grade 9 essay bantu education act pdf

Bantu Education Act Essay (300 Words) + PDF

The Bantu Education Act of 1953 was a South African law that established a separate and inferior education system for black South Africans. This act was a key policy of apartheid, the system of institutionalized racial segregation that existed in South Africa from 1948 until the early 1990s. The act had far-reaching and long-lasting effects on the education and social mobility of black South Africans.

Related: 13 Bibliography of Bantu Education Act 1953

Under the Bantu Education Act, the government established separate schools for black South Africans and created a separate curriculum that was designed to train them for unskilled labour and menial jobs. This curriculum excluded many subjects that were taught in white schools, such as mathematics, science, and literature. Instead, it focused on subjects like agriculture, manual labour, and home economics, which were seen as more relevant to the lives of black South Africans.

The Bantu Education Act also drastically underfunded black schools, resulting in poor facilities, overcrowded classrooms, and a shortage of qualified teachers. The act required that all black schools be run by the government, which allowed the government to control the content of the curriculum and the hiring of teachers. This policy effectively excluded many qualified black teachers from the profession and left many schools without adequate staffing.

Related: 10 Effects & Impact of Bantu Education Act in South Africa 

The impact of the Bantu Education Act was profound. Black South Africans were denied access to quality education, which severely limited their opportunities for social mobility and economic advancement. The curriculum was designed to prepare black students for low-skilled jobs, perpetuating a cycle of poverty and reinforcing racial inequality. The act also led to the development of a separate and unequal education system, which contributed to the overall inequality and segregation of South African society.

Resistance to the Bantu Education Act was widespread and included protests, boycotts, and demonstrations by students, parents, and teachers. Many black schools refused to implement the new curriculum, and students often boycotted classes or went on strike to demand better education. The government responded to this resistance with harsh repression, including arrests, detentions, and violence.

Despite the resistance, the Bantu Education Act remained in effect until the end of apartheid in the early 1990s. The act left a lasting legacy on the education system and society of South Africa, and its effects continue to be felt today. Although South Africa has made significant strides in addressing the legacy of apartheid and promoting educational equality, much work remains to be done to fully address the inequality and injustices that were perpetuated by the Bantu Education Act.

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Related: 47 Questions and Answers Based on Bantu Education Act

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Bantu Education in South Africa Essay

Introduction, views of structural functionalists on education, neo-marxist perspective on education, nature of bantu education, criticism of bantu education, works cited.

Education is an important aspect of development in any society. It contributes towards societal development by preparing learners with the relevant skills, values and attitudes they require to take occupational roles in their future lives. This implies that educational systems play a vital role in determining the well-being of a country.

For many years, South Africa was exposed to discriminatory actions resulting from the apartheid system. This was extended to the education sector through the introduction of the Bantu Education. This Essay focuses on the nature of the Bantu education system and its shortcomings in the eyes of structural functionalists and neo-Marxist sociologists.

There are different structural-functionalist approaches used in the study of sociology of education. However, the most important ones are derived from the works of famous sociologists Durkheim and Parsons. Until the late 1960s and early 1970s, sociological thinking on matters of education was dominated by structural functionalism. Functionalist sociologists of education look at how education contributes towards the well-being of the society.

The provision of social solidarity and value consensus is the strongest of the functional contributions that education makes to the society. Education as socialization is associated with transmission of culture, values and norms that enable people to stick together and facilitate social life in highly traditional social communities. Similarly, the modern education system is supposed to hold modern societies together.

This thinking is founded on the need to deal with the characteristics associated with the transition from simple traditional to complex and modern societies. Complex modern societies involve a change from a homogeneous life based on rural kinship into concentrated but heterogeneous populations in societies which live in urban areas and characterised by differentiated division of labor.

Mass education is a tool that can be used in such societies to instill proper rules and curricula in children that bind them and the new form of society together. This makes it possible for non-kinship -based, consensual and cooperative lives to be established. This was the argument of sociologist Durkheim (Martin 6).

After the establishment of industrial capitalist society, Parson advanced an argument that the function of education was to create a bridge between the primary socialization that took place at home and adult life preparation. He focused on the role of the school in equipping children with universalistic values as opposed to the particularistic ones obtained from the family.

Particularistic roles are the ascribed ones such as the role and status of an individual, such as his/her place in the family. Universalistic roles on the other hand emphasize the teachings that on the basis of birth, nobody is better than the other. According to structural functionalists, education is the basis of modern society where it socializes children and equips them with the necessary skills for adult life and to function in a modern society marked by universalistic values.

