research articles about happiness

Thank you for visiting nature.com. You are using a browser version with limited support for CSS. To obtain the best experience, we recommend you use a more up to date browser (or turn off compatibility mode in Internet Explorer). In the meantime, to ensure continued support, we are displaying the site without styles and JavaScript.

• View all journals
• Explore content
• About the journal
• Publish with us
• Sign up for alerts
• Published: 20 July 2023

A systematic review of the strength of evidence for the most commonly recommended happiness strategies in mainstream media

• Dunigan Folk   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0001-6728-2776 1 &
• Elizabeth Dunn   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0003-1214-7512 1  

Nature Human Behaviour volume  7 ,  pages 1697–1707 ( 2023 ) Cite this article

9262 Accesses

10 Citations

1577 Altmetric

Metrics details

• Social sciences

We conducted a systematic review of the evidence underlying some of the most widely recommended strategies for increasing happiness. By coding media articles on happiness, we first identified the five most commonly recommended strategies: expressing gratitude, enhancing sociability, exercising, practising mindfulness/meditation and increasing nature exposure. Next, we conducted a systematic search of the published scientific literature. We identified well-powered, pre-registered experiments testing the effects of these strategies on any aspect of subjective wellbeing (that is, positive affect, negative affect and life satisfaction) in non-clinical samples. A total of 57 studies were included. Our review suggests that a strong scientific foundation is lacking for some of the most commonly recommended happiness strategies. As the effectiveness of these strategies remains an open question, there is an urgent need for well-powered, pre-registered studies investigating strategies for promoting happiness.

This is a preview of subscription content, access via your institution

Access options

Access Nature and 54 other Nature Portfolio journals

Get Nature+, our best-value online-access subscription

24,99 € / 30 days

cancel any time

Subscribe to this journal

Receive 12 digital issues and online access to articles

111,21 € per year

only 9,27 € per issue

Rent or buy this article

Prices vary by article type

Prices may be subject to local taxes which are calculated during checkout

Similar content being viewed by others

Perceiving societal pressure to be happy is linked to poor well-being, especially in happy nations

Egon Dejonckheere, Joshua J. Rhee, … Brock Bastian

A systematic review and meta-analysis of psychological interventions to improve mental wellbeing

Joep van Agteren, Matthew Iasiello, … Michael Kyrios

Determinants of happiness among healthcare professionals between 2009 and 2019: a systematic review

Rose Nabi Deborah Karimi Muthuri, Flavia Senkubuge & Charles Hongoro

Data Availability

The results of the media search are available on the Open Science Framework at https://tinyurl.com/2kkayzh9 .

How to be happy, how to get rich - Explore. Google Trends (2021); https://trends.google.com/trends/explore?geo=CA&q=how to be happy,how to get rich

Nelson, L. D., Simmons, J. & Simonsohn, U. Psychology’s Renaissance. Annu. Rev. Psychol. 69 , 511–534 (2018).

Article   PubMed   Google Scholar  

Simmons, J. P., Nelson, L. D. & Simonsohn, U. False-positive psychology: undisclosed flexibility in data collection and analysis allows presenting anything as significant. Psychol. Sci. 22 , 1359–1366 (2011).

Nuzzo, R. Scientific method: statistical errors. Nature 506 , 150–152 (2014).

Article   CAS   PubMed   Google Scholar  

Wagenmakers, E.-J., Wetzels, R., Borsboom, D., van der Maas, H. L. J. & Kievit, R. A. An agenda for purely confirmatory research. Perspect. Psychol. Sci. 7 , 632–638 (2012).

Nosek, B. A., Ebersole, C. R., DeHaven, A. C. & Mellor, D. T. The preregistration revolution. Proc. Natl Acad. Sci. USA 115 , 2600–2606 (2018).

Article   CAS   PubMed   PubMed Central   Google Scholar  

Fraley, R. C. & Vazire, S. The N-pact factor: evaluating the quality of empirical journals with respect to sample size and statistical power. PLoS ONE 9 , e109019 (2014).

Article   PubMed   PubMed Central   Google Scholar  

John, L. K., Loewenstein, G. & Prelec, D. Measuring the prevalence of questionable research practices with incentives for truth telling. Psychol. Sci. 23 , 524–532 (2012).

Collaboration, O. S. Estimating the reproducibility of psychological science. Science 349 , aac4716 (2015).

Article   Google Scholar  

Wagenmakers, E. J. et al. Registered Replication Report: Strack, Martin, & Stepper (1988). Perspect. Psychol. Sci. 11 , 917–928 (2016).

Myers, D. G. & Diener, E. The scientific pursuit of happiness. Perspect. Psychol. Sci. 13 , 218–225 (2018).

Diener, E. et al. Findings all psychologists should know from the new science on subjective well-being. Can. Psychol. 58 , 87–104 (2017).

Hunt, J. T., Howell, A. J. & Passmore, H.-A. In vivo nature exposure as a positive psychological intervention: a review of the impact of nature interventions on wellbeing. Nat. Health https://doi.org/10.4324/9781003154419-12 (2021).

Funder, D. C. et al. Improving the dependability of research in personality and social psychology: recommendations for research and educational practice. Pers. Soc. Psychol. Rev. 18 , 3–12 (2014).

Carr, A. et al. Effectiveness of positive psychology interventions: a systematic review and meta-analysis. J. Posit. Psychol. 16 , 749–769 (2021).

Bolier, L. et al. Positive psychology interventions: a meta-analysis of randomized controlled studies. BMC Public Health 13 , 119 (2013).

Simonsohn, U., Simmons, J. & Nelson, L. D. Above averaging in literature reviews. Nat. Rev. Psychol. 1 , 551–552 (2022).

Kvarven, A., Strømland, E. & Johannesson, M. Comparing meta-analyses and preregistered multiple-laboratory replication projects. Nat. Hum. Behav. 4 , 423–434 (2019).

Richard, F. D., Bond, C. F. & Stokes-Zoota, J. J. One hundred years of social psychology quantitatively described. Rev. Gen. Psychol. 7 , 331–363 (2003).

Diener, E. Subjective well-being. Psychol. Bull. 95 , 542–575 (1984).

Watson, C., Clark, L. A. & Tellegen, A. Development and validation of brief measures of positive and negative affect: the PANAS scales. J. Pers. Soc. Psychol. 54 , 1063–1070 (1988).

Diener, E., Emmons, R., Larsen, R. & Griffin, S. The satisfaction with life scale. J. Pers. Assess. 49 , 71–75 (1985).

Lyubomirsky, S. & Lepper, H. A measure of subjective happiness: preliminary reliability and construct validation. Soc. Indic. Res. 46 , 137–155 (1999).

Diener, E. & Ryan, K. Subjective well-being: a general overview. South Afr. J. Psychol. 39 , 391–406 (2009).

Nelson-Coffey, S. K., Johnson, C. & Coffey, J. K. Safe haven gratitude improves emotions, well-being, and parenting outcomes among parents with high levels of attachment insecurity. J. Posit. Psychol. https://doi.org/10.1080/17439760.2021.1991454 (2021).

Walsh, L. C., Regan, A., Twenge, J. M. & Lyubomirsky, S. What is the optimal way to give thanks? Comparing the effects of gratitude expressed privately, one-to-one via text, or publicly on social media. Affect. Sci. https://doi.org/10.1007/s42761-022-00150-5 (2022).

Atad, O. I. & Russo-Netzer, P. The effect of gratitude on well-being: should we prioritize positivity or meaning? J. Happiness Stud. 23 , 1245–1265 (2022).

Toepfer, S. M., Cichy, K. & Peters, P. Letters of gratitude: further evidence for author benefits. J. Happiness Stud. 13 , 187–201 (2012).

Shin, L. J. et al. Gratitude in collectivist and individualist cultures. J. Posit. Psychol. 15 , 598–604 (2020).

Titova, L., Wagstaff, A. E. & Parks, A. C. Disentangling the effects of gratitude and optimism: a cross-cultural investigation. J. Cross-Cult. Psychol. 48 , 754–770 (2017).

Walsh, L. C., Regan, A. & Lyubomirsky, S. The role of actors, targets, and witnesses: examining gratitude exchanges in a social context. J. Posit. Psychol. 17 , 233–249 (2022).

Fritz, M. M., Armenta, C. N., Walsh, L. C. & Lyubomirsky, S. Gratitude facilitates healthy eating behavior in adolescents and young adults. J. Exp. Soc. Psychol. 81 , 4–14 (2019).

Armenta, C. N., Fritz, M. M., Walsh, L. C. & Lyubomirsky, S. Satisfied yet striving: gratitude fosters life satisfaction and improvement motivation in youth. Emotion 22 , 1004–1016 (2020).

Lyubomirsky, S., Dickerhoof, R., Boehm, J. K. & Sheldon, K. M. Becoming happier takes both a will and a proper way: an experimental longitudinal intervention to boost well-being. Emotion 11 , 391–402 (2011).

Oltean, L. E., Miu, A. C., Șoflău, R. & Szentágotai-Tătar, A. Tailoring gratitude interventions. How and for whom do they work? The potential mediating role of reward processing and the moderating role of childhood adversity and trait gratitude. J. Happiness Stud. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10902-022-00530-5 (2022).

Oishi, S., Koo, M., Lim, N. & Suh, E. M. When gratitude evokes indebtedness. Appl. Psychol. Health Well-Being 11 , 286–303 (2019).

Oliveira, R., Baldé, A., Madeira, M., Ribeiro, T. & Arriaga, P. The impact of writing about gratitude on the intention to engage in prosocial behaviors during the COVID-19 outbreak. Front. Psychol. 12 , https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyg.2021.588691 (2021).

Layous, K. et al. The proximal experience of gratitude. PLoS ONE 12 , 1–26 (2017).

Asebedo, S. D., Seay, M. C., Little, T. D., Enete, S. & Gray, B. Three good things or three good financial things? Applying a positive psychology intervention to the personal finance domain. J. Posit. Psychol. 16 , 481–491 (2021).

Neumeier, L. M., Brook, L., Ditchburn, G. & Sckopke, P. Delivering your daily dose of well-being to the workplace: a randomized controlled trial of an online well-being programme for employees. Eur. J. Work Organ. Psychol. 26 , 555–573 (2017).

Manthey, L., Vehreschild, V. & Renner, K. H. Effectiveness of two cognitive interventions promoting happiness with video-based online instructions. J. Happiness Stud. 17 , 319–339 (2016).

Cunha, L. F., Pellanda, L. C. & Reppold, C. T. Positive psychology and gratitude interventions: a randomized clinical trial. Front. Psychol. 10 , https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyg.2019.00584 (2019).

Regan, A., Walsh, L. C. & Lyubomirsky, S. Are some ways of expressing gratitude more beneficial than others? Results from a randomized controlled experiment. Affect. Sci. 4 , 72–81 (2022).

Layous, K., Kumar, S. A., Arendtson, M. & Najera, A. The effects of rumination, distraction, and gratitude on positive and negative affect. J. Pers. Soc. Psychol. 124 , 1053–1078 (2022).

Baumeister, R. F. & Leary, M. R. The need to belong: desire for interpersonal attachments as a fundamental human motivation. Psychol. Bull. 117 , 497–529 (1995).

Dunbar, R. I. M. & Shultz, S. Evolution in the social brain. Science 317 , 1344–1347 (2007).

Ryan, R. M. & Deci, E. L. Self-determination theory and the facilitation of intrinsic motivation, social development, and well-being. Am. Psychol. 55 , 68–78 (2000).

Kardas, M., Schroeder, J. & Brien, E. O. Keep talking: (mis)understanding the hedonic trajectory of conversation. J. Pers. Soc. Psychol. , 123 , 717–740 (2022).

Schroeder, J., Lyons, D. & Epley, N. Hello, stranger? Pleasant conversations are preceded by concerns about starting one. J. Exp. Psychol. Gen. 151 , 1141–1153 (2022).

Jacques-Hamilton, R., Sun, J. & Smillie, L. D. Costs and benefits of acting extraverted: a randomized controlled trial. J. Exp. Psychol. Gen. 148 , 1538–1556 (2018).

Margolis, S. & Lyubomirsky, S. Experimental manipulation of extraverted and introverted behavior and its effects on well-being. J. Exp. Psychol. Gen. 149 , 719–731 (2020).

Gunaydin, G., Oztekin, H., Karabulut, D. H. & Salman-Engin, S. Minimal social interactions with strangers predict greater subjective well-being. J. Happiness Stud. Interdiscip. Forum Subj. Well-Being 22 , 1839–1853 (2021).

Google Scholar  

Van Dam, N. T. et al. Mind the hype: a critical evaluation and prescriptive agenda for research on mindfulness and meditation. Perspect. Psychol. Sci. 13 , 36–61 (2018).

Kabat-Zinn, J. Mindfulness-based interventions in context: past, present, and future. Clin. Psychol. Sci. Pract. 10 , 144–156 (2003).

Brown, K. W. & Ryan, R. M. The benefits of being present: mindfulness and its role in psychological well-being. J. Pers. Soc. Psychol. 84 , 822–848 (2003).

Noone, C. & Hogan, M. J. A randomised active-controlled trial to examine the effects of an online mindfulness intervention on executive control, critical thinking and key thinking dispositions in a university student sample. BMC Psychol. 6 , 1–18 (2018).

Krick, A. & Felfe, J. Who benefits from mindfulness? The moderating role of personality and social norms for the effectiveness on psychological and physiological outcomes among police officers. J. Occup. Health Psychol. 25 , 99–112 (2019).

De Vibe, M. et al. Mindfulness training for stress management: a randomised controlled study of medical and psychology students. BMC Med. Educ. 13 , 107 (2013).

Solhaug, I. et al. Long-term mental health effects of mindfulness training: a 4-year follow-up study. Mindfulness 10 , 1661–1672 (2019).

Gallegos, A., Hoerger, M., Talbot, N., Moynihan, J. & Duberstein, P. Emotional benefits of mindfulness-based stress reduction in older adults: the moderating roles of age and depressive symptom severity. Aging Ment. Health 17 , 823–829 (2013).

Fredrickson, B., Cohn, M. & Al, E. Open hearts build lives: positive emotions, induced through loving-kindness meditation, build consequential personal resources. J. Pers. Soc. Psychol. 95 , 1045–1062 (2008).

Pandya, S. P. Meditation program mitigates loneliness and promotes wellbeing, life satisfaction and contentment among retired older adults: a two-year follow-up study in four South Asian cities. Aging Ment. Health 25 , 286–298 (2021).

Bojanowska, A., Kaczmarek, Ł. D., Urbanska, B. & Puchalska, M. Acting on values: a novel intervention enhancing hedonic and eudaimonic well-being. J. Happiness Stud. 23 , 3889–3908 (2022).

Cheung, R. Y. M., Chan, S. K. C., Chui, H., Chan, W. M. & Ngai, S. Y. S. Enhancing parental well-being: initial efficacy of a 21-day online self-help mindfulness-based intervention for parents. Mindfulness 13 , 2812–2826 (2022).

Chen, S. & Jordan, C. H. Incorporating ethics into brief mindfulness practice: effects on well-being and prosocial behavior. Mindfulness 11 , 18–29 (2020).

Rhodes, R. E., Janssen, I., Bredin, S. S. D., Warburton, D. E. R. & Bauman, A. Physical activity: health impact, prevalence, correlates and interventions. Psychol. Health 32 , 942–975 (2017).

Kokkinos, P. Physical activity, health benefits, and mortality risk. ISRN Cardiol. 2012 , 1–14 (2012).

Haskell, W. L., Blair, S. N. & Hill, J. O. Physical activity: health outcomes and importance for public health policy. Prev. Med. 49 , 280–282 (2009).

Matzer, F., Nagele, E., Lerch, N., Vajda, C. & Fazekas, C. Combining walking and relaxation for stress reduction—a randomized cross-over trial in healthy adults. Stress Health 34 , 266–277 (2018).

Bernstein, E. E. & McNally, R. J. Acute aerobic exercise hastens emotional recovery from a subsequent stressor. Health Psychol. 36 , 560–567 (2017).

Miller, J. C. & Krizan, Z. Walking facilitates positive affect (even when expecting the opposite). Emotion 16 , 775–785 (2016).

Bryan, A., Hutchison, K. E., Seals, D. R. & Allen, D. L. A transdisciplinary model integrating genetic, physiological, and psychological correlate of voluntary exercise. Health Psychol. 26 , 30–39 (2007).

Müller, C. et al. Effects of a single physical or mindfulness intervention on mood, attention, and executive functions: results from two randomized controlled studies in university classes. Mindfulness 12 , 1282–1293 (2021).

Steinberg, H. et al. Exercise enhances creativity independently of mood. Br. J. Sports Med. 31 , 240–245 (1997).

Hui, B. P. H., Parma, L., Kogan, A. & Vuillier, L. Hot yoga leads to greater well-being: a six-week experience-sampling RCT in healthy adults. Psychosoc. Inter. 31 , 67–82 (2022).

Brailovskaia, J., Swarlik, V. J., Grethe, G. A., Schillack, H. & Margraf, J. Experimental longitudinal evidence for causal role of social media use and physical activity in COVID-19 burden and mental health. J. Public Health https://doi.org/10.1007/s10389-022-01751 (2022).

Tse, M. M. Y., Tang, S. K., Wan, V. T. C. & Vong, S. K. S. The effectiveness of physical exercise training in pain, mobility, and psychological well-being of older persons living in nursing homes. Pain. Manag. Nurs. 15 , 778–788 (2014).

Lai, A. Y. K. et al. A community-based lifestyle-integrated physical activity intervention to enhance physical activity, positive family communication, and perceived health in deprived families: a cluster randomized controlled trial. Front. Public Health 8 , https://doi.org/10.3389/fpubh.2020.00434 (2020).

Sjögren, T. et al. Effects of a physical exercise intervention on subjective physical well-being, psychosocial functioning and general well-being among office workers: a cluster randomized-controlled cross-over design. Scand. J. Med. Sci. Sports 16 , 381–390 (2006).

Courneya, K. S., McNeil, J., O’Reilly, R., Morielli, A. R. & Friedenreich, C. M. Dose–response effects of aerobic exercise on quality of life in postmenopausal women: results from the Breast Cancer and Exercise Trial in Alberta (BETA). Ann. Behav. Med. 51 , 356–364 (2017).

de Kort, Y. A. W., Meijnders, A. L., Sponselee, A. A. G. & IJsselsteijn, W. A. What’s wrong with virtual trees? Restoring from stress in a mediated environment. J. Environ. Psychol. 26 , 309–320 (2006).

Zelenski, J. M., Dopko, R. L. & Capaldi, C. A. Cooperation is in our nature: nature exposure may promote cooperative and environmentally sustainable behavior. J. Environ. Psychol. 42 , 24–31 (2015).

Tyrväinen, L. et al. The influence of urban green environments on stress relief measures: a field experiment. J. Environ. Psychol. 38 , https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jenvp.2013.12.005 (2014).

Vert, C. et al. Physical and mental health effects of repeated short walks in a blue space environment: a randomised crossover study. Environ. Res. 188 , 109812 (2020).

Izenstark, D., Ravindran, N., Rodriguez, S. & Devine, N. The affective and conversational benefits of a walk in nature among mother–daughter dyads. Appl. Psychol. Health Well-Being 13 , 299–316 (2021).

Passmore, H. A. & Holder, M. D. Noticing nature: Individual and social benefits of a two-week intervention. J. Posit. Psychol. 12 , 537–546 (2017).

McEwan, K., Richardson, M., Sheffield, D., Ferguson, F. J. & Brindley, P. A smartphone app for improving mental health through connecting with urban nature. Int. J. Environ. Res. Public. Health 16 , 1–15 (2019).

Chambers, C. D. Registered reports: a new publishing initiative at Cortex. Cortex https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cortex.2012.12.016 (2013).

Tversky, A. & Kahneman, D. Availability: a heuristic for judging frequency and probability. Cogn. Psychol. 5 , 207–232 (1973).

Buettner, D., Nelson, T. & Veenhoven, R. Ways to greater happiness: a Delphi study. J. Happiness Stud. 21 , 2789–2806 (2020).

Yarkoni, T. The generalizability crisis. Behav. Brain Sci. 45 , e1 (2022).

Henrich, J., Heine, S. J. & Norenzayan, A. The weirdest people in the world? Behav. Brain Sci. 33 , 61–83 (2010).

Lyubomirsky, S. & Layous, K. How do simple positive activities increase well-being? Curr. Dir. Psychol. Sci. 22 , 57–62 (2013).

Blake, K. R. & Gangestad, S. On attenuated interactions, measurement error, and statistical power: guidelines for social and personality psychologists. Pers. Soc. Psychol. Bull. 46 , 1702–1711 (2020).

Wood, A. M. et al. in The Wiley Handbook of Positive Clinical Psychology (eds Wood, A. M. & Johnson, J.) 137–151 (John Wiley & Sons, 2016).

Fritz, M. M. & Lyubomirsky, S. in The Social Psychology of Living Well (eds Forgas, J. P. & Baumeister, R. F.) Chap 7 (Routledge, 2018).

Farias, M., Maraldi, E., Wallenkampf, K. C. & Lucchetti, G. Adverse events in meditation practices and meditation‐based therapies: a systematic review. Acta Psychiatr. Scand. 142 , 374–393 (2020).

Landis, J. R. & Koch, G. G. The measurement of observer agreement for categorical data. Biometrics 33 , 159 (1977).

Download references

Acknowledgements

We thank S. Lyubomirsky and H. Passmore for comments on a previous version of this manuscript, and M. Smith for providing guidance on conducting the systematic literature search. We also thank J. Tan, P. Ramachadran, R. Li, R. Kaur, C. Peretz and C. Cardle for assistance with the media and scholarly literature searches. Our work was supported by grant #GR012572 from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada (SSHRC; E.D.) and the SSHRC Doctoral Award #6567 (D.F.). The funders had no role in study design, data collection and analysis, decision to publish or preparation of the manuscript.

Author information

Authors and affiliations.

Psychology Department, The University of British Columbia, Vancouver, British Columbia, Canada

Dunigan Folk & Elizabeth Dunn

You can also search for this author in PubMed   Google Scholar

Contributions

D.F. and E.D. both contributed to the conceptualization and writing of the manuscript. D.F. managed the literature review and effect size extraction.

Corresponding author

Correspondence to Dunigan Folk .

Ethics declarations

Competing interests.

The authors have no competing interests to declare.

Peer review

Peer review information.

Nature Human Behaviour thanks Kirk Brown, Jessie Sun, Katie Hobbs and the other, anonymous, reviewer(s) for their contribution to the peer review of this work. Peer reviewer reports are available.

Additional information

Publisher’s note Springer Nature remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations.

Supplementary information

Supplementary information.

Supplemental Tables 1–6.

Reporting Summary

Peer review file, rights and permissions.

Springer Nature or its licensor (e.g. a society or other partner) holds exclusive rights to this article under a publishing agreement with the author(s) or other rightsholder(s); author self-archiving of the accepted manuscript version of this article is solely governed by the terms of such publishing agreement and applicable law.

Reprints and permissions

About this article

Cite this article.

Folk, D., Dunn, E. A systematic review of the strength of evidence for the most commonly recommended happiness strategies in mainstream media. Nat Hum Behav 7 , 1697–1707 (2023). https://doi.org/10.1038/s41562-023-01651-4

Download citation

Received : 04 February 2022

Accepted : 09 June 2023

Published : 20 July 2023

Issue Date : October 2023

DOI : https://doi.org/10.1038/s41562-023-01651-4

Share this article

Anyone you share the following link with will be able to read this content:

Sorry, a shareable link is not currently available for this article.

Provided by the Springer Nature SharedIt content-sharing initiative

This article is cited by

Long-term analysis of a psychoeducational course on university students’ mental well-being.

• Catherine Hobbs
• Sarah Jelbert

Higher Education (2024)

Centenary Personality: Are There Psychological Resources that Distinguish Centenarians?

• Mª Dolores Merino
• Marta Sánchez-Ortega
• Inmaculada Mateo-Rodríguez

Journal of Happiness Studies (2023)

Mindfulness and Happiness

• Bassam Khoury

Mindfulness (2023)

Worker Well-Being: A Continuous Improvement Framework

• Lisa C. Walsh
• Madison Montemayor-Dominguez
• Sonja Lyubomirsky

Applied Research in Quality of Life (2023)

Quick links

• Explore articles by subject
• Guide to authors
• Editorial policies

Sign up for the Nature Briefing newsletter — what matters in science, free to your inbox daily.

ORIGINAL RESEARCH article

The art of happiness: an explorative study of a contemplative program for subjective well-being.

• 1 Department of Psychology and Cognitive Science, University of Trento, Trento, Italy
• 2 Department of Psychology, Sapienza University of Rome, Rome, Italy
• 3 Institute Lama Tzong Khapa, Pisa, Italy

In recent decades, psychological research on the effects of mindfulness-based interventions has greatly developed and demonstrated a range of beneficial outcomes in a variety of populations and contexts. Yet, the question of how to foster subjective well-being and happiness remains open. Here, we assessed the effectiveness of an integrated mental training program The Art of Happiness on psychological well-being in a general population. The mental training program was designed to help practitioners develop new ways to nurture their own happiness. This was achieved by seven modules aimed at cultivating positive cognition strategies and behaviors using both formal (i.e., lectures, meditations) and informal practices (i.e., open discussions). The program was conducted over a period of 9 months, also comprising two retreats, one in the middle and one at the end of the course. By using a set of established psychometric tools, we assessed the effects of such a mental training program on several psychological well-being dimensions, taking into account both the longitudinal effects of the course and the short-term effects arising from the intensive retreat experiences. The results showed that several psychological well-being measures gradually increased within participants from the beginning to the end of the course. This was especially true for life satisfaction, self-awareness, and emotional regulation, highlighting both short-term and longitudinal effects of the program. In conclusion, these findings suggest the potential of the mental training program, such as The Art of Happiness , for psychological well-being.

Introduction

People desire many valuable things in their life, but—more than anything else—they want happiness ( Diener, 2000 ). The sense of happiness has been conceptualized as people's experienced well-being in both thoughts and feelings ( Diener, 2000 ; Kahneman and Krueger, 2006 ). Indeed, research on well-being suggests that the resources valued by society, such as mental health ( Koivumaa-Honkanen et al., 2004 ) and a long life ( Danner et al., 2001 ), associate with high happiness levels. Since the earliest studies, subjective well-being has been defined as the way in which individuals experience the quality of their life in three different but interrelated mental aspects: infrequent negative affect, frequent positive affect, and cognitive evaluations of life satisfaction in various domains (physical health, relationships, and work) ( Diener, 1984 , 1994 , 2000 ; Argyle et al., 1999 ; Diener et al., 1999 ; Lyubomksky et al., 2005 ; Pressman and Cohen, 2005 ). A growing body of research has been carried out aimed at identifying the factors that affect happiness, operationalized as subjective well-being. In particular, the construct of happiness is mainly studied within the research fields of positive psychology or contemplative practices, which are grounded in ancient wisdom traditions. Positive psychology has been defined as the “the scientific study of human strengths and virtues” ( Sheldon and King, 2001 ), and it can be traced back to the reflections of Aristotle about different perspectives on well-being ( Ryan and Deci, 2001 ). On the other end, contemplative practices include a great variety of mental exercises, such as mindfulness, which has been conceived as a form of awareness that emerges from experiencing the present moment without judging those experiences ( Kabat-Zinn, 2003 ; Bishop et al., 2004 ). Most of these exercises stem from different Buddhist contemplative traditions such as Vipassana and Mahayana ( Kornfield, 2012 ). Notably, both perspective share the idea of overcoming suffering and achieving happiness ( Seligman, 2002 ). Particularly, Buddhism supports “the cultivation of happiness, genuine inner transformation, deliberately selecting and focusing on positive mental states” ( Lama and Cutler, 2008 ). In addition, mindfulness has been shown to be positively related to happiness ( Shultz and Ryan, 2015 ), contributing to eudemonic and hedonic well-being ( Howell et al., 2011 ).

In fact, although the definition of happiness has a long history and goes back to philosophical arguments and the search for practical wisdom, in modern times, happiness has been equated with hedonism. It relies on the achievement of immediate pleasure, on the absence of negative affect, and on a high degree of satisfaction with one's life ( Argyle et al., 1999 ). Nonetheless, scholars now argue that authentic subjective well-being goes beyond this limited view and support an interpretation of happiness as a eudemonic endeavor ( Ryff, 1989 ; Keyes, 2006 ; Seligman, 2011 ; Hone et al., 2014 ). Within this view, individuals seem to focus more on optimal psychological functioning, living a deeply satisfying life and actualizing their own potential, personal growth, and a sense of autonomy ( Deci and Ryan, 2008 ; Ryff, 2013 ; Vazquez and Hervas, 2013 ; Ivtzan et al., 2016 ). In psychology, such a view finds one of its primary supports in Maslow's (1981) theory of human motivation. Maslow argued that experience of a higher degree of satisfaction derives from a more wholesome life conduct. In Maslow's hierarchy of needs theory, once lower and more localized needs are satisfied, the unlimited gratification of needs at the highest level brings people to a full and deep experience of happiness ( Inglehart et al., 2008 ). Consequently, today, several scholars argue that high levels of subjective well-being depend on a multi-dimensional perspective, which encompasses both hedonic and eudemonic components ( Huta and Ryan, 2010 ; Ryff and Boylan, 2016 ). Under a wider perspective, the process of developing well-being reflects the notion that mental health and good functioning are more than a lack of illness ( Keyes, 2005 ). This approach is especially evident if we consider that even the definition of mental health has been re-defined by the World Health Organization (1948) , which conceives health not merely as the absence of illness, but as a whole state of biological, psychological, and social well-being.

To date, evidence exists suggesting that happiness is, in some extent, modulable and trainable. Thus, simple cognitive and behavioral strategies that individuals choose in their lives could enhance happiness ( Lyubomirsky et al., 2005 ; Sin and Lyubomirsky, 2009 ). In the history of psychology, a multitude of clinical treatments have been applied to minimize the symptoms of a variety of conditions that might hamper people from being happy, such as anger, anxiety, and depression (for instance, see Forman et al., 2007 ; Spinhoven et al., 2017 ). In parallel with this view, an alternative—and less developed—perspective found in psychology focuses on the scientific study of individual experiences and positive traits, not for clinical ends, but instead for personal well-being and flourishing (e.g., Fredrickson and Losada, 2005 ; Sin and Lyubomirsky, 2009 ). Yet, the question of exactly how to foster subjective well-being and happiness, given its complexity and importance, remains open to research. Answering this question is of course of pivotal importance, both individually and at the societal level. Positive Psychology Interventions encompass simple, self-administered cognitive behavioral strategies intended to reflect the beliefs and behaviors of individuals and, in response to that, to increase the happiness of the people practicing them ( Sin and Lyubomirsky, 2009 ; Hone et al., 2015 ). Specifically, a series of comprehensive psychological programs to boost happiness exist, such as Fordyce's program ( Fordyce, 1977 ), Well-Being Therapy ( Fava, 1999 ), and Quality of Life Therapy ( Frisch, 2006 ). Similarly, a variety of meditation-based programs aim to develop mindfulness and emotional regulatory skills ( Carmody and Baer, 2008 ; Fredrickson et al., 2008 ; Weytens et al., 2014 ), such as Mindfulness-Based Stress Reduction (MBSR; Kabat-Zinn, 1990 ) and Mindfulness-Based Cognitive Therapy (MBCT; Teasdale et al., 2000 ). Far from being a mere trend ( De Pisapia and Grecucci, 2017 ), those mindfulness-based interventions have been shown to lead to increased well-being ( Baer et al., 2006 ; Keng et al., 2011 ; Choi et al., 2012 ; Coo and Salanova, 2018 ; Lambert et al., 2019 ) in several domains, such as cognition, consciousness, self, and affective processing ( Raffone and Srinivasan, 2017 ). Typically, mindfulness programs consist of informal and formal practice that educate attention and develop one's capacity to respond to unpredicted and/or negative thoughts and experiences ( Segal and Teasdale, 2002 ). In this context, individuals are gradually introduced to meditation practices, focusing first on the body and their own breath, and later on thoughts and mental states. The effects of these programs encompass positive emotions and reappraisal ( Fredrickson et al., 2008 ; Grecucci et al., 2015 ; Calabrese and Raffone, 2017 ) and satisfaction in life ( Fredrickson et al., 2008 ; Kong et al., 2014 ) and are related to a reduction of emotional reactivity to negative affect, stress ( Arch and Craske, 2006 ; Jha et al., 2017 ), and aggressive behavior ( Fix and Fix, 2013 ). All these effects mediate the relationship between meditation frequency and happiness ( Campos et al., 2016 ). This allows positive psychology interventions to improve subjective well-being and happiness and also reduce depressive symptoms and negative affect along with other psychopathologies ( Seligman, 2002 ; Quoidbach et al., 2015 ). Engaging in mindfulness might enhance in participants the awareness of what is valuable to them ( Shultz and Ryan, 2015 ). This aspect has been related to the growth of self-efficacy and autonomous functioning and is attributable to an enhancement in eudemonic well-being ( Deci and Ryan, 1980 ). Moreover, being aware of the present moment provides a clearer vision of the existing experience, which in turn has been associated with increases in hedonic well-being ( Coo and Salanova, 2018 ). Following these approaches, recent research provides evidence that trainings that encompass both hedonic and eudemonic well-being are correlated with tangible improved health outcomes ( Sin and Lyubomirsky, 2009 ).

