovo due to its strategic nature and political capital. These tensions became full blown in the years between 1998 and 1999. The issues surrounding the war were the state organized oppressions which pundits argue that the state was practicing institutionalized ethnicity in the whole of the public institutions and enterprises. The Albanians were being discriminated against by the dominant Serbians due to their ethnic composition, language, culture and identity (Lacopino, Frank, Bauer, Keller, Fink, Ford, and Pallin 2013). The Albanian owned media, radios and newspapers, were restricted and banned. A number of government officials of Albanian descent were fired and replaced by Serbian individuals. It is these acts that led to the 15-month long war that led to the displacement of over a million civilians and thousands dead on either side. This was a deliberate campaign led by Yugoslav and Serb allied forces to assert Serb control over Kosovo through ethnic cleansing of the Kosovo Albanian populace. The war ended after the intervention of the NATO forces and UN where the Serb and Yugoslavian forces were forced to withdraw from Kosovo leaving it under the administration of United Nations.

Underlying reasons for the conflict

Pundits agree that the immediate cause of the Kosovo skirmishes was Slobodan Milosevic and his oppressive policies against the Albanians. It is this oppressive nature of the Milosevic administration that gave rise to the Kosovo Liberation Army constituting of ethnic Albanians. The KLA violent opposition to Serb rule spiral to full throttle in the months between 1998 and 1999. It is however prudent to note that the Kosovo war antecedents can be traced centuries back. The 1389 war was the start of the tensions where Ottoman Empire took control of the Kosovo region, a fact that many Serbs relate to. It was during this period that many ethnic Albanians found their way into Kosovo, an area traditionally occupied by Serbians. The Ottoman invasion can be said to have pushed much of the Serbs into the present day Hungary. This displacement is another pivotal reason for the conflict The Ottoman invasion, however, was brought to an end in the1683-1699 Ottoman-Habsburg war (Fialkoff 110). The end of the Ottoman Empire’s withdrawal from the Balkans in the 20th century saw the Serbia’s reclaiming of the Kosovo area. After the First World War Serbia once again lost control of Kosovo. It is after this war that Kosovo and Serbia were included as part of the newly founded Yugoslavian state. After the Second World War, Kosovo was made an autonomous region by Josip BrozTito’s socialist administration. This fanned the emergence of the ethnic Albanian dominance at the expense of Serbians who were less in population due to their movement out of Yugoslavia in search of economic opportunities. The death of Tito can be said to be another immediate reason for the war. It created the way to power for extremist Serbians who revoked Kosovo’s autonomy. Milosevic administration introducing ethnic cleansing tactics such as sacking Albanians from public institutions, cracking down Albanian speaking media and Police brutality. It is these actions that sparked tension and demands for independence for Kosovo by ethnic Albanians. The maltreatment of the Kosovo Albanians is what pushed to the creation of the Kosovo Liberation and military action against Serbia and Yugoslavia as its sympathizer.