They also believe that education plays an important role in modernizing the society as opposed to mere transition from simple to modern. In addition, the role of education in helping the society adapt to changes in the broader environment such as the competitive advantage cannot be underestimated.

There are numerous neo-Marxist approaches to education but the most influential ones are those of Bowles and Gintis who argue that the education system leads to the production of a capitalist society. According to them, the purpose of education in a capitalist society is to reproduce capitalist relations of production meaning profit, capitalist power and capitalist control of power. They believe in a correspondence principle which explains how the school corresponds with work that serves this purpose.

Its function is to reproduce labor in the sense that it provides enough quantities of the different labor types capitalists need. In addition, it reproduces the right type of the labor required by capitalists since it dampens the desire towards class struggle and instead isolates pupils into the highly class-stratified roles they will occupy in the job market once they leave school. Ideally, the purpose of the school is to isolate and integrate pupils into the capitalist society (Blackledge and Hunt 136).

Neo-Marxists argue that for both capitalist and working class children, schools take over from families and socialize the child into the primary societal values, norms, roles and attitudes. The correspondence they talk of between the school and workplace is meant to prepare pupils to assume occupational roles. Schools are organised in a hierarchy and run along authoritarian lines. Learning is also extrinsically motivated rather than being intrinsically motivated.

These characteristics of schools the neo-Marxists argue that are replicated in the workplace where the workers follow the orders given by their bosses without questioning. There motivation is only an extrinsic one in the form of the wages they get.

While formal curriculum is mandated with the task of giving pupils the basic literacy and numeracy they require in their future jobs, the correspondence between school and work is a form of hidden curriculum that prepares them to politically and ideologically embrace life in a capitalist society.

They are prepared to be obedient, docile, passive and loyal to authorities and hierarchy. According to the neo-Marxists, the bottom line is that only a revolutionary transformation of the capitalist mode of production as a whole can lead to a transformed education system.

After the national party came into power in 1948, the neglect and limitation that had characterised native education from 1910 paved the way for strict state control for black education. This control marked the disappearance of the mission school system which was faced by many challenges despite the fact that it was an important educational institution.

The national party government was committed to eliminate the tolerant laissez-faire perceptions towards black education. The Bantu Education Act of 1953 made it possible for the enactment of legislation that was aimed at promoting Christian National Education separate development.

Bantu Education in South Africa was intended at providing the ruling elites with a cheap and submissive labor. In addition, it aimed at resolving the urban crisis that had developed in the 1940s and 1950s due to industrialisation and rapid urbanisation. This was caused by the collapsing homeland agriculture and the expansion of secondary industrialisation after the Second World War. Transport, housing and wages were not enough for the increasing number of working class people who lived in towns.

The response to the breakdown of these services and poor conditions was squatter movements and the formation of trade unions. Radical oppositions to political activities became the norm, accompanied by the leadership of the African National Congress. The increasing levels of poverty became a threat to the physical productivity of the white elites. Social stability in the 1940s was either obstructed by the presence of education or lack of it (Hyslop 80).

Educationalists attributed the increase in crime rates and the defiant nature of youths to the lack of enough schools. They were afraid that political mobilisation was going to be on the increase. Bantu education was therefore ideally aimed at exercising social control over youth and especially those who were working. In addition, there was the need to socialize them in relation to the norms that were regarded as appropriate by the ruling elites alongside producing properly trained and trainable labor.

The uniqueness of Bantu Education was in its adherence to non-egalitarian and racist education. Intellectually, it was believed that such a system of education was important in spreading the idea that the mentality of a native made him suited for repetitive tasks. Such ideas were important in producing a mass education system that was characterised by constrained spending. Although Bantu Education was regarded as a racist-based cheap education, ironically, Africans were responsible for the costs.

They suffered additional taxation in order to fund the cost of African education. The contribution of the state was an annual grant that originated from the general revenue. Taxes raised were used in supplementing the grant where a small percentage was used to develop Bantu Education. The government policy of financing Bantu Education and the increase in the number of students affected the quality due to the worsening of the pupil-teacher ratio.

During the early years of Bantu Education, a lot of effort was made to use the wages earned by Africans as the basis of funding the education instead of taxing employers. Although the national party was not willing to endorse adequate academic training and skills training, the education served the interests and needs of the industry hence there was no ill relationship between capital and the state.

