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339 Military Essay Topic Ideas & Examples

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• Are 18-21 Years Old Psychologically Mature Enough to Go for War/Military? This was done to improve the overall welfare of the service and the inclusion of the eighteen years old meant that they were psychologically fit to offer service in the military and war.
• Work-Life Balance in the Military The purpose of this research is to establish the main concerns work-life balance in most of the organizations and fields of employment such as the military, business enterprise, health care facilities just to mention but […] We will write a custom essay specifically for you by our professional experts 808 writers online Learn More
• Similarities Between Business and Military Strategies Like in the military strategy, marketing aims to spread the influence of the business and conquer new “territories” to sell its products.
• Military Draft: Arguments for and Against While the all-volunteer military force established in 1973 by the US has been adequate up to the end of the last century, recent events have resulted in the over stretching of the military forces of […]
• Communication in the Military For the military personnel to engage in effective communication, they have to be open to the opinions and behaviors of each one of them.
• Comparisons Between Business and Military Strategies The military strategy involves combatant skills that are used to fight enemies and safeguard the interest of international borders. In addition, they involve the acquisition of new skills and information that is useful in competing […]
• Accountability of Equipment in Military And, the last task a commander has to do before the change of command ceremony is to account for all the property they had signed for and meet with the property book officer and the […]
• Military Interventions: Advantages and Disadvantages This is one of the possible outcomes that can be identified. This is one of the main arguments that can be put forward.
• The Importance of Respect in the Military This paper seeks to discuss the importance of respect in the military. Therefore, respect in the army ensures that the jobs of both the seniors and the subordinates are done.
• “Iron Triangle” in Relation to “Military Industrial Complex” The true power of government and public policy lies not in the hands of the citizenry but in the hands of powerful special interest groups, media, and the corporate elite.
• British Military Catering System’s History and Future This revolutionary event marked the start of enhanced cookery in the army. In essence, the system of production of food for British army had not been perfected.
• Disaster and Emergency Management: The Use of Military During Disaster Response The validity of this suggestion can be well illustrated in regards to the crucial role that military personnel played, while participating in search-and-rescue operations in the aftermath of hurricanes Katrina and Rita, and in regards […]
• Artificial Intelligence in the Military The current paper will provide research on the virtues, shortcomings, and perspectives of the use of AI in the military. The issue of the usage of AI in military actions is highly controversial and has […]
• Military Logistics and Commercial Logistics Logistics is the management of the distribution of resources and a thorough organization of the chain of supplies. Essentially, the supply chains should focus on the internal dynamics of logistics and have a chance to […]
• Suicide in the Military (US) The contributions of these factors to the rise in suicide in US military can be explained as follows. The authorities of the US military have taken cognizance of the need to reduce the cases of […]
• Kosovo 1999: Hacking the Military The paper addresses the motivation behind the attacks, the methods of attack, and the responses of the defenders to these attacks.
• Conflict and Its Resolution Within the U.S. Military and Department of Defense Hence, the aim of the paper is to regard the key types of conflicts that appear within the organization, define how does the government manages these conflicts, and what can be made for resolving these […]
• Military Families and Their Sacrifices While the acts of heroism made by soldiers are not to be underrated, either, the great sacrifice of their families, who provide consistent support, are proud of their family members in the military, and put […]
• Mandatory Military Service in the United States The history of the Armed Forces in the United States focuses on the government’s reliance on the civilians who should consider military service as their moral duty and obligation to contribute to the protection and […]
• The American Military and the Evolution of Computer Technology From the Early 1940s to Early 1960s During the 1940s-1960, the American military was the only wouldriver’ of computer development and innovations.”Though most of the research work took place at universities and in commercial firms, military research organizations such as the Office […]
• Military Career: Human Resource Certification Earning a professional human resource certification is one of the marvelous opportunities for improving professional development because the enhancement of civilian skills may be valuable for improving military career.
• The United Arab Emirates Military Hence, the UAE military is divided into four main blocks namely; the navy, the air force, the marines and the army.