In the light of the Kosovo war, it is important to note that ethnicity and conflict interrelate in regard to economic and political power. This can be analyzed using several theories such as ethnic stratification. Donald Noel in his scholarly article A Theory of Ethnic Stratification, notes that ethnic stratification “exists as generic form organization wherein some relatively fixed group membership (e.g. race, religion, or nationality) is utilized as a major criterion for assigning social positions with their attendant differential rewards”. In this light, ethnic stratification was used as a measure by the Milosevic administration when it came to oppressing the ethnic Kosovo Albanians. The ethnic stratification brought with it inequality, exploitation and oppression. Through stratification, the top public jobs were given to the minority Serbs at the expense of Albanians who held the positions erstwhile. Elements of ethnic stratification namely ethnocentrism, competition and differential power were in play in Kosovo. Ethnocentrism which is defined as “view of things in which one’s own group is the center of everything and all others are scaled and rated with reference to it” is very much evident in the Kosovo case. Milosevic’s administration used Serbian culture and ethnicity as the measure of superiority (Fedorak 59). The inherent belief by the Serbians that Kosovo was theirs by birthright and historical occurrences was somewhat ethnocentric. The Albanians too were ethnocentric as their agitation focused on the threat to their dominance rather than the creation of an integrated Kosovo society with different ethnic compositions. Competition, too as an element, is apparently observed in this case. The conflict dating back 1389 was always about competition for resources, political dominance and boundary extension for the warring parties. The full-blown conflict in 1998-1999 was a result of the ethnic Kosovo Albanians and Serbians competing for their own strategic interests. The Albanians were fighting to have their autonomy while Serbians wanted to dominate Kosovo. The Albanians were seeking to regain the political control of Kosovo and economic freedom. The Serbians, on the other hand, wanted to empower their people by giving them jobs that were occupied Albanians. They also wanted to have a greater stake in the running of the Kosovo province by taking up administrative posts in Kosovo. Differential power as an element dwells on the need of either of the two ethnic groups to “achieve dominance and impose subordination to its will (Noel 163)”. The differential power in this case was achieved by the Serbians who were backed by the Milosevic administration through its repressive mechanisms such as crackdown on cultural and other minority rights enjoyed by ethnic Albanians in Kosovo (Noel 163). It is important to understand in the autonomous Kosovo, the differential power was in the hands of the Albanians. The Yugoslavian Federation constitution empowered them too. Their differential power then was heightened by the fact that they were large in numbers due to exodus of many Serbians and high birth rates associated with the Albanians.

The Kosovo war is a perfect scenario how ethnicity can be used to foster ethnic conflict in a society. The two warring parties were in conflict due to their ethnic identity and perceived ethnocentric relations. The immediate cause of the conflict was Slobodan Milosevic oppressive policies while the long run causes mainly centered with the historical feuds surrounding Kosovo as a region. The displacement of people during the feuds and perception of the Kosovo area as a birth right by its two major ethnicities-Serbians and Albanians were also other underlying reasons for the conflict. The paper employed ethnic stratification theory in analyzing the Kosovo conflict dwelling on its key elements; ethnocentrism, competition, and differential power. The Serbians were ethnocentric focusing on how best they ought to gain or have their political, social and economic interests met at the expense of other ethnicities. There was an intense competition for power, dominance and resources that build up into the 1998-1999 full blown war. It is also rightful to say that existence of differential power by one of the warring parties was a core reason for the ethnic stratification that later led on to ethnic cleansing of ethnic Albanians.

Works Cited

Fedorak, Shirley. "What are the Underlying Reasons For Ethnic Conflict And Consequences of These Conflicts?" Anthropology Matters!. 2nd ed. Ontario, North York: U of Toronto P, 2013. 59-73. Print. Fialkoff, Andrew B. "A Brief History of Ethnic Cleansing." Foreign Affairs 72.3 (1993): 110-121. Web. Lacopino, Vincent, Martina W. Frank, Heidi M. Bauer, Allen S. Keller, Sheri L. Fink, Doug Ford, and Daniel J. Pallin. "A Population Based Assessment Of Human Rights Abuses Committed Against Ethnic Albanian Refugees From Kosovo." American Journal Of Public Health 91.12 (2001): 2013-2018. Web. Nielsen, Christian. "Ethnic Cleansing :Kosovo." Immigration From 1900s to PresentEds.Matthew J. Gibney and Randall Hansen. Santa Barbara :ABC-CLIO,2005. Credo Reference. Web. <http://search.credoreference.com/content/entry/abcmigrate/ethnic_cleansing_kosovo/0>. Noel, Donald L. "A Theory Of Origin of Ethnic Stratification." Social Problems 16.2 (1968): 157-172. Web.

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1. the partisanship and ideology of american voters.

The partisan identification of registered voters is now evenly split between the two major parties: 49% of registered voters are Democrats or lean to the Democratic Party, and a nearly identical share – 48% – are Republicans or lean to the Republican Party.