Although there is a consistent interest in scientific research on the general topic of happiness, such studies present several limitations. Firstly, most of the research has focused on clinical studies to assess the effectiveness of happiness-based interventions—in line with more traditional psychological research, which is primarily concerned with the study of mental disorders ( Garland et al., 2015 , 2017 ; Groves, 2016 ). Secondly, most of the existing interventions are narrowly focused on the observation of single dimensions (i.e., expressing gratitude or developing emotional regulation skills) ( Boehm et al., 2011 ; Weytens et al., 2014 ). Moreover, typically studies involve brief 1- to 2-week interventions ( Gander et al., 2016 ), in contrast with the view that eudemonia is related to deep and long-lasting aspects of one's personal lifestyle. Furthermore, while the effectiveness of mindfulness-based therapies is well-documented, research that investigates the effects of mindfulness retreats has been lacking, which are characterized by the involvement of more intense practice from days to even years [for meta-analysis and review, see Khoury et al. (2017) , McClintock et al. (2019) , Howarth et al. (2019) ].

In this article, we report the effects on subjective well-being of an integrated mental training program called The Art of Happiness , which was developed and taught by two of the authors (CM for the core course subject matter and NDP for the scientific presentations). The course lasted 9 months and included three different modules (see Methods and Supplementary Material for all details), namely, seven weekends (from Friday evening to Sunday afternoon) dedicated to a wide range of specific topics, two 5-day long retreats, and several free activities at home during the entire period. The course was designed to help practitioners develop new ways to nurture their own happiness, cultivating both self-awareness and their openness to others, thereby fostering their own emotional and social well-being. The basic idea was to let students discover how the union of ancient wisdom and spiritual practices with scientific discoveries from current neuropsychological research can be applied beneficially to their daily lives. This approach and mental training program was inspired by a book of the Fourteenth Dalai Lama Tenzin Gyatso and the psychiatrist Lama and Cutler (2008) . The program rests on the principle that happiness is inextricably linked to the development of inner equilibrium, a kinder and more open perspective of self, others, and the world, with a key role given to several types of meditation practices. Additionally, happiness is viewed as linked to a conceptual understanding of the human mind and brain, as well as their limitations and potentiality, in the light of the most recent scientific discoveries. To this end, several scientific topics and discoveries from neuropsychology were addressed in the program, with a particular focus on cognitive, affective, and social neuroscience. Topics were taught and discussed with language suitable for the general public, in line with several recent books (e.g., Hanson and Mendius, 2011 ; Dorjee, 2013 ; Goleman and Davidson, 2017 ). The aim of this study was to examine how several psychological measures, related to psychological well-being, changed among participants in parallel with course attendance and meditation practices. Given the abovementioned results of the positive effects on well-being ( Baer et al., 2006 ; Fredrickson et al., 2008 ; Keng et al., 2011 ; Choi et al., 2012 ; Kong et al., 2014 ; Coo and Salanova, 2018 ; Lambert et al., 2019 ), we predicted to find a significant increase in the dimensions of life satisfaction, control of anger, and mindfulness abilities. Conversely, we expected to observe a reduction of negative emotions and mental states ( Arch and Craske, 2006 ; Fix and Fix, 2013 ; Jha et al., 2017 )—i.e., stress, anxiety and anger. Moreover, our aim was to explore how those measures changed during the course of the mental training program, considering not only the general effects of the course (longitudinal effects) but also specific effects within each retreat (short-term effects). Our expectation for this study was therefore that the retreats would have had an effect on the psychological dimensions of well-being linked to the emotional states of our participants, while the whole course would have had a greater effect on the traits related to well-being. The conceptual distinction between states and traits was initially introduced in regard to anxiety by Cattell and Scheier (1961) , and then subsequently further elaborated by Spielberger et al. (1983) . When considering a mental construct (e.g., anxiety or anger), we refer to trait as a relatively stable feature, a general behavioral attitude, which reflects the way in which a person tends to perceive stimuli and environmental situations in the long term ( Spielberger et al., 1983 ; Spielberger, 2010 ). For example, subjects with high trait anxiety have indeed anxiety as a habitual way of responding to stimuli and situations. The state, on the other hand, can be defined as a temporary phase within the emotional continuum, which, for example, in anxiety is expressed through a subjective sensation of tension, apprehension, and nervousness, and is associated with activation of the autonomic nervous system in the short term ( Spielberger et al., 1983 ; Saviola et al., 2020 ). Here, in the adopted tests and analyses, we keep the two time scales separated, and we investigate the results with the aim of understanding the effects of the program on states and traits of different emotional and well-being measures. As a first effect of the course, we expect that the retreats affect mostly psychological states (as measured in the comparison of psychological variables between start and end of each retreat), whereas the full course is predicted to affect mainly psychological traits (as measured in the comparison of the psychological variables between start, middle, and end of the entire 9-month period).

Materials and Methods

Participants.

The participants in the mental training program and in the related research were recruited from the Institute Lama Tzong Khapa (Pomaia, Italy) in a 9-month longitudinal study (seven modules and two retreats) on the effects of a program called The Art of Happiness (see Supplementary Material for full details of the program). Twenty-nine participants followed the entire program (there were nine dropouts after the first module). Their mean age was 52.86 years (range = 39–66; SD = 7.61); 72% were female. Participants described themselves as Caucasian, reaching a medium-high scholarly level with 59% of the participants holding an academic degree and 41% holding a high school degree. The participants were not randomly selected, as they were volunteers in the program. Most of them had no serious prior experience of meditation, only basic experience consisting of personal readings or watching video courses on the web, which overall we considered of no impact to the study. The only exclusion criteria were absence of a history of psychiatric or neurological disease, and not being currently on psychoactive medications. The study was approved by the Ethics Committee of the Sapienza University of Rome, and all participants gave written informed consent. The participants did not receive any compensation for participation in the study.

The overall effectiveness of the 9-month training was examined using a within-subjects design, with perceived stress, mindfulness abilities, etc. (Time: pre–mid–end) as the dependent variable. The effectiveness of the retreats was examined using a 2 × 2 factor within-subjects design (condition: pre vs. post; retreat: 1 vs. 2), with the same dependent variables. The specific contemplative techniques that were applied in the program are described in the Supplementary Material , the procedure is described in the Procedure section, and the measurements are described in the Materials section.

Mental Training Program

The program was developed and offered at the Institute Lama Tzong Khapa (Pomaia, Italy). It was one of several courses that are part of the Institute's ongoing programs under the umbrella of “Secular Ethics and Universal Values.” These various programs provide participants with opportunities to discover how the interaction of ancient wisdom and spiritual practices with contemporary knowledge from current scientific research in neuropsychology can be applied extensively and beneficially to improve the quality of their daily lives.

Specifically, The Art of Happiness was a 9-month program, with one program activity each month, either a weekend module or a retreat; there were two retreats—a mid-course retreat and a concluding retreat (for full details on the program, see Supplementary Material ). Each thematic module provided an opportunity to sequentially explore the topics presented in the core course text, The Art of Happiness by the Lama and Cutler (2008) .

In terms of the content of this program, as mentioned above, the material presented and explored has been drawn on the one hand from the teachings of Mahayana Buddhism and Western contemplative traditions, and current scientific research found in neuropsychology on the other hand. On the scientific side, topics included the effects of mental training and meditation, the psychology and neuroscience of well-being and happiness, neuroplasticity, mind–brain–body interactions, different areas of contemplative sciences, the placebo effects, the brain circuits of attention and mind wandering, stress and anxiety, pain and pleasure, positive and negative emotions, desire and addiction, the sense of self, empathy, and compassion (for a full list of the scientific topics, see Supplementary Material ).

The overall approach of the course was one of non-dogmatic exploration. Topics were presented not as undisputed truths, but instead as information to be shared, explored, examined, and possibly verified by one's own experience. Participants were heartily invited to doubt, explore, and test everything that was shared with them, to examine and experience firsthand whether what was being offered has validity or not.

The course was, essentially, an informed and gentle training of the mind, and in particular of emotions, based on the principle that individual well-being is inextricably linked to the development of inner human virtues and strengths, such as emotional balance, inner self-awareness, an open and caring attitude toward self and others, and clarity of mind that can foster a deeper understanding of one's own and others' reality.

The program provided lectures and discussions, readings, and expert videos introducing the material pertinent to each module's topic. Participants engaged with the material through listening, reading, discussing, and questioning. Participants were provided with additional learning opportunities to investigate each topic more deeply, critically, and personally, through the media of meditation, journaling, application to daily life, exercises at home, and contemplative group work with other participants in dyads and triads. Participants were then encouraged to reflect repeatedly on their insights and on their experiences, both successful and not, to apply their newly acquired understandings to their lives, by incorporating a daily reflection practice into their life schedule. The two program retreats also provided intensive contemplative experiences and activities, both individual and in dialogue with others.

On this basis, month after month in different dedicated modules, participants learned new ways to nurture their own happiness, to cultivate their openness to others, to develop their own emotional and social well-being, and to understand some of the scientific discoveries on these topics.

The specific topics addressed in corresponding modules and retreats, each in a different and consecutive month, were as follows: (1) The Purpose of Life: Authentic Happiness; (2) Empathy and Compassion; (3) Transforming Life's Suffering; (4) Working with Disturbing Emotions I: Hate and Anger; first retreat (intermediate); (5) Working with Disturbing Emotions II: The Self Image; (6) Life and Death; (7) Cultivating the Spiritual Dimension of Life: A Meaningful Life; second retreat (final). Full details of the entire program are reported in the Supplementary Material .

Participants were guided in the theory and practice of various contemplative exercises throughout the course pertaining to all the different themes. Recorded versions of all the various meditation exercises were made available to participants, enabling them to repeat these practices at home at their own pace.

Participants were encouraged to enter the program already having gained some basic experience of meditation, but this was not a strict requirement. In fact, not all participants in this experiment actually fulfilled this (only five), although each of the other participants had previous basic experiences of meditation (through personal readings, other video courses, etc.). In spite of this variety, by the end of the 9-month program, all participants were comfortable with contemplative practices in general and more specifically with the idea of maintaining a meditation practice in their daily lives.

During the various Art of Happiness modules, a variety of basic attentional and mindful awareness meditations were practiced in order to enhance attentional skills and cultivate various levels of cognitive, emotional, social, and environmental awareness.

Analytical and reflective contemplations are a form of deconstructive meditation ( Dahl et al., 2015 ), which were applied during the course in different contexts. On the one hand, these types of meditations were applied in the context of heart-opening practices—for example, in the cultivation of gratitude, forgiveness, loving-kindness toward self and others, self-compassion, and compassion for others. Analytical and reflective meditations were also practiced as a learning tool for further familiarization with some of the more philosophical subject matter of the course—engaging in a contemplative analysis of impermanence (for example, contemplating more deeply and personally the transitory nature of one's own body, of one's own emotions and thoughts, as well as of the material phenomena that surround us). These analytical meditations were also accompanied by moments of concentration (sustained attention) at the conclusion of each meditation focusing on what the meditator has learned or understood in the meditative process, in order to stabilize and reinforce those insights more deeply within the individual.

Additional contemplative activities were also included in the program: contemplative art activities, mindful listening, mindful dialogue, and the practice of keeping silence during the retreat. Participants were, in addition, encouraged to keep a journal of their experiences during their Art of Happiness journey, especially in relation to their meditations and the insights and questions that emerged within themselves, in order to enhance their self-awareness and cultivate a deeper understanding of themselves, their inner life and well-being, and their own inner development during the course and afterward.

During the two retreats, the previous topics were explored again (modules 1–4 for the intermediary retreat and modules 5–7 for the final retreat), but without discussing the theoretical aspects (i.e., the neuroscientific and psychological theories), instead only focusing on the contemplative practices, which were practiced extensively for the whole day, both individually and in group activities (for a full list of the contemplative practices and retreat activities, see Supplementary Material ).

We collected data at five-time points, always during the first day (either of the module or the retreat): at baseline (month 1 - T0), at pre (T1) and post (P1) of the mid-course retreat (month 5–Retreat 1), and at pre (T2) and post (R2) of the final retreat (month 9–Retreat 2), as shown in Figure 1 . Participants filled out the questionnaires on paper all together within the rooms of the Institute Lama Tzong Khapa at the beginning of each module or retreat, and at the end of the retreats, with the presence of two researchers. The order of the questionnaires was randomized, per person and each questionnaire session lasted less than an hour.

Figure 1 . The timing of the course and the experimental procedure, including the modules, the retreats, and the 5 data collections (from T0 to P2).

The adopted questionnaires were those commonly used in the literature to measure a variety of traits and states linked to well-being. An exhaustive description of the self-reported measures follows below.

Satisfaction With Life Scale (SWLS)

The SWLS ( Diener et al., 1985 ) was developed to represent cognitive judgments of life satisfaction. Participants indicated their agreement in five items with a seven-point Likert scale, ranging from 1 (strongly disagree) to 7 (strongly agree). Scores range from 5 to 35, with higher scores representing higher levels of satisfaction. Internal consistency is very good with Cronbach's α = 0.85 [Italian version of the normative data in Di Fabio and Palazzeschi (2012) ].

Short Version of the Perceived Stress Scale (PSS-10)

The PSS ( Cohen et al., 1983 ) was designed to assess individual perception and reaction to stressful daily-life situations. The questionnaire consists of 10 questions related to the feelings and thoughts of the last month, with a value ranging from 0 (never) to 4 (very often) depending on the severity of the disturbance caused. Scores range from 0 to 40. Higher scores represent higher levels of perceived stress, reflecting the degree to which respondents find their lives unpredictable or overloaded. Cronbach's α ranges from 0.78 to 0.93 [Italian version of the normative data by Mondo et al. (2019) ].

State-Trait Anxiety Inventory (STAI)

The STAI ( Spielberger et al., 1983 ) was developed to assess anxiety. It has 40 items, on which respondents evaluate themselves in terms of frequency with a four-point Likert scale ranging from 1 (almost never) to 4 (almost always). The items are grouped in two independent subscales of 20 items each that assess state anxiety, with questions regarding the respondents' feelings at the time of administration, and trait anxiety, with questions that explore how the participant feels habitually. The scores range from 20 to 80. Higher scores reflect higher levels of anxiety. Internal consistency coefficients for the scale ranged from 0.86 to 0.95 [Italian version of the normative data by Spielberger et al. (2012) ].

Positive and Negative Affect Schedule (PANAS)

PANAS ( Watson et al., 1988 ) measures two distinct and independent dimensions: positive and negative affect. The questionnaire consists of 20 adjectives, 10 for the positive affect subscale and 10 for the negative affect scale. The positive affect subscale reflects the degree to which a person feels enthusiastic, active, and determined while the negative affect subscale refers to some unpleasant general states such as anger, guilt, and fear. The test presents a five-point Likert scale (1 = very slightly or not at all; 5 = extremely). The alpha reliabilities are acceptably high, ranging from 0.86 to 0.90 for positive affect and from 0.84 to 0.87 for negative affect [Italian version of the normative data by Terracciano et al. (2003) ].

Five Facet Mindfulness Questionnaire (FFMQ)

The FFMQ ( Baer et al., 2008 ) was developed to assess mindfulness facets through 39 items rated on a five-point Likert scale, ranging from 1 (never or very rarely true) to 5 (very often or always true). A total of five subscales are included: attention and observation of one's own thoughts, feelings, perceptions, and emotions ( Observe ); the ability to describe thoughts in words, feelings, perceptions, and emotions ( Describe ); act with awareness, with attention focused and sustained on a task or situation, without mind wandering ( Act-aware ); non-judgmental attitude toward the inner experience ( Non-Judge ); and the tendency to not react and not to reject inner experience ( Non-React ). Normative data of the FFMQ have demonstrated good internal consistency, with Cronbach's α ranging from 0.79 to 0.87 [Italian version by Giovannini et al. (2014) ].

State-Trait Anger Expression Inventory-2 (STAXI-2)

The STAXI-2 ( Spielberger, 1999 ) provides measures to assess the experience, expression, and control of anger. It comprises 57 items rated on a four-point Likert scale, ranging from 0 (not at all) to 3 (very much indeed). Items are grouped by four scales: the first, State Anger scale, refers to the emotional state characterized by subjective feelings and relies on three more subscales: Angry Feelings, Physical Expression of Anger, and Verbal Expression of Anger. The second scale is the Trait Anger and indicates a disposition to perceive various situations as annoying or frustrating with two subscales—Angry Temperament and Angry Reaction. The third and last scales are Anger Expression and Anger Control. These assess anger toward the environment and oneself according to four relatively independent subscales: Anger Expression-OUT, Anger Expression-IN, Anger Control-OUT, and Anger Control-IN. Alpha coefficients STAXI-2 were above 0.84 for all scales and subscales, except for Trait Anger Reaction, which had an alpha coefficient of 0.76 [Italian version by Spielberger (2004) ].

Statistical Analysis

The responses on each questionnaire were scored according to their protocols, which resulted in one score per participant and a time point for each of the 22 scale/subscale questionnaires examined. Missing values (<2%) were imputed using the median. Descriptive statistics for all variables were analyzed and are summarized in Table 1 and in the first panel (column) of Figures 2 – 5 . Prior to conducting primary analyses, the distribution of scores on all the dependent variables was evaluated. Because the data were not normally distributed, we used non-parametric tests. Permutation tests are non-parametric tests as they do not rely on assumptions about the distribution of the data and can be used with different types of scales and with a small sample size.

Table 1 . Descriptive statistics of the depended variables among time points.

Figure 2 . Results of the Satisfaction with Life Scale (SWLS), Perceived Stress Scale (PSS), State and Trait Anxiety Index (STAI), and Positive and Negative Affect Scales (PANAS). The first (left) panel depicts pooled mean raw data per time point estimating 95% confidence interval. The second (central) panel represents changes in pooled mean ( y -axis) between retreats. The solid line represents retreat 1 and the dotted line denotes retreat 2 derived from the contrasts of the two-way ANOVA. The third (right) panel depicts bar charts representing the changes in mean between the 3 time points derived from the one-way ANOVA. Note that scores are on the y -axis and time is on the x -axis. Time points legend: baseline (month 1—T0), pre (T1), post (P1), mid-course retreat (month 5—retreat 1), pre (T2), and post (R2) of the final retreat (month 9—retreat 2). Statistical significance, * p < 0.05.

Figure 3 . Results for the Five Facet Mindfulness Questionnaire FFMQ (Observe, Describe, Act with Awareness, Non-judge, and Non-react). The first (left) panel depicts pooled mean raw data per time point estimating 95% confidence interval. The second (central) panel represents changes in pooled mean ( y -axis) between retreats. The solid line represents retreat 1 and the dotted line denotes retreat 2 derived from the contrasts of the two-way ANOVA. The third (right) panel depicts bar charts representing the changes in mean between the 3 time points derived from one-way ANOVA. Note that scores are on the y -axis and time id on the x -axis. Time points legend: baseline (month 1—T0), pre (T1), post (P1), mid-course retreat (month 5—retreat 1), pre (T2), and post (P2) of the final retreat (month 9—retreat 2). Statistical significance, * p < 0.05.

Figure 4 . Results of the first part of the State Trait Anger Expression Inventory (STAXI-2): State Anger, State Anger Feelings, State Anger Physical, State Anger Verbal, Trait Anger, and Trait Anger Temperament. The first (left) panel depicts pooled mean raw data per time point estimating 95% confidence interval. The second (central) panel represents changes in pooled mean ( y -axis) between retreats. The solid line represents retreat 1 and the dotted line denotes retreat 2 derived from the contrasts of the two-way ANOVA. The third (right) panel depicts bar charts representing the changes in mean between the 3 time points derived from one-way ANOVA. Note that scores are on the y -axis and time is on the x -axis. Time points legend: baseline (month 1—T0), pre (T1), post (P1), mid-course retreat (month 5—retreat 1), pre (T2), and post (R2) of the final retreat (month 9—retreat 2). Statistical significance, ** p < 0.01 and * p < 0.05.

Figure 5 . Results from the second part of the State Trait Anger Expression Inventory (STAXI-2): Trait Anger Reaction, Anger Expression-IN, Anger Expression-OUT, Anger Control-IN, and Anger Control OUT. The first (left) panel depicts pooled mean raw data per time point estimating 95% confidence interval. The second (central) panel represents changes in pooled mean ( y -axis) between retreats. The solid line represents retreat 1 and the dotted line denotes retreat 2 derived from the contrasts of the two-way ANOVA. The third (right) panel depicts bar charts representing the changes in mean between the 3 time points derived from one-way ANOVA. Note that scores are on the y -axis and time is on the x -axis. Time points legend: baseline (month 1—T0), pre (T1), post (P1), mid-course retreat (month 5—Retreat 1), pre (T2), and post (R2) of the final retreat (month 9—Retreat 2). Statistical significance, * p < 0.05.

The longitudinal effects of the program were analyzed to determine whether scores changed between the start, mid-point (5 months), and the end (9 months) of the course. To achieve this, we compared the main effect of the program on the score , considering Time as a unique factor with three levels: at the baseline (T0), at the pre of the mid-retreat (T1), and at the pre of the final retreat (T2). Here, we used a one-way permutation Repeated Measures Analysis of Variance (RM ANOVA) with the aovperm() function from the Permuco package v. 1.0.2 in R ( Frossard and Renaud, 2018 ), which implements a method from Kherad-Pajouh and Renaud (2014) . The difference between the traditional and the permutation ANOVA is that, while the traditional ANOVA tests the equality of the group mean, the permutation version tests the exchangeability of the group observations. In this study, the number of permutations was set to 100,000 and the alpha level was set to 0.05; therefore, the p -value was computed as the ratio between the number of permutation tests that have an F value higher than the critical F value and the number of permutations performed. Effect size estimates were calculated using partial eta squared. Post hoc testing used pairwise permutational t -tests with the “pairwise.perm.t.test” function from the “RVAideMemoire” package in R ( Hervé and Hervé, 2020 ). To account for Type I errors introduced by multiple pairwise tests and Type II errors introduced by small sample size, we applied the false discovery rate (FDR) correction method of Benjamini and Hochberg (1995) and set statistical significance at p = 0.05. Results are summarized in Table 2 and in the third panel (column) of Figures 2 – 5 .

Table 2 . One-way ANOVA and pairwise comparison results with 100,000 permutations.

The short-term effects of the contemplative program on each retreat were analyzed to determine whether scores changed post-retreats and whether these changes occurred in both retreats. Thus, we used a two-way permutation RM ANOVA, with the score of each scale/subscale as the dependent variable and the within-subject factors Retreat (1, 2) and Condition (Pre T1/T2, Post P1/P2) as independent variables. Results are summarized in Table 3 and in the second panel (column) of Figures 2 – 5 .

Table 3 . Results of the two-way permutation RM ANOVAs.

In addition, we explored differences attributed to the course and to the retreats using a paired permutation t test with the “perm.t.test()” function in R. We compare those psychological measures at the beginning of the course (T0) with its very end (P2), which coincided with the end of the second retreat. In this way, we illustrate a summary of changes due both to the second retreat and to the whole course. The results are summarized in Table 4 and depicted in a radar plot in Figure 6 .

Table 4 . Overall changes between the start (T0) and the end of the course (P2).

Figure 6 . Results of the permutation t -test between the start and the end of the course. All values ranged from 0 to 1. Variables: SWLS, Satisfaction with Life Scale; S-Ang/F, Feeling Angry; S-Ang/V, Feel like Expressing Anger Verbally; S-Ang/P, Feel like Expressing Anger Physically; T-Ang/T, Angry Temperament; T-Ang/R, Angry reaction; AX-O, Anger Expression-OUT; AX-I, Anger Expression-IN; AC-O, Anger Control-OUT; AC-I, Anger Control-IN; PSS, Perceived Stress Scale; STAI-Y1, State-Trait Anxiety Inventory—State; STAI-Y2, State-Trait Anxiety Inventory—Trait; PA and NA, Positive and Negative Affect Scales, respectively; OBS, Observe; DES, Describe; AWA, Act with awareness, Njudge, Non-judge; NReact, Non-react. To make consistent that an increase of the specific scale corresponds to an improvement in well-being, negative scales were reversed, namely: PSS, STAI-Y1, STAI-Y2, PANAS-NA, S-Ang, S-Ang/F, S-Ang/P, S-Ang/V, T-Ang, T-Ang/T, S-Ang/R, AX-O, AX-I. Concerning the statistical significance, *** p < 0.001, ** p < 0.01, and * p < 0.05.

Effects of the Program

Results from one-way permutation RM ANOVA showed a statistically significant effect of the program on SWLS at the p = 0.008 level over the Time course factor with a large effect size (ηp 2 = 0.16). Post hoc analysis revealed that the SWLS score was significantly higher at T2 with respect to T2 (mean difference = 2.48; p = 0.016). Similarly, SWLS was higher T2 as compared to T1 (mean difference = 1.38; p = 0.032).

Results also provided statistically significant evidence of changes in the PSS over the Time course ( p = 0.009), showing a large effect size (ηp 2 = 0.16). Post-hoc results showed a difference between T0 and T1, revealing that the PSS was significantly lower at T1 (mean difference = −2, p = 0.02).

Results revealed a significant effect of the Time course for Trait Anxiety ( p = 0.009, ηp 2 = 0.16). Post-hoc tests revealed a reduction in Trait Anxiety from the start of the course (T0) to the first day of the second retreat (T2) (M diff. = −3.21, p = 0.25).

Results also showed a significant effect of the Time course for negative affect ( p = 0.004, ηp 2 = 0.19). Post hoc analysis revealed that contemplative practice led to a reduction in negative affect from the baseline (T0) to the first day of the first retreat (T1) (mean difference = −2.42) and between T0 and first day of the second retreat (T2) (mean difference = −2.92), which differed significantly with p = 0.021 and p = 0.012, respectively.

Moreover, a significant effect of the Time course was found for several subscales of the FFMQ. First, the observe scale was found at the p = 0.023 level showing a large effect size (ηp 2 = 0.13). Post-hoc comparisons revealed an increasing capacity to observe one's own thoughts, from the middle of the course (T1) to the first day of the second retreat (T2) (mean difference = 1.58, p = 0.038). Likewise, there was a significant difference for the capacity to Act with Awareness ( p = 0.036, ηp 2 = 0.12). Post hoc comparisons revealed an increased level at T2 as compared to T1 (mean difference = 2.07, p = 0.043). The Time course had a significant effect on the Non-Judge subscale with a large effect size ( p = 0.002, ηp 2 = 0.20). Post hoc analysis indicated a significant increase from T0 to T1 (mean difference = 2.07, p = 0.013), as well as from T0 to T2 (mean difference = 3.31, p = 0.013).

In regard to the STAXI-2, we found Time course significant effects on Trait Anger ( p = 0.001, ηp 2 = 0.23) and its subscales, Trait Anger Temperament ( p = 0.001, ηp 2 = 0.22) and Trait Anger Reaction ( p = 0.016, ηp 2 = 0.14). Post-hoc comparisons revealed a significance difference on the Trait Anger Scale, which decreased from the beginning of the course (T0) to 5 months later (T1) (mean difference = −1.83, p = 0.041) and also from T0 to the end of the course (T2) (mean difference = −3.24, p = 0.002). Similarly, State Anger Temperament significantly decreased from T0 to T1 (mean difference = −0.79, p = 0.016) and from T0 to T2 (mean difference = −1.38, p = 0.008). Additionally, Trait Anger Reaction decreased from T0 to T2 (mean difference = −1.24, p = 0.023). Finally, the longitudinal effect of the course on the STAXI-2 led to significant results in the Anger Control-IN subscale over the Time course ( p = 0.03, ηp 2 = 0.12). Here, post-hoc comparisons showed a statistically significant difference between T0 and T2, which increased (mean difference = 1.76, p =.044). For more details, see Table 2 and the third panel (column) of Figures 2 – 5 .

Effects of the Retreats

Two-way permutation RM ANOVAs showed a significant main effect for Retreat on SWLS ( p = 0.002, ηp 2 = 0.16), Trait Anxiety ( p = 0.001, ηp 2 = 0.19), positive affect ( p = 0.044, ηp 2 = 0.07), Observe ( p = 0.008, ηp 2 = 0.12), Act with awareness ( p ≤ 0.001, ηp 2 = 0.22), Non-Judge ( p = 0.045, ηp 2 =.07), Non-React ( p = 0.02, ηp 2 = 0.10), Trait Anger ( p = 0.008, ηp 2 = 0.12), Trait Anger Temperament ( p = 0.022, ηp 2 = 0.09), Trait Anger Reaction ( p = 0.019, ηp 2 = 0.10), and Anger Control-IN ( p = 0.029, ηp 2 = 0.08). A main effect of the Condition (Pre vs. Post) was found only for the State Anxiety scale with p = 0.004 and a large effect size (ηp 2 = 0.14). Analysis results including F statistics are summarized in Table 3 ; a visual representation of the data is presented in the second panel (column) of Figures 2 – 5 .

Overall Effects of the Course and Retreats

As predicted, permutation t -test analysis revealed that participants increased their reported level of SWLS from the start (T0) to the end (P2) of the course (mean difference = 2.83, p = 0.008). Two subscales from the FFMQ, namely, the capacity to observe one's own thoughts (mean difference = 1.86, p = 0.039) and non-judgmental attitude toward the inner experience (mean difference = 3.24, p = 0.006), also significantly increased from the start to the end of the course. On the other hand, the affect linked to the progression from the start (T0) to the very end of the course (P2) was related to a significant decrease in the negative affect (mean difference = −3.62, p = 0.001). In the same way, the average level of stress of the sample decreased significantly (mean difference = −1.9, p = 0.033) along with a significant decrease of Trait Anxiety (M diff = −3.97, p ≤ 0.001). Participants also decreased on almost all STAXI-2 subscales. Here, the results from permutation paired t -test reveal a significant difference in scores, which decreased from T0 to P2 on all the subscales of Trait Anger (mean difference = −3.55, p ≤ 0.001; Trait Anger Temperament: mean difference = −1.34, p ≤ 0.001; Trait Anger Reaction: mean difference = −1.52, p ≤ 0.001), with an increased value for the subscales Anger Control-OUT (mean difference = 1.93, p ≤ 0.009) and Anger Control-IN (mean difference = 1.93, p = 0.017). For more details, see Table 4 and Figure 6 .

The aim of this study was to examine the effectiveness of an integrated 9-month mental training program called The Art of Happiness , which was developed to increase well-being in a general population. By a range of well-established psychometric assessment tools, we quantified how several psychological well-being variables changed with course attendance. We took into account both the trait effects of the course acting at a long timescale (over the 9-month duration of the full course) and the state effects of intensive retreat experiences acting at a short time scale (over the course of each of the two retreats). Several psychological well-being measures related to states and—more importantly—traits gradually improved as participants progressed from the beginning to the end of the course.