• Involvement of Psychologists in Military Interrogations This led to sustained and strenuous efforts of these groups and the support of APA, leading to the adoption of detailed and clear specific ethical standards to limit the role of psychologists in interrogations.
• Women in the Military Historically participation of women in the military dates back to times of the revolutionary war, due to the awakening of the world that, women also had a role to play as pertained to protecting their […]
• Proposed Solution to Military Spending Problem The government could easily cut the expenses by at least $100 billion and invest the money in other spheres that could provide security for the citizens of the US.
• Gratitude to Military: Thank You for Your Service In my opinion, the military profession is one of the most dangerous and significant, and not every person can cope with the tasks assigned to such employees.
• Military Chaplaincy: Strengths, Weaknesses, Opportunities, Threats The chaplaincy’s historical centuries-old experience in military events demonstrates that it has unique opportunities for the development of the spiritual and moral potential of soldiers, actualization and strengthening of spiritual support, and the need to […]
• Reinstating the Military Draft If a draft seems quite inappropriate for other aspects of the military, then it is only logical for the same consideration to be made in terms of recruitment of soldiers.
• Use of Simulation in Military The first type of simulation used in the military is live simulation. The second application of simulation in the military is the use of virtual simulation.
• Military Law and One Team’s Concept Third, it oversees the activities of the military and the judiciary, the observance of the disciplinary practices, and the legality of actions in order to determine the legal validity of the decisions taken.
• Long Deployment for Military Families The main goals this couple has to set are the evaluation of several specific areas that might be affected by a long deployment and maintaining the stability of their relationships.
• United States Military JCETs: Lithuania The main goal of the Chief of Mission for Lithuania is to engage the country’s support and partnership to enhance stability and security in Europe.
• The Congressional Medal of Honor in US Military While the Medal of Honor primarily seeks to reinforce desired conduct in soldiers, Sergeant Alwyn Cashe demonstrated selflessness and dedication that inspires fellow members of the armed services and the citizenry. Sergeant Alwyn Cashe depicted […]
• Military Coup in Myanmar and Its Aftermath The goal of the military coup was to change the political order in Myanmar, which resulted in the change of all governing organizations.
• LGBTQ+ (Queer) Military Discrimination in Healthcare Furthermore, the subject is relevant to the field of psychology as the current phenomenon examines discrimination in healthcare both from the psychological outcomes experienced by veterans as well as the perception of LGBTQ+ patients through […]
• Eating Disorders in the Military Exposure to trauma is frequently linked to the emergence of eating disorders. As a result, soldiers develop an eating disorder due to external factors, which affect their mental and physical health, but it remains one […]
• Civilian vs. Military Crew Resource Management Training In the practice of military crew resource management training, the development of the curriculum is preceded by the development and active use of a structural and logical scheme in the field of training.
• The Lucifer Effect: Russian Military Invasion of Ukraine It is important to note that the statement that times of great tragedy such as war, genocide and disaster bring out both the best of us and the worst of us is true.
• Salah al-Din, an Islamic Military Leader To study these events, it is crucial to consider the identity of Salah al-Din. In conclusion, it is important to stress that although the military victories of Salah al-Din caused much trouble for the crusaders, […]
• Application of Irrefutable Laws of Leadership in the Military As a leader in the Army, I will let it be known to everyone that the decisions I take on behalf of the US Army will not be mine but for the rightful will of […]
• How Contemporary Leadership Styles Are Relevant in Today’s Military As a consequence, the need to develop the competencies and abilities of leaders in the field is not generally considered a military core activity.
• Individual and Structural Discrimination Toward LGBT (Queer) Military Personnel Consequently, LGBT military personnel are potentially even more vulnerable to mental health issues due to the combined stress of being LGBT and being in the military.
• Military Medical Staff in a Conflict Area: Challenges and Obstacles The first type of obstacle that the healthcare staff face is related to the organization of the health system in the areas of humanitarian crisis.
• Followership and Servant Leadership in the Military The soldiers in the military are dedicated to serving and executing the commands given by their supervisors. In the military, followership and servant leadership are crucial approaches for ensuring effective performance to achieve objectives.