Anybody was in a position to tell that the educational policies of the government were intended at ensuring that black people secured very few opportunities with regard to employment. They were only prepared to render ready unskilled or skilled labor. This was the relationship between the Bantu Education and the industry (Ballantine 55).

Later in the 1950s, Bantu Education was compatible with the significant expansion of the capitalist economy. However, in the 1960s, the educational policies of the state brought about friction between the government and the industry.

The state used force to give its organisational and ideological interests the first over more particular interests of business and the industry. Under the guise of concentrating growth of secondary, technical and tertiary education in the homelands, the government succeeded in using the urban school system as a tool of influx control. Education was used to propagate apartheid policy.

The purpose of any educational system is to equip pupils with relevant knowledge that prepares them for future occupational roles and transforms the society as a whole. However, the Bantu Education that was practiced in South Africa was a faulty education system that could not transform the society.

In the eyes of structural functionalists and neo-Marxist sociologists, it was detrimental to the social and economic development of the country. The main focus of structural functionalists is to look at how education contributes towards the well-being of the society. It plays an important role since it forms the basis of modern society by equipping learners with relevant skills that prepare them for adult life.

However, according to structural functionalists Bantu Education was devoid of this important function of education. It was racist in nature and could not bring the society together. It was inspired by apartheid and instead of preparing the learners for a cohesive society, it led to more divisions. The system was aimed at ensuring that the black people did not get jobs that were regarded as white men’s. In this structural functionalist perspective, the education system was detrimental to the social and economic development of South Africa.

In the eyes of neo-Marxist sociologists, Bantu Education was still harmful to the social and economic development of South Africa. Education to them is supposed to equip the learners with the right attitudes, values and norms that allow them to thrive in a capitalist society.

However, Bantu Education was only interested in giving learners skills that could not allow them to thrive in a capitalist society. For instance, the skills that were being passed to them could only allow them to be used in the provision of cheap unskilled or semi-skilled labor.

Neo-Marxists also believe that education is supposed to equip learners with the right skills to provide various labor types required by capitalists. On the contrary, Bantu Education provided learners with skills that could only be applied in limited areas. It was even a disadvantage to the capitalists since they could not get skilled labor whenever they required it. The education system was therefore detrimental to the social and economic development of South Africa.

Education plays an important role in preparing children for their future occupational roles by equipping them with the right values, norms and attitudes. This enables them to make positive contributions in the society. Although structural functionalists and neo-Marxists hold some differing views on the purpose of education, they both share a common belief that education plays an important role in transforming the society.

However, the Bantu Education in South Africa was discriminatory in nature and prevented societal development. According to the two groups of sociologists, it was detrimental towards the social and economic development of South Africa.

Ballantine, Jeanne. The sociology of education: A systematic analysis, Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall, 1993.Print.

Blackledge, David and Barry Hunt. Sociological interpretations of education, London: Routledge, 1985.Print.

Hyslop, Jonathan. The classroom struggle: policy and resistance in South Africa,1940-1990, Pietermaritzburg: University of Natal Press, 1999.Print.

Martin, Ruhr. The Sociology of Education, Pretoria: University of South Africa, 2006.Print.

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TO WHAT EXTENT DID THE BANTU EDUCATION ACT CHANGE THE SYSTEM OF BLACK EDUCATION IN SOUTH AFRICA?

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Tsoaledi Thobejane

Abstract This paper outlines the rationale of Bantu education that was available for South African Blacks from 1953 to 1992. The paper is of the opinion that challenges of constructing a new education system in post‐apartheid South Africa cannot be fully grasped without a proper understanding of the pervasive impact of Bantu education on the majority for a period of almost 60 years. It also discusses the educational vision and goals of the important organizations in the liberation movement such as the African National Congress, the Azanian People’s Organization, and the Pan Africanist Congress that continue to shape educational debates in the present educational reform context. The paper argues that the present curriculum by its very history and origins does not address the problems that have been created by the ideology of the former South African education system. Salient to these problems is the over‐emphasis on Christian/European education that is not realistic in many regions of South Africa. The paper argues that curriculum has to reflect the cultural and racial diversity in South Africa, and further suggests that all languages and cultures in South Africa are essential in the building of an anti‐racist and anti‐sexist society. The monitoring of academic activity in a democratic education system can be confusing to teachers who have been trained within the confines of an apartheid (Bantu) education. The paper therefore suggests that more funds will have to be put aside by the government to upgrade the pedagogical approach of teachers so that they can be able to deal with their new role of leadership and the developing of content, and tackle issues of sexism/racism both in and out of the classroom. Keywords Apartheid education, Bantu education, Black Consciousness, democracy, pedagogy