On the one hand, the program produced a significant longitudinal effect (9 months) revealing a progressive increase in the volunteer's levels of life satisfaction and of the capacities to reach non-judgmental mental states, to act with awareness, to non-react to inner experience, and to exercise control over attention to the internal state of anger, in line with other contemplative interventions ( Fredrickson et al., 2008 ; Keng et al., 2011 ; Baer et al., 2012 ; Kong et al., 2014 ). Conversely, after the completion of the program, there were decreases in levels of trait anxiety, trait anger (including both the anger temperament and reaction subscales), and negative affect, showing a progressive reduction during the intervention. These results support prior research that demonstrated the longitudinal positive effects of a multitude of contemplative practices on well-being measures linked to—among others—decreased trait anxiety, trait anger, and negative affect ( Fix and Fix, 2013 ; Khoury et al., 2015 ; Gotink et al., 2016 ). Such findings highlight the gradual development of mental states related to subjective well-being in parallel with ongoing contemplative practices over a time scale of months, with a gradual increase of wholesome mental states, and a gradual decrease of unwholesome mental states. Notably, as in other mindfulness interventions ( Khoury et al., 2015 ; Gotink et al., 2016 ), there was a significant reduction in the level of perceived stress already in the first few months of the program (T0–T1).

Additionally, these results show the specific effects between retreat experiences within the program as an intervention for fostering happiness. Specifically, the retreats had a positive effect on the participants' perceived well-being, which improved between the two retreats (with a 4-month interval). Among other assessed dimensions, between the retreats, there were significantly increased levels of life satisfaction, positive affect, and mindful abilities to act with awareness, to observe, non-react, and non-judge inner experience and the capacity to control anger toward oneself. Conversely, there were significantly lower levels of trait anxiety and trait anger (including both the anger temperament and reaction subscales) between the retreats (over a period of 4 months).

Regarding the very short effects of the course, we highlight significant changes within the first part of the training and prior to the first retreat (T0–T1). Here, some variables related to happiness changed most, suggesting their independence from retreat. Particularly, PSS notably decreased along with negative affect and Trait Anger (the subscale of Angry Temperament), while the capacity of non-judgmental attitude toward the inner experience significantly increased, providing useful information for future interventions.

Moreover, participants' state anxiety significantly decreased in a very short time (5 days), between pre and post of both retreats. These findings are consistent with previous studies, which demonstrated the positive effects of contemplative training and practices on these measures in retreats ( Khoury et al., 2017 ; Howarth et al., 2019 ; McClintock et al., 2019 ). In Figure 6 , we make a general and integrated comparison between the various psychological measures, comparing the very beginning of the course with its very end, which also coincided with the end of the second retreat. In this way, we illustrate both state changes (due to the second retreat) and trait changes (due to the whole course). This representation allows an integrated view of all the changes that took place at different time scales. This graph might suggest that the only measures that did not change significantly from the beginning to the end of the course are those in which the participants already had a score strongly oriented toward well-being, and therefore with little room for a change. Thus, future studies could take into account individual differences when evaluating happiness programs.

Although the present findings are promising, this study presents several limitations that need to be taken into consideration. The two main limitations rely on the absence of a randomized control group and in the fact that participants were self-selected. This lack of verification makes it difficult to determine whether the results are attributable to the program or to other factors, for example, simply arising due to spending time in a happiness-oriented activity. It is also important to note that despite examining several assessments within persons, the sample size was restricted to 29. Furthermore, responses to the questionnaires may have been biased toward the socially desirable response as the course's staff administered them, and another active group could have controlled for these effects. Consequently, it is recommended to conduct future studies with larger samples and a well-designed and controlled trial, in order to achieve more conclusive findings. Another limitation is that, while all the participants attended the whole course with a comparable (coherent) level of commitment to the practices (including the retreats), we did not verify their course-related activity and practices at home, and therefore, we have no way to check whether they actually did the practice activities at home as suggested during the modules.

Possible new directions of exploration of this study concern the age range of the participants, which, in our case, was limited to middle-aged individuals (39–66), and therefore, the effects on younger or older individuals remain currently unexplored. Another interesting direction would be to conduct follow-up measurements to assess the stability of the longitudinal effects months or years after the end of the program. Finally, while well-being and happiness are individual and subjective narratives of one's life as good and happy ( Bauer et al., 2008 ), and therefore self-assessments through questionnaires are a valid and common tool of investigation, in interventions such as The Art of Happiness , it would be appropriate to also explore individual differences, more objective psychophysiological effects, as well as cultural and social aspects influencing the inner model of happiness.

Despite these methodological limitations and still unexplored directions of research, the results described here suggest that The Art of Happiness may be a promising program for fostering well-being in individuals, improving mental health and psychological functioning. Longitudinal integrated contemplative programs with retreats offer a unique opportunity for the intensive development of the inner attitudes related to the capacity to be happy, reducing mental health symptoms and improving a more stable eudemonic well-being in healthy adults.

Data Availability Statement

The data that support the findings of this study are available from the corresponding author, Nicola De Pisapia, upon reasonable request.

Ethics Statement

The studies involving human participants were reviewed and approved by Ethics Committee of the Sapienza University of Rome. The participants provided their written informed consent to participate in this study.

Author Contributions

ND, CM, and AR designed the study. ND, CM, LC, and AR collected the data. CR analyzed the data. CR and ND wrote the original draft. All authors edited and reviewed the manuscript.

Conflict of Interest

The authors declare that the research was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest.

Acknowledgments

We thank the Institute Lama Tzong Khapa (Pomaia, Italy) for the support in various phases of this experiment. We also wish to express our gratitude to the reviewers for their thoughtful comments and efforts toward improving the manuscript.

Supplementary Material

The Supplementary Material for this article can be found online at: https://www.frontiersin.org/articles/10.3389/fpsyg.2021.600982/full#supplementary-material

Arch, J. J., and Craske, M. G. (2006). Mechanisms of mindfulness: emotion regulation following a focused breathing induction. Behav. Res. Ther. 44, 1849–1858. doi: 10.1016/j.brat.2005.12.007

PubMed Abstract | CrossRef Full Text | Google Scholar

Argyle, M., Kahneman, D., Diener, E., and Schwarz, N. (1999). Well-Being: The Foundations of Hedonic Psychology , eds D. Kahneman, E. Diener, and N. Schwarz. Russell Sage Found.

Google Scholar

Baer, R. A., Lykins, E. L. B., and Peters, J. R. (2012). Mindfulness and self-compassion as predictors of psychological wellbeing in long-term meditators and matched nonmeditators. J. Posit. Psychol. 7, 230–238. doi: 10.1080/17439760.2012.674548

CrossRef Full Text | Google Scholar

Baer, R. A., Smith, G. T., Hopkins, J., Krietemeyer, J., and Toney, L. (2006). Using self-report assessment methods to explore facets of mindfulness. Assessment 13, 27–45. doi: 10.1177/1073191105283504

Baer, R. A., Smith, G. T., Lykins, E., Button, D., Krietemeyer, J., Sauer, S., et al. (2008). Construct validity of the five facet mindfulness questionnaire in meditating and nonmeditating samples. Assessment 15, 329–342. doi: 10.1177/1073191107313003

Bauer, J. J., McAdams, D. P., and Pals, J. L. (2008). Narrative identity and eudaimonic well-being. J. Happiness Stud. 9, 81–104. doi: 10.1007/s10902-006-9021-6

Benjamini, Y., and Hochberg, Y. (1995). Controlling the false discovery rate: a practical and powerful approach to multiple testing. J. R. Stat. Soc. Ser. B 57, 289–300. doi: 10.1111/j.2517-6161.1995.tb02031.x

Bishop, S. R., Lau, M., Shapiro, S., Carlson, L., Anderson, N. D., Carmody, J., et al. (2004). Mindfulness: a proposed operational definition. Clin. Psychol. Sci. Pract. 11, 230–241. doi: 10.1093/clipsy.bph077

Boehm, J. K., Lyubomirsky, S., and Sheldon, K. M. (2011). A longitudinal experimental study comparing the effectiveness of happiness-enhancing strategies in Anglo Americans and Asian Americans. Cogn. Emot. 25, 1263–1272. doi: 10.1080/02699931.2010.541227

Calabrese, L., and Raffone, A. (2017). Gli aspetti della pratica della mindfulness e la centralita ‘della regolazione del se’. G. Ital. di Psicol. 44, 271–274. doi: 10.1421/87330

Campos, D., Cebolla, A., Quero, S., Bretón-López, J., Botella, C., Soler, J., et al. (2016). Meditation and happiness: Mindfulness and self-compassion may mediate the meditation-happiness relationship. Pers. Individ. Dif. 93, 80–85. doi: 10.1016/j.paid.2015.08.040

Carmody, J., and Baer, R. A. (2008). Relationships between mindfulness practice and levels of mindfulness, medical and psychological symptoms and well-being in a mindfulness-based stress reduction program. J. Behav. Med. 31, 23–33. doi: 10.1007/s10865-007-9130-7

Cattell, R. B., and Scheier, I. H. (1961). The Meaning and Measurement of Neuroticism and Anxiety . New York, NY: The Ronald Press Company

Choi, Y., Karremans, J. C., and Barendregt, H. (2012). The happy face of mindfulness: mindfulness meditation is associated with perceptions of happiness as rated by outside observers. J. Posit. Psychol. 7, 30–35. doi: 10.1080/17439760.2011.626788

Cohen, J. (2013). Statistical Power Analysis for the Behavioral Sciences . New York, NY: Routledge.

PubMed Abstract | Google Scholar

Cohen, S., Kamarck, T., and Mermelstein, R. (1983). A global measure of perceived stress. J. Health Soc. Behav. 24, 385–396. doi: 10.2307/2136404

Coo, C., and Salanova, M. (2018). Mindfulness can make you happy-and-productive: a mindfulness controlled trial and its effects on happiness, work engagement and performance. J. Happiness Stud. 19, 1691–1711. doi: 10.1007/s10902-017-9892-8

Dahl, C. J., Lutz, A., and Davidson, R. J. (2015). Reconstructing and deconstructing the self: cognitive mechanisms in meditation practice. Trends Cogn. Sci. 19, 515–523. doi: 10.1016/j.tics.2015.07.001

Danner, D. D., Snowdon, D. A., and Friesen, W. V. (2001). Positive emotions in early life and longevity: findings from the nun study. J. Pers. Soc. Psychol. 80, 804–813. doi: 10.1037/0022-3514.80.5.804

De Pisapia, N., and Grecucci, E. A. (2017). Mindfulness: fashion or revolution? G. Ital. di Psicol. 44, 249–270. doi: 10.1421/87329

CrossRef Full Text

Deci, E. L., and Ryan, R. M. (1980). Self-determination theory: when mind mediates behavior. J. mind Behav. 1, 33–43.

Deci, E. L., and Ryan, R. M. (2008). Hedonia, eudaimonia, and well-being: an introduction. J. Happiness Stud. 9, 1–11. doi: 10.1007/s10902-006-9018-1

Di Fabio, A., and Palazzeschi, L. (2012). The Satisfaction With Life Scale (SWLS): Un contributo alla validazione italiana con lavoratori adulti [The Satisfaction With Life Scale (SWLS): A contribution to Italian validation with adult workers]. Counseling 5, 207–215.

Diener, E. (1984). Subjective well-being. Psychol. Bull . 95, 542–575. doi: 10.1037/0033-2909.95.3.542

Diener, E. (1994). Assessing subjective well-being: progress and opportunities. Soc. Indicat. Res. 31, 103–157.

Diener, E. (2000). Subjective well-being: the science of happiness and a proposal for a national index. Am. Psychol. 55, 34–43. doi: 10.1037/0003-066X.55.1.34

Diener, E., Emmons, R. A., Larsem, R. J., and Griffin, S. (1985). The satisfaction with life scale. J. Pers. Assess. 49, 71–75. doi: 10.1207/s15327752jpa4901_13

Diener, E., Suh, E. M., Lucas, R. E., and Smith, H. L. (1999). Subjective well-being: three decades of progress. Psychol. Bull. 125:276. doi: 10.1037/0033-2909.125.2.276

Dorjee, D. (2013). Mind, Brain and the Path to Happiness . London: Routledge. doi: 10.4324/9781315889580

Fava, G. A. (1999). Well-being therapy: conceptual and technical issues. Psychother. Psychosom. 68, 171–179. doi: 10.1159/000012329

Fix, R. L., and Fix, S. T. (2013). The effects of mindfulness-based treatments for aggression: a critical review. Aggress. Violent Behav. 18, 219–227. doi: 10.1016/j.avb.2012.11.009

Fordyce, M. W. (1977). Development of a program to increase personal happiness. J. Couns. Psychol. 24, 511–521. doi: 10.1037/0022-0167.24.6.511

Forman, E. M., Herbert, J. D., Moitra, E., Yeomans, P. D., and Geller, P. A. (2007). A randomized controlled effectiveness trial of acceptance and commitment therapy and cognitive therapy for anxiety and depression. Behav. Modif. 31, 772–799. doi: 10.1177/0145445507302202

Fredrickson, B. L., Cohn, M. A., Coffey, K. A., Pek, J., and Finkel, S. M. (2008). Open hearts build lives: positive emotions, induced through loving-kindness meditation, build consequential personal resources. J. Pers. Soc. Psychol. 95, 1045–1062. doi: 10.1037/a0013262

Fredrickson, B. L., and Losada, M. F. (2005). Positive affect and the complex dynamics of human flourishing. Am. Psychol. 60, 678–686. doi: 10.1037/0003-066X.60.7.678

Frisch, M. B. (2006). Quality of Life Therapy: Applying a Life Satisfaction Approach to Positive Psychology and Cognitive Therapy . New York, NY: John Wiley & Sons Ltd., 535.

Frossard, J., and Renaud, O. (2018). Permuco: Permutation Tests for Regression, (Repeated Measures) ANOVA/ANCOVA and Comparison of Signals. R Package Version 1.0.0.

Gander, F., Proyer, R. T., and Ruch, W. (2016). Positive psychology interventions addressing pleasure, engagement, meaning, positive relationships, and accomplishment increase well-being and ameliorate depressive symptoms: a randomized, placebo-controlled online study. Front. Psychol. 7:686. doi: 10.3389/fpsyg.2016.00686

Garland, E. L., Geschwind, N., Peeters, F., and Wichers, M. (2015). Mindfulness training promotes upward spirals of positive affect and cognition: multilevel and autoregressive latent trajectory modeling analyses. Front. Psychol. 6:15. doi: 10.3389/fpsyg.2015.00015

Garland, E. L., Kiken, L. G., Faurot, K., Palsson, O., and Gaylord, S. A. (2017). Upward spirals of mindfulness and reappraisal: testing the mindfulness-to-meaning theory with autoregressive latent trajectory modeling. Cognit. Ther. Res. 41, 381–392. doi: 10.1007/s10608-016-9768-y

Giovannini, C., Giromini, L., Bonalume, L., Tagini, A., Lang, M., and Amadei, G. (2014). The Italian five facet mindfulness questionnaire: a contribution to its validity and reliability. J. Psychopathol. Behav. Assess. 36, 415–423. doi: 10.1007/s10862-013-9403-0

Goleman, D., and Davidson, R. (2017). The Science of Meditation: How to Change Your Brain, Mind and Body . New York, NY: Penguin Random House.

Gotink, R. A., Meijboom, R., Vernooij, M. W., Smits, M., and Hunink, M. G. M. (2016). 8-week mindfulness based stress reduction induces brain changes similar to traditional long-term meditation practice – a systematic review. Brain Cogn. 108, 32–41. doi: 10.1016/j.bandc.2016.07.001

Grecucci, A., De Pisapia, N., Thero, D. K., Paladino, M. P., Venuti, P., and Job, R. (2015). Baseline and strategic effects behind mindful emotion regulation: behavioral and physiological investigation. PLoS ONE 10:e0116541. doi: 10.1371/journal.pone.0116541

Groves, P. (2016). Mindfulness in psychiatry–where are we now? BJPsych Bull. 40, 289–292. doi: 10.1192/pb.bp.115.052993

Hanson, R., and Mendius, R. (2011). The Practical Neuroscience of Happiness, Love and Wisdom. Oakland, CA: New Harbinger Publications Inc. doi: 10.5214/ans.0972.7531.1118110

Hervé, M. M., and Hervé, M. M. (2020). Package ‘RVAideMemoire.’

Hone, L. C., Jarden, A., Schofield, G., and Duncan, S. (2014). Measuring flourishing: the impact of operational definitions on the prevalence of high levels of wellbeing. Int. J. Wellbeing 4, 62–90. doi: 10.5502/ijw.v4i1.4

Hone, L. C., Jarden, A., and Schofield, G. M. (2015). An evaluation of positive psychology intervention effectiveness trials using the re-aim framework: a practice-friendly review. J. Posit. Psychol. 10, 303–322. doi: 10.1080/17439760.2014.965267

Howarth, A., Smith, J. G., Perkins-Porras, L., and Ussher, M. (2019). Effects of brief mindfulness-based interventions on health-related outcomes: a systematic review. Mindfulness 10, 1957–1968. doi: 10.1007/s12671-019-01163-1

Howell, A. J., Dopko, R. L., Passmore, H.-A., and Buro, K. (2011). Nature connectedness: associations with well-being and mindfulness. Pers. Individ. Dif. 51, 166–171. doi: 10.1016/j.paid.2011.03.037

Huta, V., and Ryan, R. M. (2010). Pursuing pleasure or virtue: the differential and overlapping well-being benefits of hedonic and eudaimonic motives. J. Happiness Stud. 11, 735–762. doi: 10.1007/s10902-009-9171-4

Inglehart, R., Foa, R., Peterson, C., and Welzel, C. (2008). Development, freedom, and rising happiness: a global perspective (1981–2007). Perspect. Psychol. Sci. 3, 264–285. doi: 10.1111/j.1745-6924.2008.00078.x

Ivtzan, I., Young, T., Martman, J., Jeffrey, A., Lomas, T., Hart, R., et al. (2016). Integrating mindfulness into positive psychology: a randomised controlled trial of an online positive mindfulness program. Mindfulness 7, 1396–1407. doi: 10.1007/s12671-016-0581-1

Jha, A. P., Morrison, A. B., Parker, S. C., and Stanley, E. A. (2017). Practice is protective: mindfulness training promotes cognitive resilience in high-stress cohorts. Mindfulness 8, 46–58. doi: 10.1007/s12671-015-0465-9

Kabat-Zinn, J. (1990). Full Catastrophe Living: The Program of the Stress Reduction Clinic at the University of Massachusetts Medical Center . Available online at: lelandshields.com (accessed October 28, 2019).

Kabat-Zinn, J. (2003). Mindfulness-based interventions in context: past, present, and future. Clin. Psychol. Sci. Pract. 10, 144–156. doi: 10.1093/clipsy.bpg016

Kahneman, D., and Krueger, A. B. (2006). Developments in measurements of subjective well-being. J. Econ. Perspect. 20, 3–24. doi: 10.1257/089533006776526030

Keng, S. L., Smoski, M. J., and Robins, C. J. (2011). Effects of mindfulness on psychological health: a review of empirical studies. Clin. Psychol. Rev. 31, 1041–1056. doi: 10.1016/j.cpr.2011.04.006

Keyes, C. L. M. (2005). Mental illness and/or mental health? Investigating axioms of the complete state model of health. J. Consult. Clin. Psychol. 73, 539–548. doi: 10.1037/0022-006X.73.3.539

Keyes, C. L. M. (2006). Subjective well-being in mental health and human development research worldwide: an introduction. Soc. Indic. Res. 77, 1–10. doi: 10.1007/s11205-005-5550-3

Kherad-Pajouh, S., and Renaud, O. (2014). A general permutation approach for analyzing repeated measures ANOVA and mixed-model designs. Stat. Pap. 56, 947–967. doi: 10.1007/s00362-014-0617-3

Khoury, B., Knäuper, B., Schlosser, M., Carrière, K., and Chiesa, A. (2017). Effectiveness of traditional meditation retreats: a systematic review and meta-analysis. J. Psychosom. Res. 92, 16–25. doi: 10.1016/j.jpsychores.2016.11.006

Khoury, B., Sharma, M., Rush, S. E., and Fournier, C. (2015). Mindfulness-based stress reduction for healthy individuals: a meta-analysis. J. Psychosom. Res. 78, 519–528. doi: 10.1016/j.jpsychores.2015.03.009

Koivumaa-Honkanen, H., Kaprio, J., Honkanen, R., Viinamäki, H., and Koskenvuo, M. (2004). Life satisfaction and depression in a 15-year follow-up of healthy adults. Soc. Psychiatry Psychiatr. Epidemiol. 39, 994–999. doi: 10.1007/s00127-004-0833-6

Kong, F., Wang, X., and Zhao, J. (2014). Dispositional mindfulness and life satisfaction: the role of core self-evaluations. Pers. Individ. Dif. 56, 165–169. doi: 10.1016/j.paid.2013.09.002

Kornfield, J. (2012). Teachings of the Buddha . Boston, MA: Shambhala Publications.

Lama, D., and Cutler, H. (2008). The art of happiness: A handbook for living. Penguin.

Lambert, L., Passmore, H. A., and Joshanloo, M. (2019). A positive psychology intervention program in a culturally-diverse university: boosting happiness and reducing fear. J. Happiness Stud. 20, 1141–1162. doi: 10.1007/s10902-018-9993-z

Lyubomirsky, S., King, L., and Diener, E. (2005). The benefits of frequent positive affect: does happiness lead to success? Psychol. Bull. 131, 803–855. doi: 10.1037/0033-2909.131.6.803

Lyubomksky, S., Sheldon, K. M., and Schkade, D. (2005). Pursuing happiness: the architecture of sustainable change. Rev. Gen. Psychol. 9, 111–131. doi: 10.1037/1089-2680.9.2.111

Maslow, A. H. (1981). Motivation and Personality . New York, NY: Harper.

McClintock, A. S., Rodriguez, M. A., and Zerubavel, N. (2019). The effects of mindfulness retreats on the psychological health of non-clinical adults: a meta-analysis. Mindfulness 10, 1443–1454. doi: 10.1007/s12671-019-01123-9

Mondo, M., Sechi, C., and Cabras, C. (2019). Psychometric evaluation of three versions of the Italian perceived stress scale. Curr. Psychol. 1–9. doi: 10.1007/s12144-019-0132-8

Pressman, S. D., and Cohen, S. (2005). Does positive affect influence health? Psychol. Bull. 131, 925. doi: 10.1037/0033-2909.131.6.925

Quoidbach, J., Mikolajczak, M., and Gross, J. J. (2015). Positive interventions: an emotion regulation perspective. Psychol. Bull . 141, 655–693. doi: 10.1037/a0038648

Raffone, A., and Srinivasan, N. (2017). Mindfulness and cognitive functions: toward a unifying neurocognitive framework. Mindfulness 8, 1–9. doi: 10.1007/s12671-016-0654-1

Ryan, R. M., and Deci, E. L. (2001). On happiness and human potentials: a review of research on hedonic and eudaimonic well-being. Annu. Rev. Psychol. 52, 141–166. doi: 10.1146/annurev.psych.52.1.141

Ryff, C. D. (1989). Happiness is everything, or is it? Explorations on the meaning of psychological well-being. J. Pers. Soc. Psychol. 57, 1069–1081. doi: 10.1037/0022-3514.57.6.1069

Ryff, C. D. (2013). Psychological well-being revisited: advances in the science and practice of eudaimonia. Psychother. Psychosom. 83, 10–28. doi: 10.1159/000353263

Ryff, C. D., and Boylan, J. M. (2016). “Linking happiness to health: Comparisons between hedonic and eudaimonic well-being,” in Handbook of Research Methods and Applications in Happiness and Quality of Life (Cheltenham: Edward Elgar Publishing Limited).

Saviola, F., Pappaianni, E., Monti, A., Grecucci, A., Jovicich, J., and De Pisapia, N. (2020). Trait and state anxiety are mapped differently in the human brain. Sci. Rep. 10:11112. doi: 10.1038/s41598-020-68008-z

Segal, Z. V., and Teasdale, J. (2002). Mindfulness-Based Cognitive Therapy for Depression: : A New Approach to Preventing Relapse . New York, NY: The Guilford Press. Guilford Publications.

Seligman, M. E. P. (2002). “Positive psychology, positive prevention, and positive therapy,” in Handbook of Positive Psychology , eds C. R. Snyder and S. J. Lopez (New York, NY: Oxford University Press), 3–9.

Seligman, M. E. P. (2011). Flourish: A Visionary New Understanding of Happiness and Well-Being . New York, NY: Free Press.

Sheldon, K. M., and King, L. (2001). Why positive psychology is necessary. Am. Psychol. 56, 216–217. doi: 10.1037/0003-066X.56.3.216

Shultz, P. P., and Ryan, R. M. (2015). “The ‘why,’ ‘what,’ and ‘how’ of healthy self-regulation: Mindfulness and well-being from a self-determination theory perspective,” in Handbook of Mindfulness and Self-Regulation (New York, NY: Springer), 81–94. doi: 10.1007/978-1-4939-2263-5_7

Sin, N. L., and Lyubomirsky, S. (2009). Enhancing well-being and alleviating depressive symptoms with positive psychology interventions: a practice-friendly meta-analysis. J. Clin. Psychol. 65, 467–487. doi: 10.1002/jclp.20593

Spielberger, C. (2004). STAXI-2 State-Trait Anger Expression Inventory-2. Adattamento Italiano a Cura di Anna Laura Comunian. Florence: Giunti OS Organizzazioni speciali.

Spielberger, C. D. (1999). Professional Manual for the State-Trait Anger Expression Inventory-2 (STAXI-2). Odessa, FL.

PubMed Abstract

Spielberger, C. D. (2010). State-Trait anger expression inventory. Corsini Encycl. Psychol. 1. doi: 10.1002/9780470479216.corpsy0942

Spielberger, C. D., Gorsuch, R. L., Lushene, R., Vagg, P. R., and Jacobs, G. A. (1983). Manual for the State-Trait Anxiety Inventory . Palo, CA: Consulting Psychologists Press.

Spielberger, C. D., Pedrabissi, L., and Santinello, M. (2012). STAI State-Trait Anxiety Inventory Forma Y: Manuale. Firenze: Giunti OS Organizzazioni speciali.

Spinhoven, P., Huijbers, M. J., Ormel, J., and Speckens, A. E. M. (2017). Improvement of mindfulness skills during mindfulness-based cognitive therapy predicts long-term reductions of neuroticism in persons with recurrent depression in remission. J. Affect. Disord. 213, 112–117. doi: 10.1016/j.jad.2017.02.011

Teasdale, J. D., Segal, Z. V., Williams, J. M. G., Ridgewaya, V. A., Soulsby, J. M., and Lau, M. A. (2000). Prevention of relapse/recurrence in major depression by mindfulness-based cognitive therapy. J. Consult. Clin. Psychol. 68, 615–623. doi: 10.1037/0022-006X.68.4.615

Terracciano, A., McCrae, R. R., and Costa, P. T. (2003). Factorial and construct validity of the Italian positive and negative affect schedule (PANAS). Eur. J. Psychol. Assess. 19, 131–141. doi: 10.1027//1015-5759.19.2.131

Vazquez, C., and Hervas, G. (2013). Addressing current challenges in cross-cultural measurement of well-being: the pemberton happiness index. Well Being Cult. 3, 31–49. doi: 10.1007/978-94-007-4611-4_3

Watson, D., Clark, L. A., and Tellegen, A. (1988). Development and validation of brief measures of positive and negative affect: the PANAS scales. J. Pers. Soc. Psychol. 54, 1063–1070. doi: 10.1037/0022-3514.54.6.1063

Weytens, F., Luminet, O., Verhofstadt, L. L., and Mikolajczak, M. (2014). An integrative theory-driven positive emotion regulation intervention. PLoS ONE 9:e95677. doi: 10.1371/journal.pone.0095677

World Health Organization (1948). Constitution Basic Documents WHO World Health Organization. World Health Organization, Constitution . Geneva: Wiley-Blackwell Encyclopedia Globalization.

Keywords: meditation, wisdom, happiness, well–being, mindfulness

Citation: Rastelli C, Calabrese L, Miller C, Raffone A and De Pisapia N (2021) The Art of Happiness: An Explorative Study of a Contemplative Program for Subjective Well-Being. Front. Psychol. 12:600982. doi: 10.3389/fpsyg.2021.600982

Received: 31 August 2020; Accepted: 11 January 2021; Published: 11 February 2021.

Reviewed by:

Copyright © 2021 Rastelli, Calabrese, Miller, Raffone and De Pisapia. This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (CC BY) . The use, distribution or reproduction in other forums is permitted, provided the original author(s) and the copyright owner(s) are credited and that the original publication in this journal is cited, in accordance with accepted academic practice. No use, distribution or reproduction is permitted which does not comply with these terms.

*Correspondence: Nicola De Pisapia, nicola.depisapia@unitn.it

Disclaimer: All claims expressed in this article are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily represent those of their affiliated organizations, or those of the publisher, the editors and the reviewers. Any product that may be evaluated in this article or claim that may be made by its manufacturer is not guaranteed or endorsed by the publisher.

• Open access
• Published: 19 June 2020

Well-being is more than happiness and life satisfaction: a multidimensional analysis of 21 countries

• Kai Ruggeri 1 , 2 ,
• Eduardo Garcia-Garzon 3 ,
• Áine Maguire 4 ,
• Sandra Matz 5 &
• Felicia A. Huppert 6 , 7  

Health and Quality of Life Outcomes volume  18 , Article number:  192 ( 2020 ) Cite this article

257k Accesses

215 Citations

366 Altmetric

Metrics details

Recent trends on measurement of well-being have elevated the scientific standards and rigor associated with approaches for national and international comparisons of well-being. One major theme in this has been the shift toward multidimensional approaches over reliance on traditional metrics such as single measures (e.g. happiness, life satisfaction) or economic proxies (e.g. GDP).

To produce a cohesive, multidimensional measure of well-being useful for providing meaningful insights for policy, we use data from 2006 and 2012 from the European Social Survey (ESS) to analyze well-being for 21 countries, involving approximately 40,000 individuals for each year. We refer collectively to the items used in the survey as multidimensional psychological well-being (MPWB).

The ten dimensions assessed are used to compute a single value standardized to the population, which supports broad assessment and comparison. It also increases the possibility of exploring individual dimensions of well-being useful for targeting interventions. Insights demonstrate what may be masked when limiting to single dimensions, which can create a failure to identify levers for policy interventions.

Conclusions

We conclude that both the composite score and individual dimensions from this approach constitute valuable levels of analyses for exploring appropriate policies to protect and improve well-being.

What is well-being?

Well-being has been defined as the combination of feeling good and functioning well; the experience of positive emotions such as happiness and contentment as well as the development of one’s potential, having some control over one’s life, having a sense of purpose, and experiencing positive relationships [ 23 ]. It is a sustainable condition that allows the individual or population to develop and thrive. The term subjective well-being is synonymous with positive mental health. The World Health Organization [ 45 ] defines positive mental health as “a state of well-being in which the individual realizes his or her own abilities, can cope with the normal stresses of life, can work productively and fruitfully, and is able to make a contribution to his or her community”. This conceptualization of well-being goes beyond the absence of mental ill health, encompassing the perception that life is going well.

Well-being has been linked to success at professional, personal, and interpersonal levels, with those individuals high in well-being exhibiting greater productivity in the workplace, more effective learning, increased creativity, more prosocial behaviors, and positive relationships [ 10 , 27 , 37 ]. Further, longitudinal data indicates that well-being in childhood goes on to predict future well-being in adulthood [ 39 ]. Higher well-being is linked to a number of better outcomes regarding physical health and longevity [ 13 ] as well as better individual performance at work [ 30 ], and higher life satisfaction has been linked to better national economic performance [ 9 ].

Measurement of well-being

Governments and researchers have attempted to assess the well-being of populations for centuries [ 2 ]. Often in economic or political research, this has ended up being assessed using a single item about life satisfaction or happiness, or a limited set of items regarding quality of life [ 3 ]. Yet, well-being is a multidimensional construct, and cannot be adequately assessed in this manner [ 14 , 24 , 29 ]. Well-being goes beyond hedonism and the pursuit of happiness or pleasurable experience, and beyond a global evaluation (life satisfaction): it encompasses how well people are functioning, known as eudaimonic, or psychological well-being. Assessing well-being using a single subjective item approach fails to offer any insight into how people experience the aspects of their life that are fundamental to critical outcomes. An informative measure of well-being must encompass all the major components of well-being, both hedonic and eudaimonic aspects [ 2 ], and cannot be simplified to a unitary item of income, life satisfaction, or happiness.