• Extremism: The Contribution of the Military The United States Army is strict against extremism, terming it as a harmful behavior that neglects the responsibilities entrusted to the military and instead undermines the rule of law. The importance of this topic is […]
• The Role of the Military in Domestic Terrorism Acts The video focuses on the issue of domestic terrorism in the U.S.in light of the January 6th attack on the Capitol.
• Sarah Rosetta Wakeman’s Participation in the Military Campaigns Although this source is not dedicated to the person under consideration, Rosetta Wakeman, it was chosen as it is instrumental in understanding the position of women in American society in the 19th century.
• Dogs in the Military: Articles’ Rhetorical Analysis Despite the different pathetic natures of the two compared articles about dogs in the industry, their comparison proves that the utilitarian and ethical utility of a scientific article is detectable regardless of the level of […]
• The Mutual Trust Element in Military Operations In the case of launching operation Urgent Fury, the cooperation and mutual trust between the US and the Organisation of Eastern Caribbean States were chiefly responsible.
• Scaling and Success of DevOps for Military HQDA Army G-4 is a special unit involved in the development and evaluation of logistics processes, programs, and policies for the national military sector.
• Role of Commander’s Intent in Military Operations In other words, the commander’s intent specifies the end state of the battleground in terms of the commander’s own forces, the enemy forces, and the territory.
• Closing the Military-Civilian Career Gap A combination of the above-mentioned factors makes it harder for the ex-military people to work and interact with other employees. The inability to secure employment and the stigma from employers fuel the stress among the […]
• Reverse Logistics of Military Service Concerning the reverse logistics of the military, the Navy completed research in 1998, “three fundamentals of RL having surfaced: dependability, consistency, and accessibility,” according to the research, the fundamentals of army reverse logistic procedures are […]
• Redeployment Effort in the Military Moreover, the present objective of the logistics system transformation is to match the scale of logistical capacity to the actual demands of the military in terms of technological modernization and professionalization.
• Post-Traumatic Growth Among US Military Veterans The first goal of this research is to describe the Prevalence of PTG overall and in the five domains. The second goal is to describe the nature of the association between PTG and PTSD symptoms […]
• Bridging the Military-Civilian Career Gap The US military has one of the largest armies in the world and is the largest professional standing force. Skills transferability and military identity go hand in hand the military frames individuals to act in […]
• The Military Service: Reasons for Joining Army values determine the spiritual and moral orientations of the individual and underlie the actions, deeds, and motives of individual servicemen and military teams and are a kind of self-regulator of the behavior of servicemen.
• Mandatory Military Training in the US The major argument in this article is that there is no longer a need for mandatory military training in the US.
• Closing the Gap Between Military Service and Civilian Career The most important information in the article shows that the way veterans leave the military may affect their transition. This means that not all veterans have the same level of difficulty while transiting to the […]
• Harassment in Military: My Squad Is Free From Abuse If there is a threat of sexual harassment to a private, he will go to a person he can trust, and I will do my best to become that person as his squad leader.
• Military Effectiveness of Nazi Germany in 1939-1941 World War II is one of the most well-documented conflicts in military history, and there is an extensive amount of academic literature depicting the military effectiveness of the German army.
• Erwin Rommel: Military General in the Nazi Army Nevertheless, in early 1941, Hitler promoted Rommel to the commander of the German troops in North Africa, and shortly after, the whole world recognized the military genius of Rommel.
• Women’s Military Service and Biblical Teaching It is necessary to distinguish between two ideas of equality, which are highly different in moral terms: the idea of equality for the elite, the formal but necessary basis of which are privileges, status, a […]
• Comprehensive Psychiatric Evaluation in Military CC: The patient interviewed on the military base. The patient has troubles sleeping after experiencing a traumatic event in Iraq.
• Combat Operations: Military Operations Analysis Thus, due to the supply of arms and provisions to the city, the Soviet Union army could defend the strategically important city and turn the events of the entire war around.
• Hazing and Sexual Assault on the Military Profession In that case, the issues affecting the integrity of the soldiers in the platoon will be fixed once and for all.