African Historical Review

Linda Chisholm

bantustans for special attention; rather, it has analysed these as part of South Africa’s broader segregationist and apartheid strategy. This article shares and builds on this perspective, extending the analysis by looking more closely at four specific bantustans— Bophuthatswana, Venda, KaNgwane and KwaZulu—and the links between their local and more broadly South African reformist and transnational developmental discourses during the 1980s. It examines how different educational networks formed “discourse coalitions” across these bantustans through the participation of educational reformers and experts in key education commissions and educational projects and initiatives. The article explores the roles of individuals involved in the development of educational reforms and their circulation both across the bantustans and between these bantustans and South Africa. It shows how discourses about education reform in the bantustans and South Africa deployed the language and concepts of development education, which integrated these bantustans into a reformist agenda prolonging rather than dismantling apartheid. The article casts new light on the cross-border relationships around education that bound them to one another and South Africa.

This article considers the legacies of apartheid education and new directions taken since 1994 by first problematising the concept of an apartheid legacy, and then examining it within the broader historical context of the emergence of a racially differentiated system of mass schooling under specific political and economic conditions in the twentieth century. The principal legacies that new policy in the post-apartheid period accordingly intended to address included (i) The racially-segregated and unequal financing, organization and provision of education; (ii) poor quality of education for black people; (iii) high youth unemployment and (iv) low levels of participation in adult, technical and higher education. The article shows how new initiatives for the reorganization of education, teacher policy, curriculum, skills development and higher education were introduced under specific economic and political conditions and argues that they have not shifted broader inequalities and have demonstrated continuities as far as learning outcomes are concerned. Contrary to apartheid denialist positions, this contradiction is explained by reference to the strong presence of the past in the present, the contradiction between educational intentions and outcomes and the dependent role of education in any social order.

Johannes Seroto

submitted in the fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of

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Phillip Pare

The main argument of this overview article is that the Bantu languages of South Africa should have a far more significant role in education. We contend that the strong preference for English as medium of instruction among black learners is largely responsible for their inadequate educational performance, particularly since most of these learners do not have the required skills in English. This is particularly the case in rural and township schools and in what we term ‘lower ex-model C schools’, given the socio-economic realities of the communities in which these schools are located. Were the Bantu languages used for learning and teaching purposes in an effective way, we suggest the educational outcomes of black learners would be significantly better. We accept, of course, that schools, especially secondary schools, cannot immediately implement a policy of using the Bantu languages as media of instruction. Several research and development challenges need to be addressed for this to happen. These include: transforming the socio-political meanings attached to these languages; their further corpus development as well as their status, prestige, acquisition and usage development; the development and implementation of language-in-education policies which address the basic educational and sociolinguistic realities; and the effective distribution of information to school governing bodies about the issues relevant to the selection of a medium of instruction. In our view, South Africa will not become a developed, effectively multilingual and nationally integrated country if linguistic equity and parity of esteem are not established in a meaningful way for all official languages, which includes provision for their use as media of instruction throughout.

William J Dominik

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Bantu Education Act, Act No 47 of 1953

The Act was to provide for the transfer of the adminiustration and control of native education from the several provincial administrations to the Government of the Union of South Africa, and for matters incidental thereto

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Original research, segregated schools of thought: the bantu education act (1953) revisited, about the author(s).

Various political parties, civil rights groups and columnists support the view that one of South Africa’s foremost socio-economic challenges is overcoming the scarring legacy which the Bantu Education Act of 1953 left on the face of the country. In light of this challenge, a need arose to revisit the position and place of Bantu Education historiography in the current contested interpretation of its legacy.

It is apparent from the plethora of literature available on this topic that academics are not in agreement about whether or not the passing of the 1953 Act was a watershed moment in marginalising education for black pupils. On the one hand, it would seem that the general consensus is that the 1953 Act was indeed a turning point in the formalisation of education reserved for pupils of colour – thus a largely “traditional” view. On the other hand, the Marxist school, as coined by P Christie and C Collins, argues that securing a cheap, unskilled labour force was already on the agenda of the white electorate preceding the formalisation of the Act.

The aim of this article is two-fold. Firstly, to contextualise these two stances historically; and secondly and more chiefly, to examine the varying approaches regarding the rationalisation behind Bantu Education by testing these approaches against the rationale apparent in primary sources in the form of parliamentary debates and contemporary newspaper articles.

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