Following acknowledgement that well-being measurement is inconsistent across studies, with myriad conceptual approaches applied [ 12 ], Huppert and So [ 27 ] attempted to take a systematic approach to comprehensively measure well-being. They proposed that positive mental health or well-being can be viewed as the complete opposite to mental ill health, and therefore attempted to define mental well-being in terms of the opposite of the symptoms of common mental disorders. Using the DSM-IV and ICD-10 symptom criteria for both anxiety and depression, ten features of psychological well-being were identified from defining the opposite of common symptoms. The features encompassed both hedonic and eudaimonic aspects of well-being: competence, emotional stability, engagement, meaning, optimism, positive emotion, positive relationships, resilience, self-esteem, and vitality. From these ten features an operational definition of flourishing, or high well-being, was developed using data from Round 3 of the European Social Survey (ESS), carried out in 2006. The items used in the Huppert and So [ 27 ] study were unique to that survey, which reflects a well-being framework based on 10 dimensions of good mental health. An extensive discussion on the development and validation of these measures for the framework is provided in this initial paper [ 27 ].

As this was part of a major, multinational social survey, each dimension was measured using a single item. As such, ‘multidimensional’ in this case refers to using available measures identified for well-being, but does not imply a fully robust measure of these individual dimensions, which would require substantially more items that may not be feasible for population-based work related to policy development. More detailed and nuanced approaches might help to better capture well-being as a multidimensional construct, and also may consider other dimensions. However, brief core measures such as the one implemented in the ESS are valuable as they provide a pragmatic way of generating pioneering empirical evidence on well-being across different populations, and help direct policies as well as the development of more nuanced instruments. While this naturally would benefit from complementary studies of robust measurement focused on a single topic, appropriate methods for using sprawling social surveys remain critical, particularly through better standardization [ 6 ]. While this paper will overview those findings, we strongly encourage more work to that end, particularly in more expansive measures to support policy considerations.

General approach and key questions

The aim of the present study was to develop a more robust measurement of well-being that allows researchers and policymakers to measure well-being both as a composite construct and at the level of its fundamental dimensions. Such a measure makes it possible to study overall well-being in a manner that goes beyond traditional single-item measures, which capture only a fraction of the dimensions of well-being, and because it allows analysts to unpack the measure into its core components to identify strengths and weaknesses. This would produce a similar approach as the most common reference for policy impacts: Gross Domestic Product (GDP), which is a composite measure of a large number of underlying dimensions.

The paper is structured as follows: in the first step, data from the ESS are used to develop a composite measure of well-being from the items suggested by Huppert & So [ 27 ] using factor analysis. In the second step, the value of the revised measure is demonstrated by generating insights into the well-being of 21 European countries, both at the level of overall well-being and at the level of individual dimensions.

The European social survey

The ESS is a biannual survey of European countries. Through comprehensive measurement and random sampling techniques, the ESS provides a representative sample of the European population for persons aged 15 and over [ 38 ]. Both Round 3 (2006–2007) and Round 6 (2012–2013) contained a supplementary well-being module. This module included over 50 items related to all aspects of well-being including psychological, social, and community well-being, as well as incorporating a brief measure of symptoms of psychological distress. As summarized by Huppert et al. [ 25 ], of the 50, only 30 items relate to personal well-being, of which only 22 are positive measures. Of those remaining, not all relate to the 10 constructs identified by Huppert and So [ 27 ], so only a single item could be used, or else the item that had the strongest face validity and distributional items were chosen.

Twenty-two countries participated in the well-being modules in both Round 3 and Round 6. As this it within a wider body of analyses, it was important to focus on those initially. Hungary did not have data for the vitality item in Round 3 and was excluded from the analysis, as appropriate models would not have been able to reliably resolve a missing item for an entire country. To be included in the analysis and remain consistent, participants therefore had to complete all 10 items used and have the age, gender, employment, and education variables completed. Employment was classified into four groups: students, employed, unemployed, retired; other groups were excluded. Education was classified into three groups: low (less than secondary school), middle (completed secondary school), and high (postsecondary study including any university and above). Using these criteria, the total sample for Round 6 was 41,825 people from 21 countries for analysis. The full sample was 52.6% female and ranged in age from 15 to 103 (M = 47.9; SD = 18.9). Other details about participation, response rates, and exclusion have been published elsewhere [ 38 ].

Huppert & So [ 27 ] defined well-being using 10 items extracted from the Round 3 items, which represent 10 dimensions of well-being. However, the items used in Round 3 to represent positive relationships and engagement exhibited ceiling effects and were removed from the questionnaire in Round 6. Four alternatives were available to replace each question. Based on their psychometric properties (i.e., absence of floor effects and wider response distributions), two new items were chosen for positive relationships and engagement (one item for each dimension). The new items and those they replaced can be seen in Table  1 (also see Supplement ).

Development of a composite measure of psychological well-being (MPWB)

A composite measure of well-being that yields an overall score for each individual was developed. From the ten indicators of well-being shown in Table 1 , a single factor score was calculated to represent MPWB. This overall MPWB score hence constitutes a summary of how an individual performs across the ten dimensions, which is akin to a summary score such as GDP, and will be of general value to policymakers. Statistical analysis was performed in R software, using lavaan [ 40 ] and lavaan.survey [ 35 ] packages. The former is a widely-used package for the R software designed for computing structural equation models and confirmatory factor analyses (CFA). The latter allows introducing complex survey design weights (combination of design and population size weights) when estimating confirmatory factor analysis models with lavaan, which ensures that MPWB scoring followed ESS guidelines regarding both country-level and survey specific weights [ 17 ]. Both packages have been previously tested and validated in various analyses using ESS data (as explained in detail in lavaan.survey documentation).

It should be noted that Round 6 was treated as the focal point of these efforts before repeating for Round 3, primarily due to the revised items that were problematic in Round 3, and considering that analyses of the 2006 data are already widely available.

Prior to analysis, all items were coded such that higher scores were more positive and lower scores more negative. Several confirmatory factor analysis models were performed in order to test several theoretical conceptualizations regarding MPWB. Finally, factor scores (expected a posteriori [ 15 ];) were calculated for the full European sample and used for descriptive purposes. The approach and final model are presented in supplemental material .

Factor scores are individual scores computed as weighted combinations of each person’s response on a given item and the factor scoring coefficients. This approach is to be preferred to using raw or sum scores: sum or raw scores fail to consider how well a given item serves as an indicator of the latent variable (i.e., all items are unrealistically assumed to be perfect and equivalent measures of MPWB). They also do not take into account that different items could present different variability, which is expected to occur if items present different scales (as in our case). Therefore, the use of such simple methods results in inaccurate individual rankings for MPWB. To resolve this, factor scores are both more informative and more accurate, as they avoid the propagation of measurement error in subsequent analyses [ 19 ].

Not without controversy (see Supplement ), factor scores are likely to be preferable to sum scores when ranking individuals on unobservable traits that are expected to be measured with noticeable measurement error (such as MPWB [ 32 ];). Similar approaches based on factor scoring have been successfully applied in large international assessment research [ 21 , 34 ]. With the aim of developing a composite well-being score, it was necessary to provide a meaningful representation of how the different well-being indicators are reflected in the single measure. A hierarchical model with one higher-order factor best approximated MPWB along with two first-order factors (see supplement Figure S 1 ). This model replicates the factor structure reported for Round 3 by Huppert & So [ 27 ]. The higher-order factor explained the relationship between two first-order factors (positive functioning and positive characteristics showed a correlation of ρ = .85). In addition, modelling standardized residuals showed that the items representing vitality and emotional stability and items representing optimism and self-esteem were highly correlated. The similarities in wording in both pairs of items (see Table 1 ) are suspected to be responsible for such high residual correlations. Thus, those correlations were included in the model. As presented in Table  2 , the hierarchical model was found to fit the data better than any other model but a bi-factor model including these correlated errors. The latter model resulted in collapsed factor structure with a weak, bi-polar positive functioning factor. However, this bi-factor model showed a problematic bi-polar group factor with weak loadings. Whether this group factor was removed (resulting in a S-1 bi-factor model, as in [ 16 ]), model fit deteriorated. Thus, neither bi-factor alternative was considered to be acceptable.

To calculate the single composite score representing MPWB, a factor scoring approach was used rather than a simplistic summing of raw scores on these items. Factor scores were computed and standardized for the sample population as a whole, which make them suitable for broad comparison [ 8 ]. This technique was selected for two reasons. First, it has the ability to take into account the different response scales used for measuring the items included in the multidimensional well-being model. The CFA model, from which MPWB scores were computed, was defined such that the metric of the MPWB was fixed, which results in a standardized scale. Alternative approaches, such as sum or raw scores, would result in ignoring the differential variability across items, and biased individual group scores. Our approach, using factor scoring, resolves this issue by means of standardization of the MPWB scores. The second reason for this technique is that it could take account of how strongly each item loaded onto the MPWB factor. It should be noted that by using only two sub-factors, the weight applied to the general factor is identical within the model for each round. This model was also checked to ensure it also was a good fit for different groups based on gender, age, education and employment.

Separate CFA analyses per each country indicate that the final model fit the data adequately in all countries (.971 < CFI < .995; .960 < TFI < .994; .020 < RMSEA < .05; 0,023 < SRMR < 0,042). All items presented substantive loadings on their respective factors, and structures consistently replicated across all tested countries. Largest variations were found when assessing the residual items’ correlations (e.g., for emotional stability and vitality correlation, values ranged from 0,076 to .394). However, for most cases, residuals correlations were of similar size and direction (for both cases, the standard deviation of estimated correlations was close of .10). Thus, strong evidence supporting our final model was systematically found across all analyzed countries. Full results are provided in the supplement (Tables S 2 -S 3 ).

Model invariance

In order to establish meaningful comparisons across groups within and between each country, a two-stage approach was followed, resulting in a structure that was successfully found to be similar across demographics. First, a descriptive comparison of the parameter estimates unveiled no major differences across groups. Second, factor scores were derived for the sample, employing univariate statistics to compare specific groups within country and round. In these analyses, neither traditional nor modern approaches to factor measurement invariance were appropriate given the large sample and number of comparisons at stake ([ 8 ]; further details in Supplement ).

From a descriptive standpoint, the hierarchical structure satisfactorily fit both Round 3 and Round 6 data. All indicators in both rounds had substantial factor loadings (i.e., λ > .35). A descriptive comparison of parameter estimates produced no major differences across the two rounds. The lack of meaningful differences in the parameter estimates confirms that this method for computing MPWB can be used in both rounds.

As MPWB scores from both rounds are obtained from different items that have different scales for responses, it is necessary to transform individual scores obtained from both rounds in order to be aligned. To do this between Round 3 and Round 6 items, a scaling approach was used. To produce common metrics, scores from Round 3 were rescaled using a mean and sigma transformation (Kolen & Brennan 2010) to align with Round 6 scales. This was used as Round 6 measures were deemed to have corrected some deficiencies found in Round 3 items. This does not change outcomes in either round but simply makes the scores match in terms of distributions relative to their scales, making them more suitable for comparison.

As extensive descriptive insights on the sample and general findings are already available (see [ 41 ]), we focus this section on the evidence derived directly from the proposed approach to MPWB scores. For the combined single score for MPWB, the overall mean (for all participants combined) is fixed to zero, and the scores represent deviation from the overall mean. In 2012 (Round 6), country scores on well-being ranged from − 0.41 in Bulgaria to 0.46 in Denmark (Fig.  1 ). There was a significant, positive relationship between national MPWB mean scores and national life satisfaction means ( r =  .56 (.55–.57), p  < .001). In addition, MPWB was negatively related with depression scores and positively associated with other well-being measurements (see Supplement ).

Distribution of national MPWB means and confidence intervals across Europe

Denmark having the highest well-being is consistent with many studies [ 4 , 18 ] and with previous work using ESS data [ 27 ]. While the pattern is typically that Nordic countries are doing the best and that eastern countries have the lowest well-being, exceptions exist. The most notable exception is Portugal, which has the third-lowest score and is not significantly higher than Ukraine, which is second lowest. Switzerland and Germany are second and third highest respectively, and show generally similar patterns to the Scandinavian countries (see Fig. 1 ). It should be noted that, for Figs.  1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , countries with the lowest well-being are at the top. This is done to highlight the greatest areas for potential impact, which are also the most of concern to policy.

Well-being by country and gender

Well-being by country and age

Well-being by country and employment

Well-being by country and education

General patterns across the key demographic variables – gender, age, education, employment – are visible across countries as seen in Figs.  1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 (see also Supplement 2 ). These figures highlight patterns based on overall well-being as well as potential for inequalities. The visualizations presented here, though univariate, are for the purpose of understanding broad patterns while highlighting the need to disentangle groups and specific dimensions to generate effective policies.

For gender, women exhibited lower MPWB scores than men across Europe (β = −.09, t (36508) = − 10.37; p  < .001). However, these results must be interpreted with caution due to considerable overlap in confidence intervals for many of the countries, and greater exploration of related variables is required. This also applies for the five countries (Estonia, Finland, Ireland, Slovakia, Ukraine) where women have higher means than men. Only four countries have significant differences between genders, all of which involve men having higher scores than women: the Netherlands (β = −.12, t (1759) = − 3.24; p  < .001), Belgium (β = −.14, t (1783) = − 3.94; p  < .001), Cyprus (β = −.18, t (930) = − 2.87; p  < .001) and Portugal (β = −.19, t (1847) = − 2.50; p  < .001).

While older individuals typically exhibited lower MPWB scores compared to younger age groups across Europe (β 25–44  = −.05, t (36506) = − 3.686, p  < .001; β 45–65  = −.12, t (36506) = − 8.356, p  < .001; β 65–74  = −.16, t (36506) = − 8.807, p  < .001; β 75+  = −.28, t (36506) = − 13.568, p  < .001), the more compelling pattern shows more extreme differences within and between age groups for the six countries with the lowest well-being. This pattern is most pronounced in Bulgaria, which has the lowest overall well-being. For the three countries with the highest well-being (Denmark, Switzerland, Germany), even the mean of the oldest age group was well above the European average, while for the countries with the lowest well-being, it was only young people, particularly those under 25, who scored above the European average. With the exception of France and Denmark, countries with higher well-being typically had fewer age group differences and less variance within or between groups. Only countries with the lowest well-being showed age differences that were significant with those 75 and over showing the lowest well-being.

MPWB is consistently higher for employed individuals and students than for retired (β = −.31, t (36506) = − 21.785; p  < .00) or unemployed individuals (β = −.52, t (36556) = − 28.972; p  < .001). Unemployed groups were lowest in nearly all of the 21 countries, though the size of the distance from other groups did not consistently correlate with national MPWB mean. Unemployed individuals in the six countries with the lowest well-being were significantly below the mean, though there is little consistency across groups and countries by employment beyond that. In countries with high well-being, unemployed, and, in some cases, retired individuals, had means below the European average. In countries with the lowest well-being, it was almost exclusively students who scored above the European average. Means for retired groups appear to correlate most strongly with overall well-being. There is minimal variability for employed groups in MPWB means within and between countries.

There is a clear pattern of MPWB scores increasing with education level, though the differences were most pronounced between low and middle education groups (β = .12, t (36508) = 9.538; p  < .001). Individuals with high education were significantly higher on MPWB than those in the middle education group (β = .10, t (36508) =11.06; p  < .001). Differences between groups were noticeably larger for countries with lower overall well-being, and the difference was particularly striking in Bulgaria. In Portugal, medium and high education well-being means were above the European average (though 95% confidence intervals crossed 0), but educational attainment is significantly lower in the country, meaning the low education group represents a greater proportion of the population than the other 21 countries. In the six countries with the highest well-being, mean scores for all levels of education were above the European mean.

Utilizing ten dimensions for superior understanding of well-being

It is common to find rankings of national happiness and well-being in popular literature. Similarly, life satisfaction is routinely the only measure reported in many policy documents related to population well-being. To demonstrate why such limited descriptive approaches can be problematic, and better understood using multiple dimensions, all 21 countries were ranked individually on each of the 10 indicators of well-being and MPWB in Round 6 based on their means. Figure  6 demonstrates the variations in ranking across the 10 dimensions of well-being for each country.

Country rankings in 2012 on multidimensional psychological well-being and each of its 10 dimensions

The general pattern shows typically higher rankings for well-being dimensions in countries with higher overall well-being (and vice-versa). Yet countries can have very similar scores on the composite measure but very different underlying profiles in terms of individual dimensions. Figure  7 a presents this for two countries with similar life satisfaction and composite well-being, Belgium and the United Kingdom. Figure 7 b then demonstrates this even more vividly for two countries, Finland and Norway, which have similar composite well-being scores and identical mean life satisfaction scores (8.1), as well as have the highest two values for happiness of all 21 countries. In both pairings, the broad outcomes are similar, yet countries consistently have very different underlying profiles in individual dimensions. The results indicate that while overall scores can be useful for general assessment, specific dimensions may vary substantially, which is a relevant first step for developing interventions. Whereas the ten items are individual measures of 10 areas of well-being, had these been limited to a single domain only, the richness of the underlying patterns would have been lost, and the limitation of single item approaches amplified.

a Comparison of ranks for dimensions of well-being between two different countries with similar life satisfaction in 2012: Belgium and United Kingdom. b Comparison of ranks for dimensions of well-being between two similar countries with identical life satisfaction and composite well-being scores in 2012: Finland and Norway

The ten-item multidimensional measure provided clear patterns for well-being across 21 countries and various groups within. Whether used individually or combined into a composite score, this approach produces more insight into well-being and its components than a single item measure such as happiness or life satisfaction. Fundamentally, single items are impossible to unpack in reverse to gain insights, whereas the composite score can be used as a macro-indicator for more efficient overviews as well as deconstructed to look for strengths and weaknesses within a population, as depicted in Figs.  6 and 7 . Such deconstruction makes it possible to more appropriately target interventions. This brings measurement of well-being in policy contexts in line with approaches like GDP or national ageing indexes [ 7 ], which are composite indicators of many critical dimensions. The comparison with GDP is discussed at length in the following sections.

Patterns within and between populations

Overall, the patterns and profiles presented indicate a number of general and more nuanced insights. The most consistent among these is that the general trend in national well-being is usually matched within each of the primary indicators assessed, such as lower well-being within unemployed groups in countries with lower overall scores than in those with higher overall scores. While there are certainly exceptions, this general pattern is visible across most indicators.

The other general trend is that groups with lower MPWB scores consistently demonstrate greater variability and wider confidence intervals than groups with higher scores. This is a particularly relevant message for policymakers given that it is an indication of the complexity of inequalities: improvements for those doing well may be more similar in nature than for those doing poorly. This is particularly true for employment versus unemployment, yet reversed for educational attainment. Within each dimension, the most critical pattern is the lack of consistency for how each country ranks, as discussed further in other sections.

Examining individual dimensions of well-being makes it possible to develop a more nuanced understanding of how well-being is impacted by societal indicators, such as inequality or education. For example, it is possible that spending more money on education improves well-being on some dimensions but not others. Such an understanding is crucial for the implementation of targeted policy interventions that aim at weaker dimensions of well-being and may help avoid the development of ineffective policy programs. It is also important to note that the patterns across sociodemographic variables may differ when all groups are combined, compared to results within countries. Some effects may be larger when all are combined, whereas others may have cancelling effects.

Using these insights, one group that may be particularly important to consider is unemployed adults, who consistently have lower well-being than employed individuals. Previous research on unemployment and well-being has often focused on mental health problems among the unemployed [ 46 ] but there are also numerous studies of differences in positive aspects of well-being, mainly life satisfaction and happiness [ 22 ]. A large population-based study has demonstrated that unemployment is more strongly associated with the absence of positive well-being than with the presence of symptoms of psychological distress [ 28 ], suggesting that programs that aim to increase well-being among unemployed people may be more effective than programs that seek to reduce psychological distress.

Certainly, it is well known that higher income is related to higher subjective well-being and better health and life expectancy [ 1 , 42 ], so reduced income following unemployment is likely to lead to increased inequalities. Further work would be particularly insightful if it included links to specific dimensions of well-being, not only the comprehensive scores or overall life satisfaction for unemployed populations. As such, effective responses would involve implementation of interventions known to increase well-being in these groups in times of (or in spite of) low access to work, targeting dimensions most responsible for low overall well-being. Further work on this subject will be presented in forthcoming papers with extended use of these data.

This thinking also applies to older and retired populations in highly deprived regions where access to social services and pensions are limited. A key example of this is the absence in our data of a U-shaped curve for age, which is commonly found in studies using life satisfaction or happiness [ 5 ]. In our results, older individuals are typically lower than what would be expected in a U distribution, and in some cases, the oldest populations have the lowest MPWB scores. While previous studies have shown some decline in well-being beyond the age of 75 [ 20 ], our analysis demonstrates quite a severe fall in MPWB in most countries. What makes this insight useful – as opposed to merely unexpected – is the inclusion of the individual dimensions such as vitality and positive relationships. These dimensions are clearly much more likely to elicit lower scores than for younger age groups. For example, ageing beyond 75 is often associated with increased loneliness and isolation [ 33 , 43 ], and reduction in safe, independent mobility [ 31 ], which may therefore correspond with lower scores on positive relationships, engagement, and vitality, and ultimately lower scores on MPWB than younger populations. Unpacking the dimensions associated with the age-related decline in well-being should be the subject of future research. The moderate positive relationship of MPWB scores with life satisfaction is clear but also not absolute, indicating greater insights through multidimensional approaches without any obvious loss of information. Based on the findings presented here, it is clearly important to consider ensuring the well-being of such groups, the most vulnerable in society, during periods of major social spending limitations.

Policy implications

Critically, Fig.  6 represents the diversity of how countries reach an overall MPWB score. While countries with overall high well-being have typically higher ranks on individual items, there are clearly weak dimensions for individual countries. Conversely, even countries with overall low well-being have positive scores on some dimensions. As such, the lower items can be seen as potential policy levers in terms of targeting areas of concern through evidence-based interventions that should improve them. Similarly, stronger areas can be seen as learning opportunities to understand what may be driving results, and thus used to both sustain those levels as well as potentially to translate for individuals or groups not performing as well in that dimension. Collectively, we can view this insight as a message about specific areas to target for improvement, even in countries doing well, and that even countries doing poorly may offer strengths that can be enhanced or maintained, and could be further studied for potential applications to address deficits. We sound a note of caution however, in that these patterns are based on ranks rather than actual values, and that those ranks are based on single measures.

Figure 7 complements those insights more specifically by showing how Finland and Norway, with a number of social, demographic, and economic similarities, plus identical life satisfaction scores (8.1) arrive at similar single MPWB scores with very different profiles for individual dimensions. By understanding the levers that are specific to each country (i.e. dimensions with the lowest well-being scores), policymakers can respond with appropriate interventions, thereby maximizing the potential for impact on entire populations. Had we restricted well-being measurement to a single question about happiness, as is commonly done, we would have seen both countries had similar and extremely high means for happiness. This might have led to the conclusion that there was minimal need for interventions for improving well-being. Thus, in isolation, using happiness as the single indicator would have masked the considerable variability on several other dimensions, especially those dimensions where one or both had means among the lowest of the 21 countries. This would have resulted in similar policy recommendations, when in fact, Norway may have been best served by, for example, targeting lower dimensions such as Engagement and Self-Esteem, and Finland best served by targeting Vitality and Emotional Stability.

Targeting specific groups and relevant dimensions as opposed to comparing overall national outcomes between countries is perhaps best exemplified by Portugal, which has one of the lowest educational attainment rates in OECD countries, exceeded only by Mexico and Turkey [ 36 ]. This group thus skews the national MPWB score, which is above average for middle and high education groups, but much lower for those with low education. Though this pattern is not atypical for the 21 countries presented here, the size of the low education group proportional to Portugal’s population clearly reduces the national MPWB score. This implies that the greatest potential for improvement is likely to be through addressing the well-being of those with low education as a near-term strategy, and improving access to education as a longer-term strategy. It will be important to analyze this in the near future, given recent reports that educational attainment in Portugal has increased considerably in recent years (though remains one of the lowest in OECD countries) [ 36 ].

One topic that could not be addressed directly is whether these measures offer value as indicators of well-being beyond the 21 countries included here, or even beyond the countries included in ESS generally. In other words, are these measures relevant only to a European population or is our approach to well-being measurement translatable to other regions and purposes? Broadly speaking, the development of these measures being based on DSM and ICD criteria should make them relevant beyond just the 21 countries, as those systems are generally intended to be global. However, it can certainly be argued that these methods for designing measures are heavily influenced by North American and European medical frameworks, which may limit their appropriateness if applied in other regions. Further research on these measures should consider this by adding potential further measures deemed culturally appropriate and seeing if comparable models appear as a result.

A single well-being score

One potential weakness remains the inconsistency of scaling between ESS well-being items used for calculating MPWB. However, this also presents an opportunity to consider the relative weighting of each item within the current scales, and allow for the development of a more consistent and reliable measure. These scales could be modified to align in separate studies with new weights generated – either generically for all populations or stratified to account for various cultural or other influences. Using these insights, scales could alternatively be produced to allow for simple scoring for a more universally accessible structure (e.g. 1–100) but with appropriate values for each item that represents the dimensions, if this results in more effective communication with a general public than a standardized score with weights. Additionally, common scales would improve on attempts to use rankings for presenting national variability within and between dimensions. Researchers should be aware that factor scores are sample-dependent (as based on specific factor model parameters such as factor loadings). Nevertheless, future research focused on investigating specific item differential functioning (by means of multidimensional item response functioning or akin techniques) of these items across situations (i.e., rounds) and samples (i.e., rounds and countries) should be conducted in order to have a more nuanced understanding of this scale functioning.

What makes this discussion highly relevant is the value of a more informed measure to replace traditional indicators of well-being, predominantly life satisfaction. While life satisfaction may have an extensive history and present a useful metric for comparisons between major populations of interest, it is at best a corollary, or natural consequence, of other indicators. It is not in itself useful for informing interventions, in the same way limiting to a single item for any specific dimension of well-being should not alone inform interventions.

By contrast, a validated and standardized multidimensional measure is exceptionally useful in its suitability to identify those at risk, as well as its potential for identifying areas of strengths and weaknesses within the at-risk population. This can considerably improve the efficiency and appropriateness of interventions. It identifies well-understood dimensions (e.g. vitality, positive emotion) for direct application of evidence-based approaches that would improve areas of concern and thus overall well-being. Given these points, we strongly argue for the use of multidimensional approaches to measurement of well-being for setting local and national policy agenda.

There are other existing single-score approaches for well-being addressing its multidimensional nature. These include the Warwick-Edinburgh Mental Well-Being Scale [ 44 ] and the Flourishing Scale [ 11 ]. In these measures, although the single score is derived from items that clearly tap a number of dimensions, the dimensions have not been systematically derived and no attempt is made to measure the underlying dimensions individually. In contrast, the development approach used here – taking established dimensions from DSM and ICD – is based on years of international expertise in the field of mental illness. In other words, there have long been adequate measures for identifying and understanding illness, but there is room for improvement to better identify and understand health. With increasing support for the idea of these being a more central focus of primary outcomes within economic policies, such approaches are exceptionally useful [ 13 ].

Better measures, better insights

Naturally, it is not a compelling argument to simply state that more measures present greater information than fewer or single measures, and this is not the primary argument of this manuscript. In many instances, national measures of well-being are mandated to be restricted to a limited set of items. What is instead being argued is that well-being itself is a multidimensional construct, and if it is deemed a critical insight for establishing policy agenda or evaluating outcomes, measurements must follow suit and not treat happiness and life satisfaction values as universally indicative. The items included in ESS present a very useful step to that end, even in a context where the number of items is limited.

As has been argued by many, greater consistency in measurement of well-being is also needed [ 26 ]. This may come in the form of more consistency regarding dimensions included, the way items are scored, the number of items representing each dimension, and changes in items over time. While inconsistency may be prevalent in the literature to date for definitions and measurement, the significant number of converging findings indicates increasingly robust insights for well-being relevant to scientists and policymakers. Improvements to this end would support more systematic study of (and interventions for) population well-being, even in cases where data collection may be limited to a small number of items.

The added value of MPWB as a composite measure

While there are many published arguments (which we echo) that measures of well-being must go beyond objective features, particularly related to economic indicators such as GDP, this is not to say one replaces the other. More practically, subjective and objective approaches will covary to some degree but remain largely distinct. For example, GDP presents a useful composite of a substantial number of dimensions, such as consumption, imports, exports, specific market outcomes, and incomes. If measurement is restricted to a macro-level indicator such as GDP, we cannot be confident in selecting appropriate policies to implement. Policies are most effective when they target a specific component (of GDP, in this instance), and then are directly evaluated in terms of changes in that component. The composite can then be useful for comprehensive understanding of change over time and variation in circumstances. Specific dimensions are necessary for identifying strengths and weaknesses to guide policy, and examining direct impacts on those dimensions. In this way, a composite measure in the form of MPWB for aggregate well-being is also useful, so long as the individual dimensions are used in the development and evaluation of policies. Similar arguments for other multidimensional constructs have been made recently, such as national indexes of ageing [ 7 ].

In the specific instance of MPWB in relation to existing measures of well-being, there are several critical reasons to ensure a robust approach to measurement through systematic validation of psychometric properties. The first is that these measures are already part of the ESS, meaning they are being used to study a very large sample across a number of social challenges and not specifically a new measure for well-being. The ESS has a significant influence on policy discussions, which means the best approaches to utilizing the data are critical to present systematically, as we have attempted to do here. This approach goes beyond existing measures such as Gallup or the World Happiness Index to broadly cover psychological well-being, not individual features such as happiness or life satisfaction (though we reiterate: as we demonstrate in Fig.  7 a and b, these individual measures can and should still covary broadly with any multidimensional measure of well-being, even if not useful for predicting all dimensions). While often referred to as ‘comprehensive’ measurement, this merely describes a broad range of dimensions, though more items for each dimension – and potentially more dimensions – would certainly be preferable in an ideal scenario.

These dimensions were identified following extensive study for flourishing measures by Huppert & So [ 27 ], meaning they are not simply a mix of dimensions, but established systematically as the key features of well-being (the opposite of ill-being). Furthermore, the development of the items is in line with widely validated and practiced measures for the identification of illness. The primary adjustment has simply been the emphasis on health, but otherwise maintains the same principles of assessment. Therefore, the overall approach offers greater value than assessing only negative features and inferring absence equates to opposite (positives), or that individual measures such as happiness can sufficiently represent a multidimensional construct like well-being. Collectively, we feel the approach presented in this work is therefore a preferable method for assessing well-being, particularly on a population level, and similar approaches should replace single items used in isolation.

While the focus of this paper is on the utilization of a widely tested measure (in terms of geographic spread) that provides for assessing population well-being, it is important to provide a specific application for why this is relevant in a policy context. Additionally, because the ESS itself is a widely-recognized source of meaningful information for policymakers, providing a robust and comprehensive exploration of the data is necessary. As the well-being module was not collected in recent rounds, these insights provide clear reasoning and applications for bringing them back in the near future.

More specifically, it is critical that this approach be seen as advantageous both in using the composite measure for identifying major patterns within and between populations, and for systematically unpacking individual dimensions. Using those dimensions produces nuanced insights as well as the possibility of illuminating policy priorities for intervention.

In line with this, we argue that no composite measure can be useful for developing, implementing, or evaluating policy if individual dimensions are not disaggregated. We are not arguing that MPWB as a single composite score, nor the additional measures used in ESS, is better than other existing single composite scoring measures of well-being. Our primary argument is instead that MPWB is constructed and analyzed specifically for the purpose of having a robust measure suitable for disaggregating critical dimensions of well-being. Without such disaggregation, single composite measures are of limited use. In other words, construct a composite and target the components.

Well-being is perhaps the most critical outcome measure of policies. Each individual dimension of well-being as measured in this study represents a component linked to important areas of life, such as physical health, financial choice, and academic performance [ 26 ]. For such significant datasets as the European Social Survey, the use of the single score based on the ten dimensions included in multidimensional psychological well-being gives the ability to present national patterns and major demographic categories as well as to explore specific dimensions within specific groups. This offers a robust approach for policy purposes, on both macro and micro levels. This facilitates the implementation and evaluation of interventions aimed at directly improving outcomes in terms of population well-being.