• A Year of Duty: Why Mandatory Military Service Is a Great Idea A number of very beneficial social functions that it serves makes a case for implementing mandatory military service: it is capable of unifying people, resulting in economic benefits, and giving meaning to a person’s life.
• Veterans’ Transition From Military to Civilian Life The VA has established several programs that provide medical, financial, and other forms of support to veterans to help them adapt to civilian life.
• The Crusades and Military Campaigns The Crusades were armed expeditions of the peoples of the Christian West organized by the Church and the Papacy of Western Europe to liberate Jerusalem and the Holy Land from Muslims and subjugate these lands.
• The First World War: Military-Industrial Complex The First World War served as a powerful impetus to the development of the military-industrial complex not only in the United States but also in many European countries.
• Combat Bunker to the Corporate Boardroom – Leveraging the Military Mindset The linkage of the military mindset and their application in business settings support the research and analysis of the selected research topic.
• Leveraging the Military Mindset Into Business With YSG’s culture of hiring veterans and relatives to the veterans, this is an indicator that the company is benefiting from the military mindset in its business. The company has a significant number of employees […]
• Pastoral Counseling in the Military In turn, the standards of the Christian Church will help me to remain patient and understanding of the needs of soldiers so that they could progress in their spiritual development.
• Navigating Religious Pluralism in the Military They also have a significant impact on the development of the religious situation in the country, the dynamics of relations between confessions, and their relationship with the state in the context of the rapid spread […]
• Military Mindset and Its Application in Business Similar to the military organization, the elements of said leadership and mindset can be learned if there are appropriate resources and culture in place as well as influences that promote critical self-reflection.
• Difficulties in Adjusting to Civil Life After the Military Therefore, it is crucial for the nursing staff to address this issue and to explain to Mike the consequences of his health problems. It is vital to inform the patient of his condition and to […]
• The US Sanctions Against Myanmar Military Officials The US, along with the EU, is among the countries that use economic sanctions to achieve their political and economic goals the most frequently.
• American Military University: The Ultimate Advantage Is an Educated Mind AMU is affordable and has programs in fields such as business, information technology, education and management.
• Gender Inequality in Relation to the Military Service In his article, Soutik Biswas refers to the intention of India’s Supreme Court to influence the government and give women commanding roles in the army.
• Military Security (Nuclear Deterrence) Nuclear deterrence is a military strategy suggesting that a state may use its influence to bar another country from utilizing nuclear weapons.
• For Continued TRI-CARE Coverage for Military Retirees In light of the sacrifice members of the armed forces give to their country and the social, psychological and health challenges that retirees face during and after service, it is important to provide continued TRI-CARE […]
• PTSD Dual Representation Theory Use in Military Personnel However, it is the position of this paper that this is mere gender stereotyping and the real cause of trauma among women veterans has to do with sexual harassment.
• Military Medical Practitioners Malpractice The policy prevents them from filing lawsuits and claims against the national government on the grounds of medical malpractice. It allows for service members in active duty to file administrative claims against the government for […]
• Failed Leadership and Triggering Military Coups in Mali The people of the Republic of Mali are used to having their heads of state deposed by the military. The Tuareg people are among the most aggrieved, and in 2012, they staged a mutiny aiming […]
• Response to Terrorist Attacks: The Role of Military and Public Sector Entities Nevertheless, to understand the basis of such partnership, one has to understand the actions that the public sector takes and has taken to respond to terrorism in the United States and globally.
• How the Military Made the Transition From Combat to Garrison The purpose of the briefing is to expound on how the military transition from combat to garrison has and is being conducted and the type of leadership style works best.
• The US Military Veterans’ Mental Healthcare System The study’s main objective was to examine the Veterans’ gratification with VA mental health caring, its occurrence of delayed care, and the links of such results.
• “Experiences of Military Spouses of Veterans With Combat-Related PTSD” by Yambo Spouses living with PTSD veterans are unprepared and struggling to deal with issues that their husbands experience.
• Civil-Military Tension as Ethical Dilemma The first is to accept the situation as it is without questions, strictly following the orders and observing the limitations of their inferior position as consultants to the government.