Trend chart over time showing that 49% of registered voters are Democrats or lean to the Democratic Party, and 48% are Republicans or lean to the Republican Party. Four years ago, Democrats had a 5 percentage point advantage.

The partisan balance has tightened in recent years following a clear edge in Democratic Party affiliation during the last administration.

Four years ago, in the run-up to the 2020 election, Democrats had a 5 percentage point advantage over the GOP (51% vs. 46%).

The share of voters who are in the Democratic coalition reached 55% in 2008. For much of the last three decades of Pew Research Center surveys, the partisan composition of registered voters has been more closely divided.

Partisans and partisan leaners in the U.S. electorate

About two-thirds of registered voters identify as a partisan, and they are roughly evenly split between those who say they are Republicans (32% of voters) and those who say they are Democrats (33%). Roughly a third instead say they are independents or something else (35%), with most of these voters leaning toward one of the parties. Partisan leaners often share the same political views and behaviors as those who directly identify with the party they favor.

Bart charts over time showing that as of 2023, about two-thirds of registered voters identify as a partisan and are split between those who say they are Republicans (32%) and those who say they are Democrats (33%). Roughly a third instead say they are independents or something else (35%), with most of these voters leaning toward one of the parties. The share of voters who identify as independent or something else is somewhat higher than in the late 1990s and early 2000s.

The share of voters who identify as independent or something else is somewhat higher than in the late 1990s and early 2000s. As a result, there are more “leaners” today than in the past. Currently, 15% of voters lean toward the Republican Party and 16% lean toward the Democratic Party. By comparison, in 1994, 27% of voters leaned toward either the GOP (15%) or the Democratic Party (12%).

Party identification and ideology

While the electorate overall is nearly equally divided between those who align with the Republican and Democratic parties, a greater share of registered voters say they are both ideologically conservative and associate with the Republican Party (33%) than say they are liberal and align with the Democratic Party (23%).

Bar charts by party and ideology showing that as of 2023, 33% of registered voters say they are both ideologically conservative and associate with the Republican Party, 14% identify as moderates or liberals and are Republicans or Republican leaners, 25% associate with the Democratic Party and describe their views as either conservative or moderate, and 23% are liberal and align with the Democratic Party.

A quarter of voters associate with the Democratic Party and describe their views as either conservative or moderate, and 14% identify as moderates or liberals and are Republicans or Republican leaners.

The partisan and ideological composition of voters is relatively unchanged over the last five years.

(As a result of significant mode differences in measures of ideology between telephone and online surveys, there is not directly comparable data on ideology prior to 2019.)

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Table of contents, behind biden’s 2020 victory, a voter data resource: detailed demographic tables about verified voters in 2016, 2018, what the 2020 electorate looks like by party, race and ethnicity, age, education and religion, interactive map: the changing racial and ethnic makeup of the u.s. electorate, in changing u.s. electorate, race and education remain stark dividing lines, most popular.

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Ethnic conflict
Ethnic conflict arises if ethnic groups compete for the same goal—notably power, access to resources, or territory. The interests of a society's elite class play an important role in mobilizing ethnic groups to engage in ethnic conflicts. Ethnic conflict is thus similar to other political interest conflicts.
Ethnic conflict
An ethnic conflict is a conflict between two or more ethnic groups. While the source of the conflict may be political, social, economic or religious, the individuals in conflict must expressly fight for their ethnic group's position within society. This criterion differentiates ethnic conflict from other forms of struggle.
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1. The partisanship and ideology of American voters
The partisan identification of registered voters is now evenly split between the two major parties: 49% of registered voters are Democrats or lean to the Democratic Party, and a nearly identical share - 48% - are Republicans or lean to the Republican Party. The partisan balance has tightened in recent years following a clear edge in Democratic Party affiliation during the last administration.

28 Ethnic Conflicts

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Introduction

Underlying reasons for the conflict

Works Cited

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Regions & Countries

Partisans and partisan leaners in the U.S. electorate

Party identification and ideology

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