Availability of data and materials

The datasets analysed during the current study are available in the European Social Survey repository, http://www.europeansocialsurvey.org/data/country_index.html

Abbreviations

Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders

European Social Survey

Gross Domestic Product

International Classification of Disease

Multidimensional psychological well-being

Adler NE, Rehkopf DH. US disparities in health: descriptions, causes, and mechanisms. Annu Rev Public Health. 2008;29:235–52.

PubMed   Google Scholar  

Allin P, Hand DJ. New statistics for old?—measuring the wellbeing of the UK. J Royal Stat Soc Ser A. 2017;180(1):3–43.

Google Scholar  

Arechavala NS, Espina PZ, Trapero BP. The economic crisis and its effects on the quality of life in the European Union. Soc Indic Res. 2015;120(2):323–43.

Biswas-Diener R, Vittersø J, Diener E. The Danish effect: beginning to explain high well-being in Denmark. Soc Indic Res. 2010;97(2):229–46.

Blanchflower DG, Oswald AJ. Is well-being U-shaped over the life cycle? Soc Sci Med. 2008;66(8):1733–49.

Carreira H, Williams R, Strongman H, Bhaskaran K. Identification of mental health and quality of life outcomes in primary care databases in the UK: a systematic review. BMJ Open. 2019;9(7):e029227.

PubMed   PubMed Central   Google Scholar  

Chen C, Goldman DP, Zissimopoulos J, Rowe JW. Multidimensional comparison of countries’ adaptation to societal aging. Proc Natl Acad Sci. 2018;115(37):9169–74.

CAS   PubMed   PubMed Central   Google Scholar  

Cieciuch J, Davidov E, Schmidt P, Algesheimer R, Schwartz SH. Comparing results of exact vs. an approximate (Bayesian) measurement invariance test: a cross-country illustration with a scale to measure 19 human values. Front Psychol. 2014;8(5):982.

Deaton A. Income, health and wellbeing around the world: evidence from the Gallup world poll. J Econ Perspect. 2008;22(2):53–72.

Diener E. New findings and future directions for subjective well-being research. Am Psychol. 2012;67(8):590.

Diener E, Wirtz D, Tov W, Kim-Prieto C, Choi D, Oishi S, Biswas-Diener R. New measures of well-being: flourishing and positive and negative feelings. Soc Indic Res. 2009;39:247–66.

Diener E, Seligman ME. Beyond money toward an economy of well-being. Psychol Sci Public Interest. 2004;5(1):1–31.

Diener E, Pressman S, Hunter J, Chase D. If, why, and when subjective well-being influences health, and future needed research. Appl Psychol Health Well Being. 2017;9(2):133–67.

Dolan P, White MP. How can measures of subjective well-being be used to inform public policy? Perspect Psychol Sci. 2007;2(1):71–85.

Eastbrook R, Neale M. A comparison of factor score estimation methods in presence of missing data: reliability and an application to nicotine dependence. Multivar Behav Res. 2012;48(1):1–27.

Eid M, Krumm S, Koch T, Schulze J. Bifactor models for predicting criteria by general and specific factors: problems of Nonidentiability and alternative solutions. Journal of Intelligence. 2018;6(3):42.

European Social Survey (2014). Weighting European Social Survey Data. Retrieved from https://www.europeansocialsurvey.org/docs/methodology/ESS_weighting_data_1.pdf .

Farver-Vestergaard I, Ruggeri K. Setting National Policy Agendas in Light of the Denmark Results for Well-being. JAMA Psychiatry. 2017;74(8):773–4.

Ferrando PJ, Lorenzo-Seva U. A note on improving EAP trait estimation in oblique factor-analytic and item response theory models. Psicologica. 2016;37(2):235–47.

Gerstorf D, Hoppmann CA, Löckenhoff CE, Infurna FJ, Schupp J, Wagner GG, Ram N. Terminal decline in well-being: the role of social orientation. Psychol Aging. 2016;31(2):149.

Grundke, R., et al. Skills and global value chains: A characterisation, OECD Science, Technology and Industry Working Papers, No. 2017/05, OECD Publishing. 2017. https://doi.org/10.1787/cdb5de9b-en .

Gudmundsdottir DG. The impact of economic crisis on happiness. Soc Indic Res. 2013;110(3):1083–101.

Huppert FA. Psychological well-being: evidence regarding its causes and consequences†. Appl Psychol Health Well Being. 2009;1(2):137–64. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1758-0854.2009.01008.x .

Article   Google Scholar  

Huppert FA. The state of well-being science: concepts, measures, interventions and policies. In: Huppert FA, Cooper CL, editors. Interventions and policies to enhance well-being. Oxford: Wiley-Blackwell; 2014.

Huppert FA, Marks N, Clark A, Siegrist J, Stutzer A, Vitterso J, Wahrendorf M. Measuring well-being across Europe: description of the ESS well-being module and preliminary findings. Soc Indic Res. 2009;91(3):301–15.

Huppert F, Ruggeri K. 15. Policy challenges: well-being as a priority in public mental health. In: Bhugra D, Bhui K, Wong S, Gilman S, editors. Oxford textbook of public mental health. Oxford: Oxford University Press; 2018.

Huppert FA, So TT. Flourishing across Europe: application of a new conceptual framework for defining well-being. Soc Indic Res. 2013;110(3):837–61.

Huppert FA, Whittington JE. Evidence for the independence of positive and negative well-being: implications for quality of life assessment. Br J Health Psychol. 2003;8(1):107–22.

Kahneman D, Krueger AB. Developments in the measurement of subjective well-being. J Econ Perspect. 2006;20(1):3–24.

Knapp M, McDaid D, Parsonage M. Mental health promotion and mental illness prevention: the economic case. London: London School of Economics; 2011.

Lihavainen K, Sipilä S, Rantanen T, Kauppinen M, Sulkava R, Hartikainen S. Effects of comprehensive geriatric assessment and targeted intervention on mobility in persons aged 75 years and over: a randomized controlled trial. Clin Rehabil. 2012;26(4):314–26.

McNeish, D., & Wolf, M. G. (2019). Sum Scores Are Factor Scores. https://doi.org/10.31234/osf.io/3wy47 .

Nicolaisen M, Thorsen K. Who are lonely? Loneliness in different age groups (18–81 years old), using two measures of loneliness. Int J Aging Hum Dev. 2014;78(3):229–57.

Nicoletti, G., Scarpetta, S., & Boylaud, O. Summary indicators of product market regulation with an extension to employment protection legislation, OECD Economics Department Working Paper s , no. 226, OECD publishing, Paris. 2000. https://doi.org/10.1787/215182844604 .

Oberski D. Lavaan.Survey: an R package for complex survey analysis of structural equation models. J Stat Softw. 2014;57(1):1–27.

OECD. Education at a glance 2014: OECD indicators. Portugal. Retrieved on January 28, 2016 at http://bit.ly/2wqZweh . 2014.

Oishi S, Diener E, Lucas RE. The optimum level of well-being: can people be too happy? Perspect Psychol Sci. 2007;2(4):346–60.

Reibling N, Beckfield J, Huijts T, Schmidt-Catran A, Thomson KH, Wendt C. Depressed during the depression: has the economic crisis affected mental health inequalities in Europe? Findings from the European social survey (2014) special module on the determinants of health. Eur J Public Health. 2017;27:47–54.

Richards M, Huppert FA. Do positive children become positive adults? Evidence from a longitudinal birth cohort study. J Posit Psychol. 2011;6(1):75–87.

Roseel Y. Lavaan: an R package for structural equation modeling. J Stat Softw. 2012;48(2):1–36.

Ruggeri K, Garcia Garzon E, Maguire Á, Huppert F. Chapter 1: comprehensive psychological well-being. In: Looking through the wellbeing kaleidoscope: Results from the European Social Survey. London: New Economics Foundation; 2016.

Steptoe A, Deaton A, Stone AA. Subjective wellbeing, health, and ageing. Lancet. 2015;385(9968):640–8.

Steptoe A, Shankar A, Demakakos P, Wardle J. Social isolation, loneliness, and all-cause mortality in older men and women. Proc Natl Acad Sci. 2013;110(15):5797–801.

Tennant R, Hiller L, Fishwick R, Platt S, Joseph S, Weich S, et al. The Warwick-Edinburgh mental well-being scale (WEMWBS): development and UK validation. Health Qual Life Outcomes. 2007;5(1):63.

World Health Organization. The world health report 2001: mental health: new understanding, new hope. Geneva: World Health Organization; 2001.

Young C. Losing a job: the nonpecuniary cost of unemployment in the United States. Soc Forces. 2012;91(2):609–6.

Download references

Acknowledgements

The authors would like to thank Ms. Sara Plakolm, Ms. Amel Benzerga, and Ms. Jill Hurson for assistance in proofing the final draft. We would also like to acknowledge the general involvement of the Centre for Comparative Social Surveys at City University, London, and the Centre for Wellbeing at the New Economics Foundation.

This work was supported by a grant from the UK Economic and Social Research Council (ES/LO14629/1). Additional support was also provided by the Isaac Newton Trust, Trinity College, University of Cambridge, and the UK Economic and Social Research Council (ES/P010962/1).

Author information

Authors and affiliations.

Columbia University Mailman School of Public Health, New York, USA

Kai Ruggeri

Policy Research Group, Centre for Business Research, Judge Business School, University of Cambridge, Cambridge, UK

Universidad Camilo José Cela, Madrid, Spain

Eduardo Garcia-Garzon

Trinity College Dublin, Dublin, Ireland

Áine Maguire

Columbia Business School, New York, USA

Sandra Matz

University of New South Wales, Sydney, Australia

Felicia A. Huppert

Well-being Institute, University of Cambridge, Cambridge, UK

You can also search for this author in PubMed   Google Scholar

Contributions

KR is the lead author and researcher on the study, responsible for all materials start to finish. FH was responsible for the original grant award and the general theory involved in the measurement approaches. ÁM was responsible for broad analysis and writing. EGG was responsible for psychometric models and the original factor scoring approach, plus writing the supplementary explanations. SM provided input on later drafts of the manuscript as well as the auxiliary analyses. The authors read and approved the final manuscript.

Corresponding author

Correspondence to Kai Ruggeri .

Ethics declarations

Ethics approval and consent to participate.

Not applicable.

Consent for publication

Competing interests.

All authors declare they have no competing interests in the dissemination of this work. While all authors receive funding and conduct various research on the topic in academic and consultant capacities, this work is free from any interests and has no direct link to work that would influence any outputs or conclusions.

Additional information

Publisher’s note.

Springer Nature remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations.

Supplementary information

Additional file 1: figure s1.

. Hierarchical approach to modelling comprehensive psychological well-being. Table S1 . Confirmatory Factor Structure for Round 6 and 3. Figure S2 . Well-being by country and gender. Figure S3 . Well-being by country and age. Figure S4 . Well-being by country and employment. Figure S5 . Well-being by country and education. Table S2 . Item loadings for Belgium to Great Britain. Table S3 . Item loadings for Ireland to Ukraine.

Rights and permissions

Open Access This article is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License, which permits use, sharing, adaptation, distribution and reproduction in any medium or format, as long as you give appropriate credit to the original author(s) and the source, provide a link to the Creative Commons licence, and indicate if changes were made. The images or other third party material in this article are included in the article's Creative Commons licence, unless indicated otherwise in a credit line to the material. If material is not included in the article's Creative Commons licence and your intended use is not permitted by statutory regulation or exceeds the permitted use, you will need to obtain permission directly from the copyright holder. To view a copy of this licence, visit http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/ . The Creative Commons Public Domain Dedication waiver ( http://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ ) applies to the data made available in this article, unless otherwise stated in a credit line to the data.

Reprints and permissions

About this article

Cite this article.

Ruggeri, K., Garcia-Garzon, E., Maguire, Á. et al. Well-being is more than happiness and life satisfaction: a multidimensional analysis of 21 countries. Health Qual Life Outcomes 18 , 192 (2020). https://doi.org/10.1186/s12955-020-01423-y

Download citation

Received : 03 May 2019

Accepted : 28 May 2020

Published : 19 June 2020

DOI : https://doi.org/10.1186/s12955-020-01423-y

Share this article

Anyone you share the following link with will be able to read this content:

Sorry, a shareable link is not currently available for this article.

Provided by the Springer Nature SharedIt content-sharing initiative

• Mental health
• Composite measures
• Economic policy
• Exploratory structural equation models

Health and Quality of Life Outcomes

ISSN: 1477-7525

• Submission enquiries: [email protected]

• Welcome to Harvard
• Earth Science

What is the key to finding happiness? The Harvard community explores the physical, mental, social, and spiritual aspects of living a life filled with joy.

Explore moments of joy across campus

Learn how to be happy

Is there a formula for happiness, and can you apply it to your own life? Professor Arthur Brooks thinks so.

Read more from The Harvard Gazette

Studying happiness

Explore ancient Chinese philosophy, ethics, and political theory to challenge your assumptions of what it means to be happy, live a meaningful life, and change the world.

Understanding happiness

Learn how the origins of joy can improve the way we lead organizations—and our personal lives.

Practicing happiness

Research shows that short writing exercises reliving happy moments boosted the moods of adults recovering from addiction.

The Leadership and Happiness Laboratory

The Leadership and Happiness Laboratory conducts research and creates resources for leaders to learn the science of happiness, apply it in their own lives, and share it with others.

Learn about the lab

Managing Happiness

What if you can will yourself to be happy? This free online course gives participants data-backed strategies to make themselves happier.

Take the course

Health and happiness

Research has long indicated the link between our happiness and physical health. A study from the Harvard Chan School finds a host of health benefits that accompany an optimistic attitude.

Read more from the Harvard Chan School

Good genes are nice, but joy is better

When scientists began tracking the health of 268 Harvard sophomores in 1938, they hoped the study would reveal clues to leading healthy and happy lives. They got more than they ever expected.

Health and happiness go hand in hand

No matter your current state of happiness, there are ways to boost your outlook and give your mental and physical health a lift.

Linking happiness and wellbeing

A Harvard-led study found that younger adults have the lowest scores in a dozen wellbeing measures compared to other age groups.

Finding happiness in community

The value of relationships

Robert Waldinger, director of the Harvard Study of Adult Development, says one of the biggest surprises they encountered was that what makes people happy is also what helps keep them healthy—relationships.

A pet can change your life

Animals ease loneliness and boost oxytocin—the love hormone.

Mending fences

In a society roiled by division, how can we find common ground and build relationships with those who don’t share our views?

Reaching out

Research offers new reasons to pick up the phone and reconnect with that old friend.

Forgiveness can heal

Forgiveness transcends mere spiritual practice or good behavior—it fosters good mental health.

How do you measure and govern for happiness?

An international conference of academics, practitioners, corporate managers, and spiritual leaders at the Harvard Divinity School sought answers to the question of universal happiness.

Explore videos from the conference

Finding joy in our work

When working harder doesn’t work, reinvent your career

Playful summer learning

Fulfillment doesn't require big change

This summer, remember to refresh

Want to be happier? Make more free time.

Get out of your own way

You may also like

Related In Focus topics

• Healthy Living
• Mindfulness and Meditation

Journal of Happiness Studies

An Interdisciplinary Forum on Subjective Well-Being

The international peer-reviewed Journal of Happiness Studies is devoted to theoretical and applied advancements in all areas of well-being research. It covers topics referring to both the hedonic and eudaimonic perspectives characterizing well-being studies. The former includes the investigation of cognitive dimensions such as satisfaction with life, and positive affect and emotions. The latter includes the study of constructs and processes related to optimal psychological functioning, such as meaning and purpose in life, character strengths, personal growth, resilience, optimism, hope, and self-determination. In addition to contributions on appraisal of life-as-a-whole, the journal accepts papers investigating these topics in relation to specific domains, such as family, education, physical and mental health, and work.  The journal provides a forum for three main areas in happiness research: 1) theoretical conceptualizations of well-being, happiness and the good life; 2) empirical investigation of well-being and happiness in different populations, contexts and cultures; 3) methodological advancements and development of new assessment instruments. The journal addresses the conceptualization, operationalization and measurement of happiness and well-being dimensions, as well as the individual, socio-economic and cultural factors that may interact with them as determinants or outcomes.  

This is a transformative journal , you may have access to funding.

• Antonella Delle Fave

Latest articles

A meta-analysis of life satisfaction’s association with cognitive reappraisal and expressive suppression: the influences of age, gender, and cultural values.

• Hongxiang Wu

Lockdown, Infection, and Expressed Happiness in China

• Mingming Ma

Prosocial Behavior as an Antidote to Social Disconnection: The Effects of an Acts of Kindness Intervention on Daily Social Contact and Loneliness

• Yeeun Archer Lee
• Yingchi Guo
• Frances S. Chen

Positive Psychology Interventions Reduce Anti-Rich Mentality: An Exploration of the Contribution of Appreciative Joy

• Xianglong Zeng

Does Inequality Shape Human Character? Cross-Cultural Associations between Character Strengths and the Gini Index in 68 Countries

• Nicole Casali
• Silvia Filippi
• Tommaso Feraco

Journal updates

Obituary ed diener.

Professor Ed Diener's passing is a tremendous loss for the field of subjective well-being. His work has pushed the boundaries of quality of life studies in multiple ways, influencing and inspiring many scholars, both inside and outside the field of happiness. More.......

Journal information

• ABS Academic Journal Quality Guide
• Current Contents/Social & Behavioral Sciences
• Google Scholar
• OCLC WorldCat Discovery Service
• Research Papers in Economics (RePEc)
• Social Science Citation Index
• TD Net Discovery Service
• UGC-CARE List (India)

Rights and permissions

Springer policies

© Springer Nature B.V.

• Find a journal
• Publish with us
• Track your research

The Science of Happiness in Positive Psychology 101

Whether on a global or an individual level, the pursuit of happiness is one that is gaining traction and scientific recognition.

There are many definitions of happiness, and we will also explore those in this article. For now, we invite you to think of a time when you were happy. Were you alone? With others? Inside? Outside.

At the end of this article, revisit that memory. You may have new insight as to what made that moment “happy,” as well as tips to train your brain towards more happiness.

Before you continue, we thought you might like to download our three Happiness & Subjective Wellbeing Exercises for free . These detailed, science-based exercises will help you or your clients identify sources of authentic happiness and strategies to boost wellbeing.

This Article Contains:

A definition of happiness, a look at the science of happiness, the scientific research on happiness at work, 17 interesting facts and findings, a study showing how acts of kindness make us happier, the global pursuit of happiness, measures of happiness, four qualities of life.

• How to Train your Brain for Happiness

A Take-Home Message

In general, happiness is understood as the positive emotions we have in regards to the pleasurable activities we take part in through our daily lives.

Pleasure, comfort, gratitude, hope, and inspiration are examples of positive emotions that increase our happiness and move us to flourish. In scientific literature, happiness is referred to as hedonia (Ryan & Deci, 2001), the presence of positive emotions and the absence of negative emotions.

In a more broad understanding, human wellbeing is made up of both hedonic and Eudaimonic principles, the literature on which is vast and describes our personal meaning and purpose in life (Ryan & Deci, 2001).

Research on happiness over the years has found that there are some contributing correlational factors that affect our happiness. These include (Ryan & Deci, 2001):

• Personality Type
• Positive Emotions versus Negative Emotions
• Attitude towards Physical Health
• Social Class and Wealth
• Attachment and Relatedness
• Goals and Self-Efficacy
• Time and Place.

So what is the “ science of happiness? ”

This is one of those times when something is exactly what it sounds like – it’s all about the science behinds what happiness is and how to experience it, what happy people do differently, and what we can do to feel happier.

This focus on happiness is new to the field of psychology; for many decades – basically since the foundation of psychology as a science in the mid- to late-1800s – the focus was on the less pleasant in life. The field focused on pathology, on the worst-scenario cases, on what can go wrong in our lives.

Although there was some attention paid to wellbeing, success, and high functioning, the vast majority of funding and research was dedicated to those who were struggling the most: those with severe mental illness, mental disorders, or those who have survived trauma and tragedy.

While there’s certainly nothing wrong with doing what we can to raise up those who are struggling, there was an unfortunate lack of knowledge about what we can do to bring us all up to a higher level of functioning and happiness.

Positive psychology changed all of that. Suddenly, there was space at the table for a focus on the positive in life, for “ what thoughts, actions, and behaviors make us more productive at work, happier in our relationships, and more fulfilled at the end of the day ” (Happify Daily, n.d.).

The science of happiness has opened our eyes to a plethora of new findings about the sunny side of life.

Current research and studies

For instance, we have learned a lot about what happiness is and what drives us.

Recent studies have shown us that:

• Money can only buy happiness up to about $75,000 – after that, it has no significant effect on our emotional wellbeing (Kahneman & Deaton, 2010).
• Most of our happiness is not determined by our genetics, but by our experiences and our day-to-day lives (Lyubomirsky et al., 2005).
• Trying too hard to find happiness often has the opposite effect and can lead us to be overly selfish (Mauss et al., 2012).
• Pursuing happiness through social means (e.g., spending more time with family and friends) is more likely to be effective than other methods (Rohrer et al., 2018).
• The pursuit of happiness is one place where we should consider ditching the SMART goals; it may be more effective to pursue “vague” happiness goals than more specific ones (Rodas et al., 2018).
• Happiness makes us better citizens – it is a good predictor of civic engagement in the transition to adulthood (Fang et al., 2018).
• Happiness leads to career success, and it doesn’t have to be “natural” happiness – researchers found that “experimentally enhancing” positive emotions also contributed to improved outcomes at work (Walsh et al., 2018).
• There is a linear relationship between religious involvement and happiness. Higher worship service attendance is correlated with more commitment to faith, and commitment to faith is related to greater compassion. Those more compassionate individuals are more likely to provide emotional support to others, and those who provide emotional support to others are more likely to be happy (Krause et al., 2018). It’s a long road, but a direct one!

Download 3 Free Happiness Exercises (PDF)

These detailed, science-based exercises will equip you or your clients with tools to discover authentic happiness and cultivate subjective well-being.

Download 3 Free Happiness Tools Pack (PDF)

By filling out your name and email address below.

• Email Address *
• Your Expertise * Your expertise Therapy Coaching Education Counseling Business Healthcare Other
• Email This field is for validation purposes and should be left unchanged.

There’s been a ton of research on the effects of happiness in the workplace. Much of this is driven by companies who want to find a way to improve productivity, attract new talent, and get a dose of good publicity, all at the same time. After all, who wouldn’t want to do business with and/or work for a company full of happy employees?

Although the jury is still out on exactly how happy employees “should” be for maximum productivity, efficiency, and health, we have learned a few things about the effects of a happy workforce:

• People who are happy with their jobs are less likely to leave their jobs, less likely to be absent, and less likely to engage in counterproductive behaviors at work.
• People who are happy with their jobs are more likely to engage in behavior that contributes to a happy and productive organization, more likely to be physically healthy, and more likely to be mentally healthy.
• Happiness and job performance are related—and the relationship likely works in both directions (e.g., happy people do a better job and people who do a good job are more likely to be happy).
• Unit- or team-level happiness is also linked to positive outcomes, including higher customer satisfaction, profit, productivity, employee turnover, and a safer work environment.
• In general, a happier organization is a more productive and successful organization (Fisher, 2010).

To sum up the findings we have so far, it’s easy to see that happiness at work does matter – for individuals, for teams, and for organizations overall. We don’t have all the answers about exactly how the relationship between happiness and productivity works, but we know that there is a relationship there.

Lately, many human resources managers, executives, and other organizational leaders have decided that knowing there’s a relationship is good enough evidence to establish happiness-boosting practices at work, which means that we have a lot of opportunities to see the impact of greater happiness at work in the future.

Research in this field is booming, and new findings are coming out all the time. Here are a few of the most interesting facts and findings so far:

• Happiness is linked to lower heart rate and blood pressure, as well as healthier heart rate variability.
• Happiness can also act as a barrier between you and germs – happier people are less likely to get sick.
• People who are happier enjoy greater protection against stress and release less of the stress hormone cortisol.
• Happy people tend to experience fewer aches and pains, including dizziness, muscle strain, and heartburn.
• Happiness acts as a protective factor against disease and disability (in general, of course).
• Those who are happiest tend to live significantly longer than those who are not.
• Happiness boosts our immune system, which can help us fight and fend off the common cold.
• Happy people tend to make others happier as well, and vice versa – those who do good, feel good!
• A portion of our happiness is determined by our genetics (but there’s still plenty of room for attitude adjustments and happiness-boosting exercises!).
• Smelling floral scents like roses can make us happier.
• Those who are paid by the hour may be happier than those on salary (however, these findings are limited, so take them with a grain of salt!).
• Relationships are much more conducive to a happy life than money.
• Happier people tend to wear bright colors; it’s not certain which way the relationship works, but it can’t hurt to throw on some brighter hues once in a while—just in case!
• Happiness can help people cope with arthritis and chronic pain better.
• Being outdoors – especially near the water – can make us happier.
• The holidays can be a stressful time, even for the happiest among us – an estimated 44% of women and 31% of men get the “holiday blues.”
• Happiness is contagious! When we spend time around happy people, we’re likely to get a boost of happiness as well.

Newman (2015) is the source for the first six facts and findings, and Florentine (2016) for the latter 11 .

Feeling blue? Treat yourself to a decadent dessert.

Feeling frustrated after an argument with a friend? Skip your workout and have an extra scoop of ice cream.

The message is clear: If you want to feel happy, you should focus on your own wishes and desires. Yet this is not the advice that many people grew up hearing. Indeed, most of the world’s religions (and grandmothers everywhere) have long suggested that people should focus on others first and themselves second.

Psychologists refer to such behavior as prosocial behavior and many recent studies have shown that when people have a prosocial focus, doing kind acts for others, their own happiness increases.

But how does prosocial behavior compare to treating yourself in terms of your happiness? And does treating yourself really make you feel happy?

Nelson et al. (2016) presented their research answering these questions.

Participants were divided into four groups and given new instructions each week for four weeks.

One group was instructed to perform random acts of kindness for themselves (such as going shopping or enjoying a favorite hobby); the second group was instructed to perform acts of kindness for others (such as visiting an elderly relative or helping someone carry groceries); the third group was instructed to perform acts of kindness to improve the world (such as recycling or donating to charity); the fourth group was instructed to keep track of their daily activities.

Each week, the participants reported their activities from the previous week, as well as their experience of positive and negative emotions.

At the beginning, the end, and again two weeks after the four-week period, participants completed a questionnaire to assess their psychological flourishing. As a measure of overall happiness, the questionnaire included questions about psychological, social, and emotional wellbeing .

The Results

The results of the study were striking. Only participants who engaged in prosocial behavior demonstrated improvements in psychological flourishing.

Participants who practiced prosocial behavior demonstrated increases in positive emotions from one week to the next. In turn, these increases in feelings such as happiness, joy, and enjoyment predicted increases in psychological flourishing at the end of the study. In other words, positive emotions appeared to have been a critical ingredient linking prosocial behavior to increases in flourishing.

But what about the people who treated themselves?

They did not show the same increases in positive emotions or psychological flourishing as those who engaged in acts of kindness. In fact, people who treated themselves did not differ in positive emotions, negative emotions, or psychological flourishing over the course of the study compared to those who merely kept track of their daily activities.

This research does not say that we shouldn’t treat ourselves, show ourselves self-love when we need it, or enjoy our relaxation when we have it. However, the results of this study strongly suggest that we are more likely to reach greater levels of happiness when we exhibit prosocial behavior and show others kindness through our actions.

In world economic circles, Richard Easterlin investigated the relationship between money and wellbeing.

The Easterlin paradox—”money does not buy happiness” (Mohun, 2012)—sparked a new wave of thinking about wealth and wellbeing.

In 1972, Bhutan chose to pursue a policy of happiness rather than a focus on economic growth tracked via their gross domestic product (GDPP). Subsequently, this little nation has been among the happiest, ranking amongst nations with far superior wealth (Kelly, 2012).

More global organizations and nations are becoming aware and supportive of the importance of happiness in today’s world. This has lead to The United Nations inviting nations to take part in a happiness survey, resulting in the “ World Happiness Report ,” a basis from which to steer public policy. Learn about the World Happiness Report for 2016 .

The United Nations also established  World Happiness Day , March 20 th , which was the result of efforts of the Bhutan Kingdom and their Gross National Happiness initiative (Helliwell et al., 2013).

Organizations such as the  New Economic Foundation are playing an influential role as an economic think tank that focuses on steering economic policy and development for the betterment of human wellbeing.

Ruut Veenhoven, a world authority on the scientific study of happiness, was one of the sources of inspiration for the United Nations General Assembly (2013) adopting happiness measures. Veenhoven is a founding member of the World Database of Happiness , which is a comprehensive scientific repository of happiness measures worldwide.

The objective of this organization is to provide a coordinated collection of data, with common interpretation according to a scientifically validated happiness theory, model, and body of research.

At this point, you might be wondering: Is it possible to measure happiness? Many psychologists have devoted their careers to answering this question and in short, the answer is yes.

Happiness can be measured by these three factors: the presence of positive emotions, the absence of negative emotions, and life satisfaction (Ryan & Deci, 2001). It is a uniquely subjective experience, which means that nobody is better at reporting on someone’s happiness than the individuals themselves.

For this reason scales, self-report measures, and questionnaires are the most common formats for measuring happiness. The most recognized examples are the following:

• The PANAS (Positive Affect and Negative Affect Schedule);
• The SWLS (Satisfaction With Life Scale) ;
• The SHS (Subjective Happiness Scale)

However, there are  many instruments available to measure happiness that have proven reliable and valid over time (Hefferon & Boniwell, 2011).

Of the four dimensions, satisfaction is our personal subjective measure of happiness as we interpret life as a whole. Veenhoven’s (2010) global research into happiness suggests that happiness is possible for many.

This is an overview of his Four Qualities:

Using Veenhoven’s Four Qualities it is possible to assess the happiness of any country.

Liveability of environment

This dimension includes factors such as law, freedom, schooling, employment, electricity or gas, etc. It is a measurement of how well an environment meets what Maslow proposed as our basic needs (safety, security, shelter, food) (Maslow, 1943).

Life-ability of individuals

The ability of individuals to deal with life is important; both mental and physical health are identified as important factors, together with social values of solidarity, tolerance, and love (Veenhoven, 2010).

Utility of life

In this dimension, Veenhoven (2010) references a higher-order meaning, for example, religious affiliations.

Uchida et al. (2014) found that high levels of national disaster negatively impacted a nation’s level of happiness.

Satisfaction

Happiness is a complex construct that cannot be directly controlled. Through policy and individual and organizational action, one can endeavor to influence and increase happiness (Veenhoven, 2010).

However, happiness is a subjective experience and only once we change the way we perceive the world can we really begin sharing and creating happiness for others.

But is it possible to train yourself to be happier?

The answer is yes!

How to Train Your Brain for Happiness

At birth, our genetics provide us a set point that accounts for some portion of our happiness. Having enough food, shelter, and safety account for another portion.

There’s also quite a bit of happiness that’s entirely up to us (Lyubomirsky et al., 2005).

By training our brain through awareness and exercises to think in a happier, more optimistic, and more resilient way, we can effectively train our brains for happiness.

New discoveries in the field of positive psychology show that physical health, psychological wellbeing, and physiological functioning are all improved by how we learn to “feel good” (Fredrickson, et al., 2000).

What Are The Patterns We Need To “Train Out” of Our Brains?

• Perfectionism  – Often confused with conscientiousness, which involves appropriate and tangible expectations, perfectionism involves inappropriate levels of expectations and intangible goals. It often produces problems for adults, adolescents, and children.
• Social comparison  – When we compare ourselves to others we often find ourselves lacking. Healthy social comparison is about finding what you admire in others and learning to strive for those qualities. However, the best comparisons we can make are with ourselves. How are you better than you were in the past?
• Materialism – Attaching our happiness to external things and material wealth is dangerous, as we can lose our happiness if our material circumstances change (Carter & Gilovich, 2010).
• Maximizing  – Maximizers search for better options even when they are satisfied. This leaves them little time to be present for the good moments in their lives and with very little gratitude (Schwartz et al., 2002).

Misconceptions About Mind Training

Some of the misconceptions about retraining your brain are simply untrue. Here are a few myths that need debunking:

1. We are products of our genetics so we cannot create change in our brains.

Our minds are malleable. Ten years ago we thought brain pathways were set in early childhood. In fact, we now know that there is huge potential for large changes through to your twenties, and neuroplasticity is still changing throughout one’s life.

The myelin sheath that covers your neural pathways gets thicker and stronger the more it is used (think of the plastic protective covering on wires); the more a pathway is used, the stronger the myelin and the faster the neural pathway. Simply put, when you practice feeling grateful, you notice more things to be grateful for.

2. Brain training is brainwashing.

Brainwashing is an involuntary change. If we focus on training our mind to see the glass half full instead of half empty, that is a choice.

3. If we are too happy we run the risk of becoming overly optimistic.

There is no such thing as overly optimistic, and science shows that brain training for positivity includes practices like  mindfulness and gratitude. No one has ever overdosed on these habits.

How Is The Brain Wired For Happiness?

Our brains come already designed for happiness. We have caregiving systems in place for eye contact, touch, and vocalizations to let others know we are trustworthy and secure .

Our brains also regulate chemicals like oxytocin.

People who have more oxytocin trust more readily, have increased tendencies towards monogamy, and exhibit more caregiving behavior. These behaviors reduce stress which lowers production of hormones like cortisol and inhibits the cardiovascular response to stress (Kosfeld et al., 2005).

The following TED talk provides an insight into how we can overcome our negative mental patterns:

If happiness has little to do with having too many resources, then it is an inner state that we have the power to cultivate. The above video even offers specific exercises for you to try. Just by doing them, you are actively re-wiring your brain towards calm and happy sensations.

Meanwhile, this TED talk gives a better understanding of how to wire your brain to accept the positivity and happiness in your life:

The negativity bias that Dr. Rick Hanson discusses can help us understand how we can activate and “install” positive thinking as part of our core brain chemistry. If you don’t have a moment to watch either of these videos now, make time for it later—they are rich with relevant data and tips.

17 Exercises To Increase Happiness and Wellbeing

Add these 17 Happiness & Subjective Well-Being Exercises [PDF] to your toolkit and help others experience greater purpose, meaning, and positive emotions.

Created by Experts. 100% Science-based.

Happiness is the overall subjective experience of our positive emotions. There are many factors which influence our happiness, and ongoing research continues to uncover what makes us happiest.

This global pursuit of happiness has resulted in measures such as the World Happiness Report, while the World Happiness Database is working to collaborate and consolidate the existing happiness pursuits of different nations.

We are living in a time when the conditions for happiness are known. This can be disheartening at times when there is much negativity in the world.

There is, however, good news in this situation: neuroplasticity.

The human brain is wired for happiness and positive connections with others. It is actually possible to experience and learn happiness despite what has been genetically hardwired.

In a world where the focus on happiness is growing and the mirror is turning back towards ourselves, the happiness of the world relies on the happiness within each one of us and how we act, share, and voice the importance of happiness for everyone.

What are the steps you are taking to make yourself and others happier? Let us know by leaving a comment below!

We hope you enjoyed reading this article. Don’t forget to download our three Happiness Exercises for free .

• Carter, T. J., & Gilovich, T. (2010). The relative relativity of material and experiential purchases. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology , 98 (1), 146.
• Fang, S., Galambos, N. L., Johnson, M. D., & Krahn, H. J. (2018). Happiness is the way: Paths to civic engagement between young adulthood and midlife.  International Journal of Behavioral Development, 42 (4), 425–433.
• Fisher, C. D. (2010). Happiness at work.  International Journal of Management Reviews ,  12 (4), 384–412.
• Florentine, E. (2016, July 1).  11 Scientific facts about happiness.  Bustle . Retrieved from https://www.bustle.com/articles/169675-11-scientific-facts-about-happiness-that-youll-want-to-know.
• Fredrickson, B. L., Mancuso, R. A., Branigan, C., & Tugade, M. M. (2000). The undoing effect of positive emotions . Motivation and Emotion , 24 (4), 237–258.
• Happify Daily. (n.d.).  What is the science of happiness? Retrieved from https://www.happify.com/hd/what-is-the-science-of-happiness/.
• Hefferon, K., & Boniwell, I. (2011). Positive psychology: Theory, research, and applications . Open University Press.
• Helliwell, J., Layard, R., & Sachs, J. (2013) . World happiness report 2013. United Nations.
• Kahneman, D., & Deaton, A. (2010). High income improves evaluation of life but not emotional well-being.  Proceeding of the National Academy of Sciences ,  107 (38), 16489–16493.
• Kelly, A. (2012) Gross national happiness in Bhutan: the big idea from a tiny state that could change the world. The Guardian . Retrieved from: http://www.theguardian.com/world/2012/dec/01/bhutan-wealth-happiness-counts?CMP=share_btn_link
• Kosfeld, M., Heinrichs, M., Zak, P. J., Fischbacher, U., & Fehr, E. (2005). Oxytocin increases trust in human s . Nature , 435 (7042), 673–676.
• Krause, N., Ironson, G., & Hill, P. (2018). Religious involvement and happiness: Assessing the mediating role of compassion and helping others.  The Journal of Social Psychology ,  158 (2), 256–270.
• Lyubomirsky, S., Sheldon, K. M., & Schkade, D. (2005). Pursuing happiness: The architecture of sustainable change.  Review of General Psychology, 9 (2), 111–131.
• Maguire, E., Gadian, D., Johnsrude, I., Good, C., Ashburne, J., Frackowiak, R., & Frith, C. (2000). Navigation-related structural change in the hippocampi of taxi drivers . Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences , 97(8), 4398-4403.
• Maslow, A. H. (1943). A theory of human motivation . Psychological Review , 50 (4), 370.
• Mauss, I. B., Savino, N. S., Anderson, C. L., Weisbuch, M., Tamir, M., & Laudenslager, M. L. (2012). The pursuit of happiness can be lonely.  Emotion, 12 (5), 908–912.
• Mohun, J. (2012) The economics book . DK.
• Nelson, S. K., Layous, K., Cole, S. W., & Lyubomirsky, S. (2016). Do unto others or treat yourself? The effects of prosocial and self-focused behavior on psychological flourishing.  Emotion, 16 (6), 850–861.
• Newman, K. M. (2015, July 28). Six ways happiness is good for your health . Greater Good Magazine .  Retrieved from https://greatergood.berkeley.edu/article/item/six_ways_happiness_is_good_for_your_health
• Rodas, M. A., Ahluwalia, R., & Olson, N. J. (2018). A path to more enduring happiness: Take a detour from specific emotional goals.  Journal of Consumer Psychology, 28 (4), 673–681.
• Rohrer, J. M., Richter, D., Brümmer, M., Wagner, G. G., & Schmukle, S. C. (2018). Successfully striving for happiness: Socially engaged pursuits predict increases in life satisfaction.  Association for Psychological Science ,  29 (8), 1291–1298.
• Ryan, R. M., & Deci, E. L. (2001). On happiness and human potentials: A review of research on hedonic and eudaimonic well-being. Annual Reviews Psychology, 52 , 141–66.
• Ryff, C. D., & Singer, B. H. (2006). Know Thyself and Become What You Are: A Eudemonic approach to psychological well-being. Journal of Happiness Studies 9:13 -39, 2008.
• Schwartz, B., Ward, A., Monterosso, J., Lyubomirsky, S., White, K., & Lehman, D. R. (2002). Maximizing versus satisficing: Happiness is a matter of choice. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology , 83 (5), 1178.
• Shapiro, S. L., Carlson, L. E., Astin, J. A., & Freedman, B. (2006). Mechanisms of mindfulness. Journal of clinical psychology , 62(3), 373-386.
• Sheldon, K. M., & Lyubomirsky, (2006). Achieving Sustainable Gains in Happiness: Change your actions, not your circumstances . Journal of Happiness Studies (2006) 7:55-86.
• Uchida, Y., Takahashi, Y., & Kawahara, K. (2014). Changes in hedonic and eudaimonic well-being after a severe nationwide disaster: The case of the great east Japan earthquake . Journal of Happiness Studies, 15 , 207–221.
• United Nations General Assembly. (2013).  Happiness: towards a holistic approach to development.  Sixty-seventh session Agenda item 14. Retrieved from http://www.un.org/ga/search/view_doc.asp?symbol=A/67/697
• Veenhoven, R. (2000). The four qualities of life: Ordering concepts and measures of the good life . Journal of Happiness Studies ,  1 , 1–39.
• Veenhoven, R. (2010). Greater happiness for a greater number: Is that possible and desirable? Journal of Happiness Studies , 11 , 605–629.
• Walsh, L. C., Boehm, J. K., & Lyubomirsky, S. (2018). Does happiness promote career success? Revisiting the evidence.  Journal of Career Assessment, 26 (2), 199–219.

Share this article:

Article feedback

What our readers think.

Thank you for this beautiful well written article. I came across it during my research regarding the science of happiness. The beauty in writing this post is the power to influence souls in a positive manner many who you will not meet.

Sending some love and light to you and all those who get to read your blog.

Being in the field of Human Resource for four decades, coming across and dealing with millions of minds, after reading your article, gives a feeling that I have learnt something new today…

Thank you and congratulations for such a informative work.

God bless…

Thank you for your search light into one of the nerve center of our generation. i will like to use part of this in my upcoming book

Hello Katherine, Now reading https://positivepsychology.com/happiness/ Salute to you for enriching us. Nearly hundred of us relatives are creating an audio book for our blind uncle about life skills. Any quote from you that I can add in the document? Will be grateful. regards, Prabodh Sirur

Hi Prabodh,

Wow, that sounds like a lovely gift for your uncle! We actually have a couple of posts containing quotes about happiness, so you may want to take a look at those for some inspiration. You can find those here and here .

Hope this helps, and good luck with the audiobook!

– Nicole | Community Manager

Thanks for your article, I translated this article for a mental health lesson and I really enjoyed this article.

Thank you for this super helpful article!!

Thank You for such an Informative and Detailed Article on Science of Happiness. I am a Budding Happiness Life Coach and stumbled on this Article. This gives me more understanding of Happiness in Scientific way, with your permission, I would like to share my learning in my course. Thank You and looking forward for more such Articles. Thank You and God Bless You

Hi Srinivas, Thank you for your lovely feedback. We’re glad you liked the article. Feel free to share it with others by clicking ‘Yes’ on the ‘Was this article useful to you’ button. From there, a range of sharing options will appear. – Nicole | Community Manager

Thanks, very nice lecture and informative But I wish to know more about role of religious effects on Happiness? another thing is it ok to translate lecture to other language and share it? Regards Dr Eirebi Albogasim

Hi Dr. Albogasim, Thanks for reading. There’s quite a bit of research showing that those who practice religion tend to be happier than the general population ( here’s an article on the topic). And yes, feel free to translate and share the lecture. – Nicole | Community Manager

I stumbled on your article as I am researching on Happiness to publish my 3rd book. Thanks for sharing! A very elaborate and informative article. The “Take home message” is very encouraging. And I vouch for the neuroplasticity of the brain. We can train ourselves to be Happy. Once we change our attitude, it is easy to be Happy. I learnt how to be Happy at the age of 23. Few years back I posted an article sharing my findings on Happiness in this Linked-in forum. Please see the link for the same https://www.linkedin.com/pulse/easy-happy-ramesh-thota-pmp-cqa/ . Appreciate if you can share your views.

Let us know your thoughts Cancel reply

Your email address will not be published.

Save my name, email, and website in this browser for the next time I comment.

Related articles

Embracing JOMO: Finding Joy in Missing Out

We’ve probably all heard of FOMO, or ‘the fear of missing out’. FOMO is the currency of social media platforms, eager to encourage us to [...]

The True Meaning of Hedonism: A Philosophical Perspective

“If it feels good, do it, you only live once”. Hedonists are always up for a good time and believe the pursuit of pleasure and [...]

Happiness Economics: Can Money Buy Happiness?

Do you ever daydream about winning the lottery? After all, it only costs a small amount, a slight risk, with the possibility of a substantial [...]

Read other articles by their category

• Body & Brain (48)
• Coaching & Application (57)
• Compassion (26)
• Counseling (51)
• Emotional Intelligence (24)
• Gratitude (18)
• Grief & Bereavement (21)
• Happiness & SWB (40)
• Meaning & Values (26)
• Meditation (20)
• Mindfulness (45)
• Motivation & Goals (45)
• Optimism & Mindset (34)
• Positive CBT (28)
• Positive Communication (20)
• Positive Education (47)
• Positive Emotions (32)
• Positive Leadership (17)
• Positive Parenting (2)
• Positive Psychology (33)
• Positive Workplace (37)
• Productivity (16)
• Relationships (47)
• Resilience & Coping (35)
• Self Awareness (21)
• Self Esteem (37)
• Strengths & Virtues (30)
• Stress & Burnout Prevention (34)
• Theory & Books (46)
• Therapy Exercises (37)
• Types of Therapy (64)

• Phone This field is for validation purposes and should be left unchanged.

3 Happiness Exercises Pack [PDF]

Click through the PLOS taxonomy to find articles in your field.

For more information about PLOS Subject Areas, click here .

Loading metrics

Open Access

Peer-reviewed

Research Article

The keys to happiness: Associations between personal values regarding core life domains and happiness in South Korea

Roles Conceptualization, Formal analysis, Writing – original draft

* E-mail: [email protected]

Affiliation Department of Sociology, Chung-Ang University, Seoul, South Korea

Roles Conceptualization, Supervision, Writing – review & editing

Affiliation Department of Social and Behavioral Sciences, Harvard School of Public Health, Boston, Massachusetts, United States of America

• Min-Ah Lee, 
• Ichiro Kawachi

• Published: January 9, 2019
• https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0209821
• Reader Comments

Personal values refer to the beliefs, principles or ideas that are important to people’s lives. We investigated the associations between personal values and happiness. We inquired about the importance of four different categories of personal values: prioritizing social relationships, extrinsic achievements, physical health, and spirituality. Data were drawn from the Korean General Social Survey (KGSS), a nationally representative cross-sectional sample collected over three years (i.e., 2007, 2008, and 2009). The findings showed that respondents prioritizing religion (i.e., spirituality) were the most likely to be happy, followed by those prioritizing social relationships, including family, friends, and neighbors. Those who prioritized extrinsic achievements (money, power, educational attainment, work, and leisure) as well as health were least likely to be happy. The findings suggest that pursuing goals focused on self-enhancement or self-centered value are less likely to result in happiness compared to pursuing alter-centered collective goals or self-transcendence/selflessness.

Citation: Lee M-A, Kawachi I (2019) The keys to happiness: Associations between personal values regarding core life domains and happiness in South Korea. PLoS ONE 14(1): e0209821. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0209821

Editor: Shang E. Ha, Sogang University (South Korea), REPUBLIC OF KOREA

Received: August 21, 2018; Accepted: December 12, 2018; Published: January 9, 2019

Copyright: © 2019 Lee, Kawachi. This is an open access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License , which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited.

Data Availability: The data are third party and are available from the Korean Social Science Data Archive (KOSSDA) database ( http://www.kossda.or.kr/ ).

Funding: The authors received no specific funding for this work.

Competing interests: The authors have declared that no competing interests exist.

Introduction

A growing literature has addressed the science of happiness, or subjective well-being (SWB). Although material well-being is a critical ingredient of human well-being, it has also been recognized that an increase in material well-being beyond a certain threshold (i.e. once basic wants have been satisfied) does not guarantee further increases in happiness [ 1 – 2 ] (although this point has also been debated [ 3 ]). This has influenced many scholars to seek other factors that determine subjective well-being [ 4 – 5 ].

In this context, a considerable number of studies have examined personal values, goals, or aspirations as important factors associated with subjective well-being [ 5 – 7 ]. Personal values may affect individuals’ daily lives as well as major decisions regarding their lives and futures, shaping their life trajectories, social relationships, and subjective well-being in the long run. For example, it is well known that holding intrinsic values, such as personal growth and affiliation, is positively associated with happiness, in contrast to holding extrinsic values, such as economic success and popularity [ 5 , 8 ]. These studies clearly suggest that happiness is influenced by the personal values people hold in various life domains.

However, with the limitations of previous studies, questions remain regarding the association of personal values with subjective well-being. Although it is meaningful that previous studies have captured the relative propensity of individuals by using composite measures of personal values and goals [ 5 , 8 ], less is known about whether and how personal values attached to specific life domains are associated with happiness. For example, are people who prioritize family happier than those who prioritize money? Is valuing religion more strongly associated with happiness than family? These questions motivated the current study to directly investigate how prioritizing specific life domains relates to happiness.

Recent studies have shown that prioritizing time more highly than money is positively associated with happiness [ 9 – 10 ]. Individuals may choose to allocate more of their time to making money, but often do so at the expense of neglecting social relationships (spending time with family, friends, and the community). The millionaire rapper and songwriter Sean “Diddy” Combs recently said in an interview that “I can always make more money, but I can’t make time”, which expresses the ideas that (a) investing in relationships does not cost money, but (b) making more money is often traded off against other uses of time. It has been discussed that prioritizing time over money is beneficial for happiness because it can improve the quality of social relationships [ 9 – 10 ]. Although a recent study has shown that prioritizing family over work and leisure results in higher life satisfaction [ 11 ], most studies have compared a limited number of contrasting domains (i.e., time vs money, family vs. work), but not included diverse life domains together. Valuing specific life domains, such as family, power, money, or religion, not only indicates personal values and attitudes toward life, but also affects individual behaviors and decision making.

Furthermore, most studies regarding personal values and happiness have been conducted in Western societies, with a few exceptions [ 8 , 12 ], and have analyzed non-representative samples, such as convenience samples or samples of specific groups, such as college students [ 4 , 8 , 13 ]. It is therefore worth investigating these relationships using a representative sample in a non-Western societal setting such as South Korea. Korean society is traditionally founded on strong family-oriented values derived from Confucianism, although this has been weakening over the last several decades. In addition, religious influence on individual life might be stronger than other East Asian countries, although relatively weaker compared to other Western countries. As of 2015, it is reported that about 43.9% of Koreans have a religion. Among those who have a religion, 35.4% are Buddhists and 62.9% are Christians [ 14 ]. Among the total population, 15.5% are Buddhists while 27.7% are Christians [ 14 ]. This suggests that South Korea has a unique socio-cultural context in relation to Christianity and traditional values, which distinguishes it from other East Asian countries. For example, it is reported that only 1.5% of Japanese population are Christians as of 2012 [ 15 ]. South Korean society is therefore somewhat unique in the East Asian region for simultaneously maintaining Confucian family-oriented values together with Christianity.

In the current study we sought to investigate the effects of one’s personal values regarding core life domains on happiness. We used the Korean General Social Survey (KGSS) of a nationally representative sample, collected over three years (i.e., 2007, 2008, and 2009), which asked respondents to indicate their most valued life domain among the 10 presented, such as family and money, and to rate their happiness. We classified the personal values into four categories: prioritizing social relationships, extrinsic achievements, physical self, and spirituality. We begin with a literature review on the human value system and associations between personal values and subjective well-being.

Literature review

The structure and content of human values.

Exploring the human value system can increase understanding of the content of personal values embedded in the system, which can be used to classify diverse life domains into common categories based on the nature of those human values. Schwartz [ 16 – 17 ] provided a two-dimensional circumplex model explaining the structure and content of human values. According to Schwartz [ 16 – 17 ], 10 types of values differentiated by motivational goals can be classified into four value dimensions: self-transcendence; self-enhancement; openness to change; conservation. Each type of value may conflict with other values if it is located in the opposite direction of the value dimension [ 16 – 17 ]. For example, self-transcendence, including universalism and benevolence, is opposite to self-enhancement, including achievement and power, while openness to change is opposite to conservation [ 17 ].

The contrast between self-enhancement and self-transcendence can be likened to the contrast between extrinsic and intrinsic values, although they are not synonymous. Intrinsic and extrinsic values are well-known descriptions of the content of human values and have been used to examine their associations with subjective well-being [ 12 , 18 ]. Intrinsic values include personal growth, affiliation, community feeling, and physical health, whereas extrinsic values include financial success, image, and popularity, directed mainly toward external rewards [ 5 ]. In contrast to extrinsic values, intrinsic values are more related to psychological needs and fulfillment.

A few studies have explored and provided modified classifications of personal values based on early studies [ 4 – 5 , 16 – 17 ]. Burroughs and Rindfleisch [ 19 ] conceptualized materialism as a self-centered value that is opposed to collective-oriented values like family, community ties, and religious fulfillment. Based on the studies of Schwartz [ 16 – 17 ], materialism, achievement, hedonism, and power can be categorized into the dimension of self-enhancement, whereas religiosity can be categorized as self-transcendence [ 19 ]. Grouzet et al. [ 20 ] provided a modified two-dimensional value structure considering that some specific values can be neither intrinsic nor extrinsic. For example, spirituality is not classified as intrinsic or extrinsic value. Spirituality is included in self-transcendence, in the opposite direction of physical self (i.e., hedonism) [ 20 ].

Associations between personal values and happiness

Numerous studies have contrasted intrinsic and extrinsic values in terms of their associations with happiness. It has been widely observed that extrinsic values are negatively associated with happiness in Western as well as non-Western societies [ 8 , 18 ]. In contrast with intrinsic goals like self-acceptance, extrinsic values of economic success, popularity, and image are adversely associated with happiness in Peru [ 8 ], China [ 12 ], South Korea [ 13 ], and Japan [ 21 ], as well as in Western societies, such as Germany and the United States [ 18 ]. A specific indicator of extrinsic values, viz. materialism, is also adversely associated with overall subjective well-being [ 6 – 7 ], satisfaction with life in family [ 22 ], and work [ 23 ] and positively correlated with depression and anxiety [ 19 ].

A few studies have investigated more diverse or specific personal values. Compared with materialism, which is a self-centered value and similar to the dimension of self-enhancement, collective-oriented values, such as family, community and religious values, appear to be beneficial for well-being [ 19 ]. Spirituality measured by religious values or practice is positively associated with subjective well-being [ 7 , 19 ]. A longitudinal study has reported that prioritizing family over work and leisure results in higher life satisfaction [ 11 ]. Recent studies have also shown that prioritizing money more than time is adversely associated with happiness [ 9 – 10 ]. Although there are variations in terms of categorization of personal values, previous studies have provided quite consistent results showing that prioritizing extrinsic achievements, such as money, is adversely associated with subjective well-being in general.

Why are extrinsic or self-centered values adversely associated with happiness? On the one hand, it can be explained in that extrinsic values facilitate social comparison of oneself with others, which is harmful for subjective well-being. Extrinsic achievements are more easily compared with others than are intrinsic achievements, such as self-fulfillment or attachment. For example, people with high levels of materialism are more likely to compare themselves with others [ 24 ]. With greater social comparison, there is higher likelihood of frustration and dissatisfaction with individual achievements. People who prioritize extrinsic aspirations, such as power, money, or status, tend to have more difficulty of achieving and being satisfied with their goals.

On the other hand, extrinsic values can be harmful for interpersonal and social relationships. Pursuing material gains is negatively associated with quality of interpersonal relationships [ 25 – 26 ] and increases difficulty of achieving a family–work balance [ 27 ], which then decreases subjective well-being. People often need to decide whether they will spend time on social relationships or on extrinsic goals. People prioritizing extrinsic values are less likely to invest in social relationships, such as family and friends, which can decrease the quality of social relationships that is important for happiness. Recent studies have similarly argued that valuing money more than time may have deleterious impacts on social relationships [ 9 – 10 ]. These studies suggest that self-centered values or valuing self-enhancement is harmful for happiness, whereas collective-centered values or valuing social relationships is beneficial.

In this context, specific life domains might be differentially associated with happiness according to the attribute and nature of life domains. It is probable that prioritizing a specific life domain is negatively associated with happiness as the life domain is more based on self-centered value or self-interest. In contrast, we expect that life domains related to social relationships (alter-centered rather than self-centered) or self-transcendence are positively associated with happiness. In addition, life domains which have been classified as a same value category may have different effects on happiness depending on the degree to which they are self-centered value. For example, although health is conceptualized as intrinsic value [ 5 , 20 ], it may have different meaning and effect for individuals compared with other intrinsic values or goals such as prioritizing family and friend. Prioritizing health can be self-centered propensity more than other intrinsic values such as prioritizing family. We classified the personal values regarding diverse life domains into four categories: prioritizing social relationships, extrinsic achievements, physical self, and spirituality, which reflects the different levels of self-centered propensity.

Data were drawn from the Korean General Social Survey (KGSS) collected in 2007, 2008, and 2009. The KGSS is a nationally representative, cross-sectional survey conducted in South Korea [ 28 ]. The sampling method (i.e., multistage area proportional probability sampling), interview protocols, and data-processing procedures used for the KGSS conform to those used for the General Social Survey (GSS) conducted in the United States. Similar to the GSS, the KGSS includes special sets of questions every year in addition to core items, such as questions about socio-demographic factors. The KGSS in 2007–2009 included questions about personal values regarding life domains, happiness, and socio-demographic factors. Although the three years of data are not panel data, analyzing them as a pooled sample increases the statistical power for our analyses. The data were analyzed anonymously. The data for this study were made available by the Korean Social Science Data Archive (KOSSDA), Seoul National University, Seoul, South Korea.

Our dependent variable was subjective well-being (SWB), or happiness. Respondents were asked to rate their happiness via the following question: “When considering your life, how happy or unhappy are you overall?” The response categories of the 2007 and 2008 KGSS ranged from 1 (very happy) to 4 (not happy at all), whereas the happiness of 2009 was measured by a 5-point scale with a neutral category in the middle of the response categories. Due to this difference in response categories, we coded happiness as a binary variable in which two positive responses (i.e., very happy and happy) were assigned value 1 and the other responses were assigned value 0.

Personal values.

To measure personal values regarding life domains, respondents were asked to choose two items as the first and second most important domain in life among the following 10 items: (1) leisure; (2) friends; (3) power; (4) neighbors; (5) health; (6) money; (7) educational attainment; (8) religion; (9) family; (10) work. We used a response for the first most important domain in life only for our analysis. We classified the responses into four categories: (1) social relationships; (2) extrinsic achievements; (3) physical self; and (4) spirituality. Social relationships included family, friends, and neighbors, and extrinsic achievements included leisure, power, money, educational attainment, and work. We included leisure in the category of extrinsic achievements because leisure can be considered an external reward related to self-interest. Physical self and spirituality were each represented by a single item (i.e., health and religion, respectively). Prioritizing physical self refers to placing importance on maintaining physical health and survival in the present study. In the analyses, the reference group of the variable was the respondents prioritizing social relationships. All categories of personal values were mutually exclusive.

Other covariates.

Socio-demographic factors including gender, age, educational attainment, and marital status were measured. Gender was a binary variable with reference category of male (female = 1). Age was measured in years, and education attainment was classified into three categories: less than high school; high school graduates; college or more. The reference group for educational attainment in the analytic models was high school graduates. Marital status was measured by asking the respondents whether they were currently married, widowed, separated/divorced, or never married. The reference group for marital status in the analytical models was married.

We controlled for monthly household income and perceived social status as potential confounders of the association between personal values and happiness. Monthly household income was measured as a continuous variable in Korean 10,000 Won increments. We adjusted household income for the inflation rate across the three years of data, using the 2010 consumer price index [ 29 ]. After adjusting for the inflation rate, household income was log-transformed for the analyses because it was skewed. Perceived social status was measured with the question: “In our society, there are groups that tend to be positioned toward the top and those positioned toward the bottom. From the bottom (1) to the top (10), where would you put yourself on the scale?” Self-rated health was measured on a 5-point scale, and it was included in additional models examining the 2007 and 2009 data only because the 2008 KGSS did not include a self-rated health question.

Analytical strategy

We used Poisson regression models with robust error variances for a binary outcome [ 30 ] given that our dependent variable (happiness) had high prevalence. Logistic regression results in misleading and overestimated odds ratios when it examines common outcomes whose incidence is higher than 10% [ 31 ]. Thus, relative risks of Poisson regression with a robust error variance would be appropriate for our dependent variable.

We conducted two sets of Poisson regression analyses to examine how personal values regarding the core life domains are associated with happiness. The first set comprised four models. Model 1 included personal values in life domains with year dummies only; Model 2 added the socio-demographic factors of gender, educational attainment, and marital status to Model 1. Model 3 added household income and perceived social status to examine whether personal values are associated with happiness even after controlling for these two variables. We analyzed Model 4, as a supplementary model, excluding the year 2009 (which had different response categories compared to other years) to check whether personal values remained associated with happiness.

We used the second set of Poisson regression models to examine the associations between personal values and happiness with age restriction and/or self-rated health as a covariate. We conducted supplementary analyses excluding respondents aged 60 years or older and controlling for self-rated health, measured in the 2007 and 2009 data.

Sample characteristics

Table 1 presents the descriptive characteristics of the sample for the pooled data and for each survey year. For the total sample of pooled data, about 66% of respondents reported that they were happy overall; by year, 76.6%, 73.5%, and 49.7% reported being happy overall in 2007, 2008, and 2009, respectively. It is notable that the percentage of those who were happy in 2009 was lower than in the other two years. This is most likely because the 2009 survey used a 5-point scale to measure happiness, rather than the 4-point scale of the other years, leading to a substantial number of respondents (37.9%, 606 of 1,599) choosing the neutral category (which we coded as 0 = not happy).

• PPT PowerPoint slide
• PNG larger image
• TIFF original image

https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0209821.t001

In terms of personal values regarding life domains, 50.7% of respondents considered health to be the most important domain in life; 31.8% chose family, friends, or neighbors; 13.7% chose extrinsic achievements including money, power, educational attainment, work, and leisure; and 3.8% chose religion. Across years, a higher percentage of respondents in 2009 prioritized social relationships than in 2007 and 2008 (i.e., 28.6% in 2007, 27.3% in 2008, and 38% in 2009). However, the percentages of those prioritizing extrinsic achievements were consistent across years (i.e., 14.3% in 2007, 13.3% in 2008, and 13.5% in 2009).

Table 2 summarizes the descriptive statistics across personal values and provides the results of the Chi-squared or analysis of variance (ANOVA) tests comparing proportions or means of variables across the categories of personal values. For happiness, 81.2% of those who prioritized religion the highest answered that they were happy overall, which was the highest percentage observed. In contrast, about 54.7% of respondents prioritizing extrinsic achievements answered that they were happy, which was the lowest observed value. Among respondents prioritizing social relationships and health, 70.7% and 65% answered that they were happy, respectively. Bivariate statistics comparing distributions or means of the variables depending on personal values showed that all variables had significant differences depending on personal values regarding life domains.

https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0209821.t002

Fig 1 shows the percentages of those who were happy across personal values and survey years. Reported happiness varied across the survey years, but we also observed consistent patterns linking personal values with happiness ( Fig 1 ). Respondents prioritizing spirituality and social relationships showed higher percentages of happiness than the others. Respondents who valued extrinsic achievements showed the lowest percentages of happiness across all years. Note that percentages of reported happiness were lower across all personal values in 2009 than in 2007 and 2008 due to the different response categories used in 2009. It would be also possible that the percentage of reported happiness in 2009 was dropped because the data were collected after the global economic crisis in 2008.

https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0209821.g001

Poisson regression models

Table 3 summaries the results of Poisson regression models with robust error variances examining associations between personal values and happiness. Models 1, 2, and 3 showed that all categories of personal values had significant relationships with happiness. Compared with those prioritizing social relationships, respondents valuing extrinsic achievements and health had lower likelihoods of being happy, whereas those prioritizing religion were happier than the reference group. The categories of personal values were significant, even after controlling for household income and perceived social status, as well as socio-demographic factors in Model 3. Relationships between personal values and happiness are also shown in Model 4, excluding the 2009 data. Prioritizing extrinsic achievements was again adversely associated with happiness. Respondents prioritizing health were also less likely to report happiness than those prioritizing social relationships. One notable difference between the results of Model 4 and the other models was that prioritizing religion was not significant in Model 4 from which the 2009 data were excluded.

https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0209821.t003

Gender, age, and marital status were significantly associated with happiness in Models 3 and 4. Females tended to be happier than males. Married respondents tended to be happier than unmarried respondents. The likelihood of being happy decreased as age increased. In terms of socio-economic status, both household income and perceived social status were significantly associated with happiness. The likelihood of being happy increased as household income and perceived social status increased.

Table 4 presents the results of the additional models showing the associations between personal values regarding life domains and happiness with age restriction and/or controlling for self-rated health. Model 1 excluded respondents aged 60 or older from the total sample, and Model 2 included self-rated health as a control variable in the 2007 and 2009 data. In Model 3, the age restriction was also applied with self-rated health, so Models 2 and 3 included only 2007 and 2009 data because information on self-rated health was not collected in 2008. As listed in Table 4 , all categories of personal value were significantly associated with happiness, regardless of whether age and/or data restrictions were imposed. Compared with prioritizing social relationships, prioritizing extrinsic achievements was adversely associated with happiness even after controlling for self-rated health and excluding those aged 60 years or older in Model 3. Prioritizing physical self was, however, marginally significant in Model 3 with self-rated health and the age restriction. Respondents who prioritized religion were most likely to be happy.

https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0209821.t004

In addition, we conducted two supplementary sets of Poisson and multiple linear regression analyses as sensitivity analyses. The supplementary sets of Poisson regression models included personal values in life domains with leisure as a single category. It would be worth examining leisure separately because it can be closer to hedonism compared with the other extrinsic achievements. The supplementary sets of multiple linear regression models included the dependent variable as a continuous variable by multiplying the 4-point scale by 5 and multiplying the 5-point scale by 4 so that we could examine the continuous dependent variable with a 20-point scale and test if it had consistent results with Poisson regression analyses examining the dichotomized dependent variable.

S1 Table presents the results of Poisson regression models corresponding to the analytical models of Table 3 . Prioritizing leisure was negatively associated with happiness ( S1 Table ). Other personal value variables had consistent results with the findings in Table 3 . S2 Table presents the results of selected four multiple regression models due to word limitation. However, we had consistent results with our findings across all corresponding models in terms of effects and significances of personal value variables. Only one difference from the results of the Poisson regression analyses was that spirituality was still significant when the 2009 data were excluded as presented in Models 3 and 4 ( S2 Table ).

Our findings showed that there were significant associations between personal values regarding life domains and happiness. Prioritizing social relationships, including family, friends, and neighbors, was associated with a greater likelihood of happiness, whereas prioritizing extrinsic achievements, such as money and power, or physical self (i.e., health) was adversely associated with happiness. Although prioritizing spirituality (i.e., religion) was not significant when excluding the 2009 data, it was significantly and positively associated with happiness in the models when the age restriction was employed, or with self-rated health, as well as for the total sample. Respondents prioritizing religion were most likely to report happiness, whereas respondents prioritizing extrinsic achievements were the least likely. A significant difference between prioritizing extrinsic achievements and prioritizing health persisted in our supplementary models ( S3 Table ), in which extrinsic achievements was set as the referent category. Thus, we found that the rank order of happiness across personal values regarding life domains, from the highest to lowest likelihood, was spirituality, social relationships, physical self, and extrinsic achievements. Although previous studies have consistently shown that religious affiliation is positively associated with happiness [ 32 – 33 ], our findings have newly shown that respondents prioritizing religion are most likely to be happy than others.

The current findings support previous studies showing adverse associations between extrinsic, self-enhancement, or self-centered values and happiness [ 6 – 7 , 18 ]. Adverse associations between prioritizing extrinsic achievements and happiness can be explained in that extrinsic values facilitate social comparisons [ 24 ] and decrease quality of interpersonal relationships [ 25 – 26 ]. Prioritizing family over work and leisure enhances life satisfaction by increasing family satisfaction [ 11 ]. Recent studies [ 9 – 10 ] have similarly suggested that prioritizing time over money is beneficial for happiness via increasing the quality of social relationships. It is likely that people who consider extrinsic achievements as the most important thing in life are less likely to be satisfied with their current achievements and less likely to invest in social relationships, such as family and friends.

We also found that prioritizing social relationships is important for happiness and more beneficial than valuing extrinsic achievements or even physical self. This finding is consistent with a previous study showing that collective-centered values are more beneficial for well-being than are self-centered values [ 19 ]. Respondents prioritizing social relationships may tend to have higher quality of social relationships than those who value extrinsic rewards or egos (i.e., physical self). Additionally, spirituality, which can be classified into the dimension of self-transcendence or selflessness, is even more beneficial for happiness than is prioritizing social relationships. Psychological fulfillment through religion can be beneficial for happiness. Spirituality also may increase happiness in that it promotes a non-materialistic attitude toward life and decreases social comparison [ 7 ].

In sum, our findings showed how level of happiness is ranked according to the priority assigned to different personal values, with the highest level of happiness associated with spirituality, followed by social relationships, physical self, and (lastly) extrinsic achievements. This suggests that a greater propensity toward being self-centered is inversely associated with happiness. Among the four personal values, prioritizing extrinsic achievements can be considered as the strongest self-centered propensity whereas spirituality is the least self-centered propensity in that it could be categorized as self-transcendence [ 19 ]. Physical self might be intermediate between prioritizing extrinsic achievements and prioritizing social relationships. Although health is often conceptualized as an intrinsic value [ 5 , 20 ], prioritizing health might be more self-centered than prioritizing social relationships.

Some limitations of this study merit consideration. First, the data are cross-sectional and therefore we are limited in our ability to draw causal inferences. For example, it is possible that people who are unhappy with their social relationships are more likely to direct their attention toward earning the respect of others by seeking status, wealth, and power (reverse causality). In this scenario, individuals who are currently focused on prioritizing extrinsic achievements might not achieve happiness by being counseled to redirect their attention to their social relationships. Second, we used only three-year data of the KGSS (2007, 2008, and 2009) although the KGSS has been collected annually from 2003 to 2014, and biannually from 2014. The KGSS included both the personal value and happiness questions analyzed in the study for the three-year period only.

Third, we should be cautious about generalizing the findings about spirituality. Prioritizing religion was not significant in Model 4, shown in Table 3 , from which the 2009 data were excluded, although it was significant in the other models overall even with age restriction or with controlling for self-rated health, as shown in Table 4 . The lack of significance of spirituality when excluding the 2009 data might be due to the resulting decrease in statistical power. Compared with the 2007 and 2008 surveys, a slightly higher percentage of respondents chose religion as the most important domain in 2009 (i.e., 3.8% in 2007, 2.9% in 2008, and 4.5% in 2009). Only 3.38% of respondents (i.e., 99 of 2,933) chose religion as the most important domain after excluding the 2009 data, which might decrease statistical power. Further studies on associations between spirituality and happiness are needed to clarify these relationships. Finally, although it is reasonable to classify the 10 investigated life domains into four categories, more diverse classifications are needed in further studies. For example, we could not categorize neighbors as a separate category from social relationships because of the limited number of respondents who chose neighbors (i.e., 0.95% of respondents).

In spite of the limitations, this study extends previous knowledge about personal values and happiness by examining individual priorities for specific life domains and their impacts on happiness. Happiness may increase as individuals prioritize alters over egos, and egos over extrinsic rewards, which provides an ironic, but important implications about happiness in the individualistic and materialistic world.

Supporting information

S1 table. poisson regression analyses with robust error variances including prioritizing leisure as a single category (relative risks)..

https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0209821.s001

S2 Table. Multiple regression analyses examining associations between personal values on life domains and happiness.

https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0209821.s002

S3 Table. Poisson regression analyses with robust error variances including extrinsic achievements as a referent category (relative risks).

https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0209821.s003

• 1. Easterlin RA. Does economic growth improve the human lot? Some empirical evidence. In: David PA, Reder MW, editors. Nations and households in economic growth: Essays in honor of Moses Abramovitz. New York: Academic Press;1974. p.89–125.
• View Article
• Google Scholar
• PubMed/NCBI
• 14. Statistics Korea. Population and household census, 2015. [cited 2018 Oct. 24] available from: http://kosis.kr/statisticsList/statisticsListIndex.do?menuId=M_01_01&vwcd=MT_ZTITLE&parmTabId=M_01_01 .
• 15. Central Intelligence Agency. The world factbook. [cites 2018 Oct. 24] available from: https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/ja.html
• 16. Schwartz SH. Universals in the content and structure of values: Theoretical advances and empirical tests in 20 countries, In: Zanna M, editor. Advances in Experimental Social Psychology. Orlando: Academic Press, Vol. 25;1992. p. 1–65.
• 24. Kasser T, Ryan RM, Couchman CE, Sheldon KM. Materialistic values: Their causes and consequences. In: Kasser T, Kannder AD, editors. Psychology and consumer culture: The struggle for a good life in a materialistic world. Washington, DC: American Psychological Association;2004. p.11–28.
• 26. Kasser T, Ryan RM. Be careful what you wish for: Optimal functioning and the relative attainment of intrinsic and extrinsic goals. In: Schmuck P, Sheldon KM, editors. Life Goals and Well-being: Towards a Positive Psychology of Human Striving. Göttingen, Germany: Hogrefe & Huber; 2001. p. 116–141.
• 28. Kim S, Kim J, Moon Y, Shin S. Korean General Social Survey, 2012. Seoul: Sungkyunkwan University Press;2013. Korean.
• 29. Statistics Korea. Consumer Price Index. 2016- [cited 2018 Jan. 12]. Available from: http://kosis.kr/statHtml/statHtml.do?orgId=101&tblId=DT_1J0A001&conn_path=l2# .

• Browse All Articles
• Newsletter Sign-Up

Happiness →

• 02 Apr 2024
• What Do You Think?

What's Enough to Make Us Happy?

Experts say happiness is often derived by a combination of good health, financial wellbeing, and solid relationships with family and friends. But are we forgetting to take stock of whether we have enough of these things? asks James Heskett. Open for comment; 0 Comments.

• 04 Mar 2024

Do People Want to Work Anymore?

Surveys indicate that US employee engagement and job satisfaction are down. To what degree are attitudes toward work to blame? asks James Heskett. Open for comment; 0 Comments.

• 14 Nov 2023

Do We Underestimate the Importance of Generosity in Leadership?

Management experts applaud leaders who are, among other things, determined, humble, and frugal, but rarely consider whether they are generous. However, executives who share their time, talent, and ideas often give rise to legendary organizations. Does generosity merit further consideration? asks James Heskett. Open for comment; 0 Comments.

• 03 Oct 2023
• Research Event

Build the Life You Want: Arthur Brooks and Oprah Winfrey Share Happiness Tips

"Happiness is not a destination. It's a direction." In this video, Arthur C. Brooks and Oprah Winfrey reflect on mistakes, emotions, and contentment, sharing lessons from their new book.

• 12 Sep 2023

Successful, But Still Feel Empty? A Happiness Scholar and Oprah Have Advice for You

So many executives spend decades reaching the pinnacles of their careers only to find themselves unfulfilled at the top. In the book Build the Life You Want, Arthur Brooks and Oprah Winfrey offer high achievers a guide to becoming better leaders—of their lives.

• 28 Aug 2023
• Research & Ideas

The Clock Is Ticking: 3 Ways to Manage Your Time Better

Life is short. Are you using your time wisely? Leslie Perlow, Arthur Brooks, and DJ DiDonna offer time management advice to help you work smarter and live happier.

• 21 Aug 2023

You’re More Than Your Job: 3 Tips for a Healthier Work-Life Balance

Younger workers are rejecting the idea of sticking with one employer for the long haul and are instead finding happiness by job-hopping and creating dramatically different boundaries with work. In a new book, Christina M. Wallace maps out a step-by-step guide to building a flexible and fulfilling life that includes rest, relationships, and a rewarding career.

• 15 Aug 2023

Why Giving to Others Makes Us Happy

Giving to others is also good for the giver. A research paper by Ashley Whillans and colleagues identifies three circumstances in which spending money on other people can boost happiness.

• 14 Feb 2023

When a Vacation Isn’t Enough, a Sabbatical Can Recharge Your Life—and Your Career

Burning out and ready to quit? Consider an extended break instead. Drawing from research inspired by his own 900-mile journey, DJ DiDonna offers practical advice to help people chart a new path through a sabbatical.

• 10 Jan 2023

How to Live Happier in 2023: Diversify Your Social Circle

People need all kinds of relationships to thrive: partners, acquaintances, colleagues, and family. Research by Michael Norton and Alison Wood Brooks offers new reasons to pick up the phone and reconnect with that old friend from home.

• 29 Sep 2022

Inclusive Leadership Advice: Get Comfortable With the Uncomfortable

People tend to seek sameness, but they can teach themselves to relish in the differences of the human experience. Francesca Gino offers these three principles from improv to anyone who's trying to lead more inclusively.

• 21 Sep 2022

You Don’t Have to Quit Your Job to Find More Meaning in Life

Before you give notice and go on a vision quest, consider this: Fulfillment doesn't require big change, says research by Julian De Freitas and colleagues. In fact, you can find more meaning even in a job you don't love.

• 02 Jun 2022

Blissful Thinking: When It Comes to Finding Happiness, 'Your Dreams Are Liars'

Happiness research is all the rage. Arthur Brooks shares how understanding the origins of joy can improve the way we lead organizations—and our personal lives.

• 25 Jan 2022

More Proof That Money Can Buy Happiness (or a Life with Less Stress)

It's not about the bigger home or the better vacation. Financial stability helps people escape the everyday hassles of life, says research by Jon Jachimowicz. Closed for comment; 0 Comments.

• 29 Nov 2021

How Bonuses Get Employees to Choose Work Over Family

Working late again? Research by Ashley Whillans and colleagues shows how incentive pay encourages workers to think of downtime as wasted time. Open for comment; 0 Comments.

• 05 Jan 2021
• Cold Call Podcast

Using Behavioral Science to Improve Well-Being for Social Workers

For child and family social workers, coping with the hardships of children and parents is part of the job. But that can cause a lot of stress. Is it possible for financially constrained organizations to improve social workers’ well-being using non-cash rewards, recognition, and other strategies from behavioral science? Assistant Professor Ashley Whillans describes the experience of Chief Executive Michael Sanders’ at the UK’s What Works Centre for Children’s Social Care, as he led a research program aimed at improving the morale of social workers in her case, “The What Works Centre: Using Behavioral Science to Improve Social Worker Well-being.” Open for comment; 0 Comments.

• 05 Oct 2020

Want to Be Happier? Make More Free Time

Enjoying life requires time, but too often we willingly give it away in pursuit of money and career. Ashley Whillans shows how to restore the proper balance. Open for comment; 0 Comments.

• 21 May 2020

Fighting the COVID Blues: Advice from Business Research

Pandemic uncertainty doesn't have to spell doom. Happiness experts at Harvard Business School offer these research-based strategies for managing stress. Open for comment; 0 Comments.

• 26 Nov 2018

Make Your Employees Feel Psychologically Safe

To do their best work, people need to feel secure and safe in their workplace. In a new book, Amy C. Edmondson details how companies can develop psychological safety. Open for comment; 0 Comments.

• 04 Jan 2018

How to Monetize Happiness

Is there a business model around happiness? Hitachi believes that a happy employee is a productive one, and is investing in "happiness sensors" to prove the connection. Ethan Bernstein explains why in this podcast. Open for comment; 0 Comments.

• Skip to main content
• Keyboard shortcuts for audio player

• Your Health
• Treatments & Tests
• Health Inc.
• Public Health

How to Thrive as You Age

U.s. drops in new global happiness ranking. one age group bucks the trend.

Allison Aubrey

The U.S. ranks higher in the world happiness report when it comes to people aged 60 and older. Thomas Barwick/Getty Images hide caption

The U.S. ranks higher in the world happiness report when it comes to people aged 60 and older.

How happy are you? The Gallup World Poll has a simple way to gauge well-being around the globe.

Imagine a ladder, and think about your current life. The top rung, 10, represents the best possible life and the bottom rung, 0, represents the worst. Pick your number.

Researchers use the responses to rank happiness in countries around the globe, and the 2024 results have just been released.

This year, Finland is at the top of the list. Researchers point to factors including high levels of social support and healthy life expectancy, to explain the top perch of several Scandinavian countries.

Goats and Soda

Can a picture make you happy we asked photographers and here's what they sent us.

North America does not fare as well overall. As a nation, the United States dropped in the global ranking from 15th to 23rd. But researchers point to striking generational divides.

People aged 60 and older in the U.S. reported high levels of well-being compared to younger people. In fact, the United States ranks in the top 10 countries for happiness in this age group.

Conversely, there's a decline in happiness among younger adolescents and young adults in the U.S. "The report finds there's a dramatic decrease in the self-reported well-being of people aged 30 and below," says editor Jan-Emmanuel De Neve , a professor of economics and behavioral science, and the director of the Wellbeing Research Centre at Oxford University.

This drop among young adults is also evident in Canada, Australia and, to a lesser extent in parts of western Europe and Britain, too. "We knew that a relationship existed between age and happiness, but the biggest surprise is that it is more nuanced than we previously thought, and it is changing," says Ilana Ron-Levey , managing director at Gallup.

"In North America, youth happiness has dropped below that of older adults," Ron-Levey says. The rankings are based on responses from a representative sample of about 1,000 respondents in each country.

There are a range of factors that likely explain these shifts.

De Neve and his collaborators say the relatively high level of well-being among older adults is not too surprising. Researchers have long seen a U-shaped curve to happiness.

Children are typically happy, and people tend to hit the bottom (of the U) of well-being in middle age. By 60, life can feel more secure, especially for people with good health, financial stability and strong social connections. Living in a country with a strong social safety net can also help.

Shots - Health News

Can little actions bring big joy researchers find 'micro-acts' can boost well-being.

"The big pressures in life, [such as] having small children, a mortgage to pay, and work, have likely tapered off a bit," De Neve says. But what's so unexpected he says is the extent to which well-being has fallen among young adults.

"We would expect youth to actually start out at a higher level of well-being than middle-age individuals," De Neve says.

"People are hearing that the world is going to hell in a handbasket and the young especially are feeling more threatened by it," says John Helliwell , Professor Emeritus at the University of British Columbia, and a co-author of the study.

He says many younger people may feel the weight of climate change, social inequities, and political polarization which can all be amplified on social media.

But hope is not lost, Helliwell says.

He points to countries in eastern Europe where levels of well-being are on the rise among young people.

He says the older generations in the countries that make up the former Yugoslavia, tend to be less happy. "They are bearing the scars of genocide and conflict," he says.

But he says the younger people are looking beyond this history. "A new generation can put it in the past and think of building a better future and feel that they can be part of that," Helliwell says.

Stuck In A Rut? Sometimes Joy Takes A Little Practice

This story was edited by Jane Greenhalgh

• world happiness report

What a Dose of Happiness Can Do for Your Mind

New research shows how having a good memory involves more than brain cells..

Posted March 30, 2024 | Reviewed by Devon Frye

• People with calm personalities also seem to have good memories, but other factors are also at play.
• A new comprehensive longitudinal study shows the role of positive affect in preserving memory in later life.
• By tackling your mood, you can feel more in control of your mental abilities, no matter what your age.

When you think about the factors that influence your memory , it’s likely that one of the first you consider is how well your brain is functioning. Indeed, many of the latest political discussions about age and memory center around the assumption that older people have lost too many brain cells to be able to retain anything new, much less remember the past.

Research on aging and cognition continues to show the many mental strengths of older adults, particularly when it comes to demonstrating knowledge based on experience and judgment. However, the underlying stereotypes that pervade the media are that memory shows a straight downhill course throughout adulthood.

How Personality Can Make a Difference

According to new research by a University of California, Davis team headed by Sarah Tomaszewski Farias (2024), personality can play an impressive role in affecting an individual’s memory—not only in normal aging, but also in risk for Alzheimer’s disease. One route through which this can happen, they point out, is that people high in the trait of neuroticism are more likely to experience chronic stress as well as feelings of sadness and depression . Cortisol, the stress hormone, can have harmful effects on brain health.

While suggestive, older neuroticism findings didn’t directly address the question of mood’s effect on cognition. Being high on a trait defined in terms of worry and anxiety does not necessarily mean that an individual would be depressed enough to suffer the neurological changes associated with poorer memory. More is needed to explain how a person's day-to-day feelings can affect the ability to think clearly and remember what's important.

Testing the Mood-Memory Connection

To compare personality traits vs. mood and other non-trait measures, the UC Davis authors were able to draw from data collected on 157 individuals ages 60 and older who enrolled in the university’s longitudinal diversity cohort. The English- and Spanish-speaking members of the study (40 percent racial/ ethnicity other than White) provided brain scan data at the start of the study, which provided baseline estimates of brain volumes and the presence of abnormalities known as white matter hyperintensities (abnormally dense areas on brain scans).

The participants were followed on an annual basis with diagnostic testing to assess their neurological status. At the end of the period, they completed standard trait personality measures as well as questionnaires tapping into purpose in life, self-efficacy (feelings of self-confidence ), sadness, anger , happiness , joy, loneliness , and feelings of serenity and peace.

Taking advantage of the longitudinal nature of the study, Tomaszewski Farias and her collaborators were able to conduct statistical tests in which the cognitive outcomes were plotted as a function of the personality and other psychological measures while controlling for baseline brain measurements. The authors used statistical modeling to construct change scores over time in cognitive functioning, providing estimates for episodic memory (recall of events), semantic memory (recall of words and information), spatial ability, and executive functioning , (tested by, for example, generating words in response to specific prompts). The authors also imposed a rigorous statistical constraint on the analyses to avoid capitalizing on chance.

Turning to the findings, the prediction equations revealed poorer episodic memory in participants high in sadness and low in self-efficacy. People higher in executive functioning were higher in the trait of openness to experience , replicating other results; mood was not significant in predicting this cognitive ability. Spatial ability, however, was predicted by sadness and self-efficacy, although neuroticism also played a role. All of these analyses controlled for baseline brain functioning.

Coming up with a global cognitive score, the UC Davis researchers then put all of the predictors into one equation. In this analysis, none of the personality scores reached the level of significance. Instead, mood rose to the top of the prediction formula.

As the authors concluded, having “the experience of pleasurable emotions and interactions with the environment ” (p. 193) can lower the risk of cognitive decline in later adulthood. Importantly, the predictive effects of mood on cognition were reduced but not completely eliminated when the authors controlled for baseline brain measures. This finding could suggest that being generally in a good mood could help people overcome even some structural changes that may appear on brain scans.

Putting Your Mood to Work

Why would mood have such a powerful effect on cognitive decline? Expanding on their analysis of the previous literature used as the basis for the study, the authors describe one compelling pathway.

People higher in positive affect are less likely to activate the pathways connecting hormones to the brain which can result in the destruction of neurons through inflammation. Being in a good mood, further, can lead to increases in the release of dopamine , a neurotransmitter known to be involved in both memory and creative problem-solving.

Positive affect can also lead people to take more positive steps to remain engaged in behaviors and lifestyles that promote cardiovascular health. As shown in prior research, people who are generally in a good mood are more likely to engage in exercise. Being able to think positively could also help older individuals ward off stereotype threat (Barber, 2017), the belief in the inevitability of memory loss with age, which can lead to a defeatist attitude.

The good news from this well-controlled and extensive investigation relates to the implication that cognitive change in adulthood, including the years past 60, is "plastic," or able to be altered. In the words of the authors, “Essentially all of the psychological characteristics examined in this study have been shown to be modifiable, at least to some degree” (p. 196).

Some strategies for engaging in these modifiable steps include the many positive psychology interventions including mindfulness , practicing gratitude , and boosting one’s self-efficacy. In cases of clinically diagnosed depression, treatment is not only possible but highly effective.

However, the potential of this good news to have an impact can only be realized if individuals are willing to challenge the considered wisdom that memory and other key cognitive functions are destined to decline. One small memory slip is not a symptom of a dementing illness, as you can see from this National Institute of Aging website .

To sum up, knowing that your mood is key to maintaining your memory can provide you with some very real strategies to prevent the outcomes that you fear . Tackling your mood head-on will allow you to maintain the cognitive skills so important to a fulfilling life, no matter your age.

Barber, S. J. (2017). An examination of age-based stereotype threat about cognitive decline. Perspectives on Psychological Science : A Journal of the Association for Psychological Science, , 12 (1), 62-90. https://doi.org/10.1177/1745691616656345

Tomaszewski Farias, S., De Leon, F. S., Gavett, B. E., Fletcher, E., Meyer, O. L., Whitmer, R. A., DeCarli, C., & Mungas, D. (2024). Associations between personality and psychological characteristics and cognitive outcomes among older adults. Psychology and Aging, 39(2), 188-198. https://doi.org/10.1037/pag0000792

Susan Krauss Whitbourne, Ph.D. , is a Professor Emerita of Psychological and Brain Sciences at the University of Massachusetts Amherst. Her latest book is The Search for Fulfillment.

• Find a Therapist
• Find a Treatment Center
• Find a Support Group
• International
• New Zealand
• South Africa
• Switzerland
• Asperger's
• Bipolar Disorder
• Chronic Pain
• Eating Disorders
• Passive Aggression
• Personality
• Goal Setting
• Positive Psychology
• Stopping Smoking
• Low Sexual Desire
• Relationships
• Child Development
• Therapy Center NEW
• Diagnosis Dictionary
• Types of Therapy

Understanding what emotional intelligence looks like and the steps needed to improve it could light a path to a more emotionally adept world.

• Coronavirus Disease 2019
• Affective Forecasting
• Neuroscience

Finland is the happiest country in the world – but our research suggests the rankings are wealth and  status-oriented

PhD Candidante in Organizational Psychology, Lund University

Disclosure statement

August Nilsson does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

Lund University provides funding as a member of The Conversation UK.

View all partners

Finland steadily ranks as the happiest country in the world. In March 2024 the country was, for the seventh year in a row, ranked as the happiness champion. The ranking is based on one simple question, using a ladder metaphor, that is asked to people across nearly every country in the world. But my team’s new experimental study suggests that the ladder metaphor makes people think about power and wealth.

Since 2005, the Gallup analytics organisation has worked to measure happiness across the entire planet. The mission is particularly important as more and more governments say they are prioritising the wellbeing of their people.

For example, all OECD countries now measure the happiness of their people including the UK . More than a decade ago, Bhutan declared that the primary goal of their government was “gross national happiness” , not gross domestic product.

The world ranking is based on one simple but powerful question, called the Cantril Ladder:

Please imagine a ladder with steps numbered from zero at the bottom to ten at the top. The top of the ladder represents the best possible life for you and the bottom of the ladder represents the worst possible life for you. On which step of the ladder would you say you personally feel you stand at this time?

As you read the question, what does the top of the ladder metaphor make you think of and what does it represent to you? Is it love, money, your family – or something else?

I recently led a group of researchers from Sweden, the US and the UK. We investigated these questions in a study on 1,600 UK adults, and published our results in Nature Scientific Reports . We carried out an experiment with five independent groups.

One group was asked what the top of the ladder represented to them. Another group was asked the exact same question, but this time the ladder metaphor, including the picture of the ladder, was removed and the term “ladder” replaced with “scale”.

Our study found that the ladder metaphor made people think more of power and wealth and less about family, friends and mental health. When the ladder metaphor was removed, people still thought of money, but more in terms of “financial security” rather than terms like “wealth”, “rich” or “upper class”.

In a third group, people interpreted a question where the ladder metaphor as well as the top v bottom description in the question were removed. In a fourth and fifth independent group, in addition to the above changes, the phrase “best possible life” was substituted with “happiest possible life” and “most harmonious life,” respectively.

People in the happiness and harmony groups thought less about power and wealth and more about broader forms of wellbeing such as relationships, work-life balance and mental health, compared to the other groups.

People don’t want the top of the ladder

My research team also asked people where they wanted to be on the scale of the different questions. Researchers often assume that people want the best possible life but, to our knowledge, no one had tested this. The results showed that in none of the groups did more than half the participants want a ten, the best possible life. The typical desire was a nine.

Except for the group with the ladder analogy. They typically wanted an eight. The ladder metaphor made people think more of power and wealth at the expense of relationships, mental health and work-life balance – and made people want a lower score.

What does this say about the happiness rankings where Finland are frequently the champions? Well, there is a risk that the ranking is based on a narrow, wealth and power-oriented form of happiness, rather than a broader definition. This does not mean that Finns are unhappy, but the type of happiness they excel at may be power and wealth-focused.

Our study findings raises the question of what type of happiness we want to measure. A person’s idea of happiness can’t be determined by a researcher. That is why researchers must ask people about their concept of happiness.

Research has shown that when people define happiness, they only mention wealth and status to a small degree. It is well established that money relates to wellbeing but the money effect is weaker than many other happiness factors, where good quality social relationships have the strongest effect .

Recent research from the University of Oxford shows happiness actually causes people to be more productive and the most important factor for happiness at work is belongingness. Salary, on the other hand, is believed to be the most important driver for happiness at work, but it turns out to be a much weaker driver of happiness at work than belongingness . This aligns with the general message from the happiness science that relationships are the most important factor for happiness.

What type of happiness do we want to measure?

Previous research has shown that the Cantril Ladder reflects people’s income levels and social status to a larger degree than other wellbeing metrics . The current study adds more evidence that perhaps the simple but powerful question could be supplemented with extra questions in the future, to clarify what people mean by happiness.

Our study was conducted solely in the UK, so of course this research should be performed in other countries too, given the global nature of this topic. However, our results indicate that we aren’t necessarily measuring happiness and wellbeing in a way that is in line with how we actually define those concepts in our lives.

• Give me perspective

Audience Development Coordinator (fixed-term maternity cover)

Data and Reporting Analyst

Lecturer (Hindi-Urdu)

Director, Defence and Security

Opportunities with the new CIEHF

An official website of the United States government

The .gov means it’s official. Federal government websites often end in .gov or .mil. Before sharing sensitive information, make sure you’re on a federal government site.

The site is secure. The https:// ensures that you are connecting to the official website and that any information you provide is encrypted and transmitted securely.

• Publications
• Account settings

Preview improvements coming to the PMC website in October 2024. Learn More or Try it out now .

• Advanced Search
• Journal List
• Int J Environ Res Public Health

The Relationships between Physical Activity and Life Satisfaction and Happiness among Young, Middle-Aged, and Older Adults

1 Tribal Health Center, Ditmanson Medical Foundation Chia-Yi Christian Hospital, Chia-Yi 600, Taiwan; moc.liamg@56070hcyc

2 Department of Community Health, Ditmanson Medical Foundation Chia-Yi Christian Hospital, Chia-Yi 600, Taiwan; wt.gro.hcyc@52170 (W.C.); wt.gro.hcyc@19750 (H.-F.Y.)

Cheng-Wei Wang

3 Health Business Development Center, Ditmanson Medical Foundation Chia-Yi Christian Hospital, Chia-Yi 600, Taiwan; moc.liamg@94631hcyc

Hui-Fei Yang

Wan-ting huang.

4 Clinical Medicine Research Center, Ditmanson Medical Foundation Chia-Yi Christian Hospital, Chia-Yi 600, Taiwan; moc.liamg@89131hcyc

Sheng-Yu Fan

5 Institute of Gerontology, College of Medicine, National Cheng Kung University, Tainan 701, Taiwan

Physical activity has benefits on physical and psychological health. The aims of this study were to investigate (1) the relationships between physical activity and life satisfaction and happiness in young, middle-aged, and older adults while controlling for demographic characteristics, and (2) the relationships between age and life satisfaction and happiness for different physical activity levels. A total of 2345 healthy adults were recruited. Demographic characteristic, physical activity, life satisfaction, and happiness were collected. Participants were divided into young, middle-aged, and older adult groups based on age, and physical activity was categorized as high, moderate, and low. After controlling for demographic characteristics, participants with high and moderate activity levels had significantly higher life satisfaction and happiness than those with a low activity level across the total population and the three age groups. Age squared was a significant predictor of a positive curvilinear between age and life satisfaction and happiness. Physical activity was significantly related to life satisfaction and happiness in young, middle-aged, and older adults. In addition, life satisfaction and happiness increased with increasing age. The results support the promotion of physical activity.

1. Introduction

Subjective well-being, which reflects a good life, is an important issue in social health. Subjective well-being includes two components: cognitive and affective components [ 1 , 2 ]. The cognitive component refers to life satisfaction, and it is a judgment process in which people assess their quality of life based on a personal unique set of criteria [ 3 , 4 ]. The affective component refers to happiness, and it is an emotional appraisal of the degree of intensity and the content of positive personal experiences of the happy moments in a person’s life [ 4 , 5 ].

Physical activity provides people with physical health benefits, for example, improved functional capacity, decreased risks of diseases, improved body composition, and weight loss [ 6 , 7 ]. Previous reviews have also revealed the psychological benefits of physical activity, including improved mood and decreased depression and anxiety [ 7 , 8 ]. In addition, physical activity has broad effects on quality of life [ 6 ].

There are positive relationships between physical activity and life satisfaction [ 9 ] and physical activity and happiness [ 10 ]. A large survey in 24 countries showed that 18–30-year-old young adults with moderate or high physical activity had higher life satisfaction and happiness, and better perceived health [ 11 ]. The positive relationship between physical activity and life satisfaction was also founded in older adults [ 12 ].

However, there are inconsistent findings in different physical activity intensity levels and subjective well-being. A previous study showed that moderate-to-vigorous intensity physical activity was related to a higher quality of life [ 13 ]. In contrast, another study showed that healthy adults gained the highest subjective well-being from low intensity physical activity [ 14 ]. The frequency of low and moderate intensity physical activity was related to subjective well-being, but that of high intensity physical activity was not [ 15 ]. A prospective cohort study showed that the number of days people participated in moderate intensity physical activity was positively related to subjective well-being; however, the time spent on high intensity physical activity was negatively related to subjective well-being [ 16 ]. It is unknown whether the total amount of physical activity or a specific physical activity has positive effects on life satisfaction and happiness.

There are inconsistent findings on trends in life satisfaction and happiness across the lifespan. A review supported that life satisfaction was stable across different stages of the lifespan [ 1 ], whereas another study showed an inverted U relationship between age and life satisfaction, with a lower life satisfaction during emerging and older adulthood and a higher life satisfaction during young and middle-aged adulthood [ 9 ]. The study also showed that adults who performed more physical activity had a higher life satisfaction, and the effect of physical activity was stronger in older adults than in young adults [ 9 ].

There was a similar inconsistency in happiness and age; for example, happiness decreased with increasing age [ 17 , 18 ], and older adults were less happy [ 19 ]. There was a U-shaped relationship with happiness decreasing from age 45 to 54 and increasing from age 55 to 64 [ 20 ]. The effects of different amounts of physical activity on life satisfaction and happiness remain unknown.

Demographic characteristics are significantly related to life satisfaction and happiness. Female gender [ 17 , 21 ], a marital status of married or partnered [ 17 , 19 , 20 , 21 ], a higher education level [ 18 , 22 ], and a higher income level [ 18 , 19 ] tend to be associated with higher subjective well-being or happiness. In this study, demographic characteristics were considered covariates.

Previous studies have shown the potential benefits of physical activity on objective health indices, but few studies have focused on subjective indices, including life satisfaction and happiness. In addition, few studies have compared the effects across the lifespan. Therefore, the first purpose of this study was to investigate the relationships between physical activity and life satisfaction and happiness in young, middle-aged, and older adults while controlling for demographic variables. This study aimed to test whether the time spent performing physical activity of different levels (i.e., vigorous, moderate, and low) or the total amount of physical activity could significantly predict life satisfaction and happiness. The second purpose was to investigate the relationships between age and life satisfaction and happiness for different physical activity levels. The study aimed to test whether the relationships between age and life satisfaction and happiness were linear or curvilinear for the three different physical activity levels.

2.1. Participants

This study was a cross-sectional study, which recruited a large sample size to explore the effects of physical activity on life satisfaction and happiness cross lifespan. The inclusion criteria for the participants were adults aged >18 years who could communicate and complete the questions. The potential participants were recruited from a citizen physical fitness examination held by the Sports Administration of the Ministry of Education in Chia-Yi, a city in Southern Taiwan. Data were collected in 12 examination stations from January 2016 to November 2017. Adults who had serious diseases and communication problems were excluded. Ethical approval was obtained from the institutional review board of a teaching hospital (IRB number: 2020024).

2.2. Data Collection

2.2.1. demographic characteristics.

Demographic characteristics included age, gender, educational level, marital status, monthly income, and whether or not participants lived alone. Monthly income was rated on a 5-point scale (1 = less than 20,000 New Taiwan dollars (TWD); 2 = TWD 20,001–40,000; 3 = TWD 40,001–60,000; 4 = TWD 60,001–80,000; and 5 = more than TWD 80,000).

2.2.2. Life Satisfaction and Happiness

Life satisfaction was evaluated with a single question whose response was rated on an 11-point scale from 0 to 10: “In general, how satisfied are you with your life?” This single item measure was significantly correlated with the full scale of the Satisfaction with Life Scale [ 23 ]. Happiness was also evaluated with a single question rated on an 11-point scale: “Do you feel happy in general?” The item had good convergent and divergent validity [ 24 ]. Higher scores meant better life satisfaction and happiness.

2.2.3. Physical Activity

The International Physical Activity Questionnaire (IPAQ) short form was used to evaluate the participants’ physical activity levels [ 25 ]. Participants were asked to report the days and times they performed physical activity during the last seven days at three intensities: vigorous, moderate, and low. Examples of vigorous intensity activities include heavy lifting or digging, and moderate intensity activities include carrying light loads or bicycling at a regular pace. Low intensity activities included walking. The total weekly physical activity was estimated weighting the time spent performing each activity intensity with its metabolic equivalent (MET) energy expenditure. The METs of vigorous, moderate, and low intensity activities were 8.0, 4.0, and 3.3 METs, respectively. Based on the total METs, the participants were divided into low-active (0 ≤ METs < 600), moderate-active (600 ≤ METs < 3000), and high-active (METS ≥ 3000) groups [ 25 ]. The IPAQ has been translated into Taiwanese with a good reliability and validity [ 26 ]. The participants rated life satisfaction and happiness first, and then completed the IPAQ.

2.3. Statistical Analysis

The participants were divided into three age groups: young (age 18–44), middle-aged (age 45–64), and older (age 65 and above) adults. Descriptive statistics were used to present the demographic characteristics of the total population and participants in the three age groups.

Multiple hierarchy regression was used with life satisfaction and happiness as dependent variables, and demographic characteristics and physical activity variables were entered as predictors. Categorical variables, including gender, educational level, and marital status, were recoded as dummy variables. In the young and middle-aged groups, the proportions of participants with an elementary school or a junior high school education level were too small and were combined, and the same was done for an undergraduate and postgraduate education level in the older adult group.

Demographic characteristics were entered in the first model, and the time of vigorous, moderate, and low intensity activities (continuous variables) and the physical activity groups (categorical variables) were entered in the second model. Regarding the relationships between age and life satisfaction and happiness, age, and age squared (age 2 ), these were entered together [ 18 , 21 ]. While age was significant, the relationship was linear, and life satisfaction and happiness can be predicted by that age multiplied by the regression coefficient. While age squared was significant, life satisfaction and happiness can be predicted by that age 2 multiplied by the regression coefficient. Age changed 1 unit and life satisfaction and happiness changed more; therefore, the relationship was a curvilinear relationship. A variance inflation factor > 10 was used to examine the degree of multicollinearity. In addition, a line of fit was used to present the relationships between age and life satisfaction and happiness in participants with the three physical activity levels.

A two-tailed p -value < 0.05 indicated a statistically significant difference. SPSS software for Windows, version 17 (IBM Corporation, Somers, NY, USA) was used for statistical analysis.

3.1. Demographic Characteristics

A total of 2345 healthy adults were recruited. The mean age was 51.06 years (SD = 17.01), and 67.85% were female. Approximately 50% had an undergraduate degree; 66.78% were married; and 13.52% lived alone. The percentages of low-active, moderate-active, and high-active participants were 42.77%, 21.88%, and 35.35%, respectively. In the young adult group, the mean age was 34.60 years (SD = 6.17), and most were female (67.55%), had an undergraduate degree (68.68%), were married (50.26%), lived with family (87.72%), and had a low activity level (50.87%). In the middle-aged adult group, the mean age was 53.15 years (SD = 5.34), and most were female (74.90%), had a postgraduate degree (43.59%), were married (78.76%), lived with family (91.17%), and had a low activity level (45.52%). In the older adult group, the mean age was 73.71 years (SD = 5.94), and most were female (60.34%), had an elementary school education, were married (78.38%), lived with family (79.32%), and had a high activity level (44.01%) ( Table 1 ).

Demographic characteristics of adults in the three age groups.

SD, standard deviation.

3.2. Life Satisfaction

Compared with the low-active group, the high-active (Beta = 0.19, p < 0.001) and moderate-active groups (Beta = 0.12, p < 0.001) had significantly higher life satisfaction. Age squared (Beta = 0.34, p = 0.026) rather than age was significant. The other significant predictors were having an undergraduate (Beta = 0.14, p = 0.001) or postgraduate degree (Beta = 0.09, p = 0.005) and being married (Beta = 0.13, p < 0.001).

In young adults, the significant predictors were a high (Beta = 0.23, p < 0.001) and moderate activity level (Beta = 0.11, p = 0.001) and being married (Beta = 0.13, p = 0.001). In middle-aged adults, the significant predictors were a high (Beta = 0.17, p = 0.001) and moderate activity level (Beta = 0.11, p = 0.007), having an undergraduate (Beta = 0.20, p = 0.001) and postgraduate degree (Beta = 0.12, p = 0.016), being married (Beta = 0.17, p < 0.001), and monthly income (Beta = 0.13, p = 0.002). In older adults, the significant predictors were a high (Beta = 0.18, p = 0.004) and moderate activity level (Beta = 0.14, p = 0.007), having an undergraduate or postgraduate degree (Beta = 0.12, p = 0.016), and living alone (Beta = −0.10, p = 0.025) ( Table 2 ).

Summary of regression analyses: demographic characteristics, physical activity, and life satisfaction.

REF, reference. * p < 0.05, ** p < 0.01, *** p < 0.001. a : The reference education group for the young and middle-aged adult groups was elementary school and junior high school. b : The highest education level in the older adults group was the combination of undergraduate and postgraduate levels.

3.3. Happiness

Compared with the low-active group, the high-active (Beta = 0.19, p < 0.001) and moderate-active groups (Beta = 0.09, p < 0.001) were happier. Age squared (Beta = 0.26, p = 0.049) rather than age was significant. The other significant predictors were having an undergraduate degree (Beta = 0.10, p = 0.016) and being married (Beta = 0.09, p < 0.001).

In young adults, the significant predictors were a high (Beta = 0.16, p = 0.001) and moderate activity level (Beta = 0.08, p = 0.022) and being married (Beta = 0.10, p = 0.017). In middle-aged adults, the significant predictors were a high (Beta = 0.19, p < 0.001) and moderate activity level (Beta = 0.07, p = 0.040), having an undergraduate (Beta = 0.21, p = 0.001) or postgraduate degree (Beta = 0.15, p = 0.003), being married (Beta = 0.13, p = 0.001), and monthly income (Beta = 0.10, p = 0.014). In older adults, the significant predictors were a high (Beta = 0.21, p = 0.001) and moderate activity level (Beta = 0.11, p = 0.024) and having an undergraduate or postgraduate degree (Beta = 0.10, p = 0.045) ( Table 3 ).

Summary of regression analyses: demographic characteristics, physical activity, and happiness.

Because age squared was significant in life satisfaction and happiness, curvilinear lines of fit were used to present the relationships between age and life satisfaction and happiness in the total participants (see Figure 1 ). Participants in the high-active and moderate-active groups had better life satisfaction and were happier across the lifespan.

Estimated age patterns for life satisfaction in adults based on the three physical activity levels.

4. Discussion

After controlling for demographic characteristics, physical activity was significantly related to life satisfaction and happiness across the three age groups. Participants with a higher physical activity level tended to have higher life satisfaction and happiness. The positive relationships between age and life satisfaction and happiness were curvilinear. In addition, education was also a significant variable for middle-aged and older adults; marriage was a significant variable for young and middle-aged adults; and monthly income was only a significant variable for middle-aged adults.

Exercise or physical activity makes people feel good or happy [ 8 , 10 ], and the effects in this study occurred across the lifespan. The total amount of physical activity was more important than the specific type of physical activity, which did not support the findings of a previous study [ 16 ]. Overall lifestyle was more important than a single physical activity. Therefore, people should modify their lifestyle.

There are two potential mechanisms for the effects of physical activity on subjective well-being. The first is through the improvement of physical health, including cardiovascular status, strength, and functional capacity. The second is through changes in psychological variables, such as decreased anxiety and depression and increased self-efficacy, view of oneself, and mental health [ 6 , 9 , 27 , 28 ]. In addition, people with mental health issues could derive higher life satisfaction from exercise.

There was a bidirectional association between physical activity and life satisfaction/happiness [ 29 ]. Physical activity was one of important healthy lifestyles, which could improve physical and mental health, and then increase life satisfaction and happiness. On the other hand, happiness might be a protective factor to health [ 30 ], and people with higher life satisfaction/happiness might participate in more physical activity [ 31 ].

Similar to the findings of previous studies [ 9 , 18 , 32 ], the relationships between age and life satisfaction and happiness were U-shaped. Life satisfaction and happiness increased with increasing age, but when getting older, life satisfaction and happiness increased more. Aging is associated with more positive emotions from early adulthood to old age, and emotional experiences grow more stable [ 33 ]. They might not have stress from life events and economic problems. However, the participants in this study had good mobility and health. The results did not consider the effects of health status or disease.

Similar to the population in previous studies [ 18 , 22 ], participants with higher educational degrees tended to have higher life satisfaction and happiness. People with higher education had more health knowledge or a better ability to deal with life problems. The results of this study demonstrated the advantage of education in middle-aged and older adults, rather than in young adults. Due to social development, more than 80% of young adults in this study had undergraduate or postgraduate degrees. However, not all studies support this point. Some studies revealed that education was not significantly related to subjective well-being [ 17 , 21 ], and education may have indirectly affected subjective well-being through health [ 20 ].

Participants who were married had higher satisfaction and happiness [ 17 , 18 , 20 , 22 ]. People who are married receive a variety of physical, emotional, social, and economic benefits. Marriage is a normative achievement that is positively viewed by oneself and others, which leads to greater happiness and life satisfaction [ 34 ]. However, the positive effects of marriage only occurred in young and middle-aged adults. Older adults may be widowed or divorced and may have experienced the long-term negative effects of marriage, such as strain or conflicts between spouses. In addition, older adults who lived alone had lower satisfaction than those who lived with family or friends. Emotional and practical support from adult children may play an important role in older adults’ life satisfaction [ 35 ].

Personal income reflects one’s financial status, which was related to life satisfaction and happiness. People with a low income or who are unemployed have lower life satisfaction [ 36 ]. Monthly income was particularly important for middle-age adults because these individuals play an important role in earning money for their family in this life stage. One of the major life tasks in middle age is earning money. Therefore, middle-aged adults may experience economic stress.

The strength of this study was its large sample size from a citizen health examination. The results support the promotion of physical activity, and the amount of physical activity was more important than the type of physical activity. However, the participants recruited from the health examination had good mobility, and those who had mobile problems or serious diseases were not included. Some covariate variables, including physical and mental health status, diseases, and medication history, were not controlled. In addition, this study was a cross-sectional study that compared the differences between age groups. Personal life experiences, aging effects, or cohort effects may influence the long-term trend of life satisfaction and happiness. The causal effects of physical activity on life satisfaction and happiness could not be demonstrated. In future studies, a longitudinal study design with comprehensive measures of life satisfaction, happiness, and covariate variables can be used.

5. Conclusions

Higher physical activity was significantly related to better life satisfaction and happiness in young, middle-aged, and older adults. In addition, there was a positive curvilinear between age and life satisfaction and happiness, in which life satisfaction and happiness increased with increasing age. The results support the promotion of physical activity.

Author Contributions

H.-Y.A., W.C., and S.-Y.F. made substantial contributions to the study design; C.-W.W. and H.-F.Y. collected data; W.-T.H. and S.-Y.F. analyzed data; H.-Y.A., W.C., and S.-Y.F. interpreted the results of analysis and completed the manuscripts. All authors have read and agreed to the published version of the manuscript.

This research received no external funding.

Conflicts of Interest

The authors declare no conflict of interest.

The One Big Thing You Can Do for Your Kids

The research shows that you probably have less effect on your kids than you think—with one big exception: Your love will make them happy.

Want to stay current with Arthur’s writing? Sign up to get an email every time a new column comes out.

W hen one of my now-adult kids was in middle school, I had a small epiphany about parenting. I had been haranguing him constantly about his homework and grades, which were indeed a problem. One night, after an especially bad day, I was taking stock of the situation, and came to a realization: I didn’t actually care very much about his grades. What I wanted was for him to grow up to become a responsible, ethical, faithful, well-adjusted man. From that day forward, I stopped talking about his grades and started talking about values. It was a relief for both of us.

But then I got to wondering: If bugging him about grades didn’t change anything, why would talking about values make a difference? Did it really matter what I said about anything ?

If you have children—or plan to have them—you probably share my concerns. According to a survey last year by the Pew Research Center , the No. 1 desire of parents for their children (which 94 percent of those surveyed say is extremely or very important) is that their kids turn out to be honest and ethical. Meanwhile, the No. 1 worry (which 76 percent of parents said was extremely-to-somewhat worrisome) is that their kids might struggle with depression or anxiety. In short, we want them above all to be good and happy people.

But just wanting these things isn’t enough. How do we achieve these goals? This question is at least as ancient as human civilization. Should we talk about these things with our children a lot, or not? Be strict with them, or lax? Or perhaps everything is genetics anyway, so maybe we should just hope and pray for the best. Fortunately, recent research has offered ways to help answer some of these difficult questions—and make us better parents.

Arthur C. Brooks: The happy art of grandparenting

A foundational question about raising children revolves around nature versus nurture: how much of a child’s development is due to their genes rather than their upbringing. When I was a child, nurture theories had the upper hand. The common belief was that kids are a blank slate, or are nearly so, and that parenting is what really matters to mold who they will become as adults. Latterly, however, this view has been turned upside down, after study upon study has shown that a huge amount of personality is biological and inherited. For example, one 1996 study involving 123 pairs of identical twins (who share 100 percent of their genes) and 127 pairs of fraternal twins (who, like any other pair of siblings, share about 50 percent) estimated that 41 percent of neuroticism may be inherited, as well as 53 percent of extroversion, 61 percent of openness to experience, 41 percent of agreeableness, and 44 percent of conscientiousness.

You might be thinking that parenting may make up the other half or so, but that’s not seemingly the case. Researchers in 2021 examined over time the correlation between the personality traits of progeny and parenting measures, and found that, in most aspects, parenting mattered about as much as birth order—which is to say, its effect was little to none.

The exceptions were in two dimensions of personality: conscientiousness and agreeableness. Children were more conscientious when parents were more involved in their lives and worked to provide cultural stimulation (such as taking them to museums); and children were more agreeable when their parents raised them with more structure and goals.

Genetics also matter a great deal for children’s happiness. One study of fraternal and identical twins found that the genetic component discernible from analyzing the subjects’ various self-reported ratings of personality traits and life satisfaction was about 31 percent . In contrast with the possibly limited influence of parenting style on most personality traits, however, parental behavior does appear to significantly affect the roughly half of children’s happiness that may not be genetically determined. Specifically, one factor—parental warmth and affection, with slightly more weight to that of fathers—has been shown to make up about a third of “psychological adjustment” differences in their children, a holistic measure that includes markers of happiness.

Parenting involves both words and actions. Even if parents like to say to their children, usually with little effect, “Do what I say,” most parents come to notice that kids pay attention to everything their parents do , rather than what they say . And research backs up the idea that actions speak louder than words. For example, a 2001 study of parental religiosity among Catholics found that the behavior of a father (even more than the mother) who acts upon faith and is practicing will most affect the likelihood of his children growing up to be religious as well. Similarly, an investigation of substance use among adolescents discovered that among those who had tried alcohol, tobacco, or other drugs, 80 percent said their parents would say they disapproved of their teenager’s behavior, but 100 percent did not say explicitly that their parents abstained from substances—suggesting that these children likely had at least one parent who used them to a lesser or greater extent.

Listen: The right choices in parenting

T his tour through the research provides a set of parenting rules to act upon—one that I could very much have used when my kids were little. Better late than never, and I can still try to follow these rules now that I am a grandfather . Try them out and see if they make parenting easier and better for you. If your goal is virtue and happiness for your kids, keep these three things in mind.

1. Even a hot mess can be a good parent. It is easy to despair at being a parent—or to give yourself a pass—if you struggle with your own happiness or with a troublesome personality. I have heard many young adults say they’re afraid to have kids because they don’t want to pass on their own problems. True, much of your personality is transmitted to your offspring without your volition. As noted above, you may not be able to do much about their degree of extroversion, which seems largely a genetic given. But when it comes to conscientiousness and agreeableness (which, again, are what we really want for our children), parenting choices to be involved in their lives, and provide structure and goals, make a significant difference. And parenting does have a huge impact on their happiness.

2. When you don’t know what to do, be warm and loving. For happiness, the parenting technique that truly matters is warmth and affection. As my wife used to say when we were at wit’s end with our son, “I guess we should just love him.” This might sound like a hippie recipe for disaster, but it isn’t. Your kids don’t need a drill sergeant, Santa Claus, or a helicopter mom; they need someone who loves them unconditionally, and shows it even when the brats deserve it the least. Especially when they’re at their most brattish. Remember: That is what they will remember and give to your grandchildren (who will never be brats) when they themselves become parents.

3. Be the person you want your kids to become. The data don’t lie, but as parents we do . Kids—who are walking BS-detectors—always notice when we say one thing and do another. Of course, deciding how to act to create the right example for them to follow isn’t always easy. A good rule of thumb is to ask yourself how you’d like your son or daughter to behave as an adult in a given situation—and then do that yourself. When you’re driving and get cut off in traffic, you would like it not to bother them—so don’t let them see it bothering you. You would prefer they don’t get drunk, so don’t drink too much yourself. You’d like them to be generous to others, so be generous too.

Arthur C. Brooks: Don’t teach your kids to fear the world

F or young and future parents reading this, one last note: You will make a lot of mistakes, but mostly they won’t matter. I can think of my selfishness and blunders as a father, and on some sleepless nights the instances roll around in my head and fill me with regret. But then I look at my son. So how did all my hectoring about grades and values work out?

He skipped college and joined the U.S. Marine Corps, in which he spent four years as a mortarman and sniper. Now 23, he is happily married and works in a job he loves as a manager at a construction company. He won’t see this column because, well, he doesn’t have time to read my stuff. But he loves me and I love him; we talk every single day; and despite all of my missteps, he turned out just fine. And most likely, so will your child.

Appointments at Mayo Clinic

• Consumer health
• Mindfulness exercises

See how mindfulness helps you live in the moment.

If you've heard of or read about mindfulness meditation — also known as mindfulness — you might be curious about how to practice it. Find out how to do mindfulness exercises and how they might benefit you.

What is mindfulness?

Mindfulness is a type of meditation in which you focus on being intensely aware of what you're sensing and feeling in the moment, without interpretation or judgment. Practicing mindfulness involves breathing methods, guided imagery, and other practices to relax the body and mind and help reduce stress.

Spending too much time planning, problem-solving, daydreaming, or thinking negative or random thoughts can be draining. It can also make you more likely to experience stress, anxiety and symptoms of depression. Practicing mindfulness exercises can help you direct your attention away from this kind of thinking and engage with the world around you.

What are the benefits of meditation?

Meditation has been studied in many clinical trials. The overall evidence supports the effectiveness of meditation for various conditions, including:

• High blood pressure (hypertension)

Preliminary research indicates that meditation can also help people with asthma and fibromyalgia.

Meditation can help you experience thoughts and emotions with greater balance and acceptance. Meditation also has been shown to:

• Improve attention
• Decrease job burnout
• Improve sleep
• Improve diabetes control

What are some examples of mindfulness exercises?

There are many simple ways to practice mindfulness. Some examples include:

• Pay attention. It's hard to slow down and notice things in a busy world. Try to take the time to experience your environment with all of your senses — touch, sound, sight, smell and taste. For example, when you eat a favorite food, take the time to smell, taste and truly enjoy it.
• Live in the moment. Try to intentionally bring an open, accepting and discerning attention to everything you do. Find joy in simple pleasures.
• Accept yourself. Treat yourself the way you would treat a good friend.
• Focus on your breathing. When you have negative thoughts, try to sit down, take a deep breath and close your eyes. Focus on your breath as it moves in and out of your body. Sitting and breathing for even just a minute can help.

You can also try more structured mindfulness exercises, such as:

• Body scan meditation. Lie on your back with your legs extended and arms at your sides, palms facing up. Focus your attention slowly and deliberately on each part of your body, in order, from toe to head or head to toe. Be aware of any sensations, emotions or thoughts associated with each part of your body.
• Sitting meditation. Sit comfortably with your back straight, feet flat on the floor and hands in your lap. Breathing through your nose, focus on your breath moving in and out of your body. If physical sensations or thoughts interrupt your meditation, note the experience and then return your focus to your breath.
• Walking meditation. Find a quiet place 10 to 20 feet in length, and begin to walk slowly. Focus on the experience of walking, being aware of the sensations of standing and the subtle movements that keep your balance. When you reach the end of your path, turn and continue walking, maintaining awareness of your sensations.

When and how often should I practice mindfulness exercises?

It depends on what kind of mindfulness exercise you plan to do.

Simple mindfulness exercises can be practiced anywhere and anytime. Research indicates that engaging your senses outdoors is especially beneficial.

For more structured mindfulness exercises, such as body scan meditation or sitting meditation, you'll need to set aside time when you can be in a quiet place without distractions or interruptions. You might choose to practice this type of exercise early in the morning before you begin your daily routine.

Aim to practice mindfulness every day for about six months. Over time, you might find that mindfulness becomes effortless. Think of it as a commitment to reconnecting with and nurturing yourself.

There is a problem with information submitted for this request. Review/update the information highlighted below and resubmit the form.

From Mayo Clinic to your inbox

Sign up for free and stay up to date on research advancements, health tips, current health topics, and expertise on managing health. Click here for an email preview.

Error Email field is required

Error Include a valid email address

To provide you with the most relevant and helpful information, and understand which information is beneficial, we may combine your email and website usage information with other information we have about you. If you are a Mayo Clinic patient, this could include protected health information. If we combine this information with your protected health information, we will treat all of that information as protected health information and will only use or disclose that information as set forth in our notice of privacy practices. You may opt-out of email communications at any time by clicking on the unsubscribe link in the e-mail.

Thank you for subscribing!

You'll soon start receiving the latest Mayo Clinic health information you requested in your inbox.

Sorry something went wrong with your subscription

Please, try again in a couple of minutes

• Bystritsky A. Complementary and alternative treatments for anxiety symptoms and disorders: Physical, cognitive, and spiritual interventions. https://uptodate.com/contents/search. Accessed June 14, 2018.
• Seaward BL. Meditation and mindfulness. In: Managing Stress: Principles and Strategies for Health and Well-being. 9th ed. Burlington, Mass.: Jones & Bartlett Learning; 2018.
• Shapiro SL, et al. The Art and Science of Mindfulness: Integrating Mindfulness into Psychology and the Helping Professions. 2nd ed. Washington, D.C.: American Psychological Association; 2017.
• Lymeus F, et al. Building mindfulness bottom-up: Meditation in natural settings supports open monitoring and attention restoration. Consciousness and Cognition. 2018;59:40.
• Blanck P, et al. Effects of mindfulness exercises as stand-alone interventions on symptoms of anxiety and depression: Systematic review and meta-analysis. Behaviour Research and Therapy. 2018;102:25.
• AskMayoExpert. Meditation. Rochester, Minn.: Mayo Foundation for Medical Education and Research; 2018.
• Khoury B, et al. Mindfulness-based stress reduction for healthy individuals: A meta-analysis. Journal of Psychosomatic Research. 2015;78:519.
• Practice mindfulness and relaxation. Springboard Beyond Cancer. https://survivorship.cancer.gov/springboard/stress-mood/practice-mindfulness. Accessed June 14, 2018.

Products and Services

• The Mayo Clinic Diet Online
• A Book: The Mayo Clinic Diet Bundle
• A Book: Mayo Clinic Guide to Pain Relief
• A very happy brain
• Alternative cancer treatments: 11 options to consider
• Candida cleanse diet
• Colloidal silver supplements
• Colon cleansing
• Detox foot pads
• Diabetes treatment: Can cinnamon lower blood sugar?
• Do infrared saunas have any health benefits?
• Prickly pear cactus
• Herbal supplements and heart drugs
• Kombucha tea
• Kratom: Unsafe and ineffective
• Kratom for opioid withdrawal
• Learn to reduce stress through mindful living
• Medical marijuana
• Meditation 2.0: A new way to meditate
• Natural remedies for depression: Are they effective?
• Tai Chi and Cardiac Rehab
• Valerian: A safe and effective herbal sleep aid?
• Alternative psoriasis treatments
• Do zinc supplements shorten colds?

Mayo Clinic does not endorse companies or products. Advertising revenue supports our not-for-profit mission.

• Opportunities

Mayo Clinic Press

Check out these best-sellers and special offers on books and newsletters from Mayo Clinic Press .

• Mayo Clinic on Incontinence - Mayo Clinic Press Mayo Clinic on Incontinence
• The Essential Diabetes Book - Mayo Clinic Press The Essential Diabetes Book
• Mayo Clinic on Hearing and Balance - Mayo Clinic Press Mayo Clinic on Hearing and Balance
• FREE Mayo Clinic Diet Assessment - Mayo Clinic Press FREE Mayo Clinic Diet Assessment
• Mayo Clinic Health Letter - FREE book - Mayo Clinic Press Mayo Clinic Health Letter - FREE book
• Healthy Lifestyle

Your gift holds great power – donate today!

Make your tax-deductible gift and be a part of the cutting-edge research and care that's changing medicine.

The Top 20 Happiest Countries in the World in 2024, Ranked

W e live in a world that seems to spin faster each day, so finding happiness can sometimes feel like chasing the horizon. Yet, every year, the World Happiness Report gives us a glimpse into the countries where joy isn’t as elusive . The 2024 report, released to coincide with the International Day of Happiness, has once again highlighted the nations where contentment and well-being are part of the national fabric. 

The Nordic Dominance, Surprises, and Steady Climbers

Finland, the land of a thousand lakes and endless forests, has won the title for the seventh consecutive year. Its stellar social support system, high income, healthy life expectancy, freedom, generosity, and minimal corruption create a symphony of well-being that resonates with its citizens. Just a step behind is Denmark, with its cozy concept of ‘hygge,’ promoting a culture of comfort and togetherness, making it the second-happiest country. 

Iceland secures the third spot, while Sweden and Norway, with their egalitarian societies and love of the great outdoors, come in fourth and seventh, respectively. Israel, a country that has faced its share of challenges, surprises by entering at number five. Its ranking, based on a three-year average, showcases the resilience and spirit of its people despite regional conflicts. 

The Netherlands, known for its tulip fields and cycling culture, is proudly sixth, whereas Luxembourg, the small but mighty heart of Europe, is eighth. Switzerland, with its precise timekeeping and love for chocolate, nestles comfortably in ninth place, followed by the sun-kissed landscapes of Australia, rounding out the top ten.

The Global Mix

The list also showcases diverse countries, from New Zealand at eleven to Costa Rica at twelve. Kuwait takes the thirteenth place, while Austria stands at fourteen. However, the United States, often seen as a beacon of prosperity, finds itself at a new low. For the first time since the inception of the World Happiness Report, the Land of the Free does not even make it to the top twenty. The U.S. sits at number 23, trailing behind the United Arab Emirates and Slovenia.

The report suggests a stark generational divide in happiness levels within the U.S. While those over 60 enjoy a top ten ranking in terms of happiness, the younger generation under 30 faces a grim reality at rank 62, indicating a need for policy action to address this gap.

It also offers insights into happiness across different age demographics for the first time. Lithuania emerges as the happiest country for those under 30, while Denmark takes the honor for the over-60 crowd. These findings reveal significant differences in happiness levels across generations, with older populations generally faring better.

The happiness metrics used in the World Happiness Report—social support, income, health, freedom, generosity, and absence of corruption—are not just numbers. The findings emphasize the importance of societal well-being as a crucial aspect of national success, not merely economic growth. 

The Top 20 Happiest Countries in 2024

• Netherlands
• Switzerland
• New Zealand
• United Kingdom