• Ex-Military Adaptation: Veteran Care Grant Proposal The adaptation process and strategies for its implementation are expressed in the project through a consistent approach to the employment of veterans.
• The Military’s Role During the Fall of Suharto in Indonesia During the fall of Suharto in Indonesia, the military played a significant role as both the silent enforcer and active peacemaker.
• The Military Partnerships: Humanitarian and Support Role The purpose of this paper is to discuss the humanitarian and support role of the military partnerships and the NATO command structure, involvement of the National Guard and military branches, and some vital functions of […]
• Transitioning From Military to Civilian Life Since social adaptation after military service is a relevant social topic, this area is studied extensively in social disciplines.
• Military Technologies Inc. vs. Guidance Systems LLC The stakeholders involved in the aftermath of the decision include the company, the government, the supplier, the alternative supplier, the community, and the competing company as a hostile stakeholder.
• Military Transition To Civilian Life The presentation will review the usefulness of BMA, ET, and phenomenology for the transitioning processes that VMs experience as they go from military life to civilian life.
• Disaster Relief and the Military This paper aims to discuss the capabilities and limitations of Active duty and identify why the national guard is being used to support disaster relief efforts.
• Burma Under the Military Rule in 1962-1988 It is necessary to add that the public had a specific idea on the military as people believed the military could rule the country as they had the authority and the necessary instruments.
• N. Johnson’s Analysis of Military Operations in Uganda The defection campaign aimed at the TA commandment will eliminate the danger that TA poses to the local population and reduce the current number of 100 TA fighters to a minimum.
• Media and U.S. Military Policy 2 This paper discusses how the ubiquity of media continues to affect U.S.military interests and how contemporary military policy responds to media ubiquity.
• Alcohol Before and After Military Combat Deployment The conclusion of the article addressed the risk in the new-onset of heavy drinking, binge drinking and the alcohol-related crises among the soldiers who return from war.
• Sex Trade in South Korea Around US Military Bases According to reports released in 2003 by the Korean Institute of Criminology and the Korean Feminist Association, hundreds of thousands of women in the country are involved in the sex trade.
• Medication Errors at Riyadh Military Hospital: Medical Safety and Quality The safe keeping of medical records is the task of the medical records department. Medication errors are investigated at the hospital with regard to the degree to which the risk of improper management of patients’ […]
• Multi-Touch Touch Screen Controls in Military Aircraft The attitude indicator is in the centre of the top row, the Airspeed indicator is to the left, the altimeter on the right, and the gyrocompass or heading indicator in the centre of the second […]
• Contemporary United States Military Chaplaincy Tuttle elaborates that the government has the policy of encouraging the religious, moral, and recreation affairs as well as the development of members of the Armed Force.
• Military Deployment From Social Service Perspective Among the main problems that led to the development of substance abuse, there is a radical change in the entire lifestyle, changing the previous residence, the decline of the financial situation, housing problems, and uncertainty […]
• Optical Fiber Technologies Development and Military Use The benefits of optical fiber technology are the reasons that made the military sector to become an early adopter, and its usage is gradually becoming fundamental even in other fields.
• Hawks’ “Sergeant York” and Military Social Work The goals of York were to complete his military service as a brave and worthy man, who contributed to the protection and safety of the US.
• The Potential Mental Disorders in the Active-Duty Military The article by Walker et al.titled “Active-Duty Military Service Members’ Visual Representations of PTSD and TBI in Masks” describes the study aimed to identify potential mental disorders in the active-duty military.
• No Respect Given to Military Family The purpose of this essay is to study the impact of the problem of insufficient respect for military families on society and individuals and to find solutions to this issue.
• Sexism Against Women in the Military The results showed that not all of the perpetrators and victims from the reports were connected to the military, and most of the victims were women.
• Military Experience: Sergeant Major A rank of Sergeant Major is considered to be a high one and the person must have a reputation of a responsible and knowledgeable individual.
• Female Military in the Continental Army John Rees claims that the percentage of women in the Continental Army was around 3%, but the actual number is hard to find out since some women were disguised as men, and a lot of […]
• How to End Terrorism: Diplomacy or Military Action? The goal of the terrorist acts is the intimidate the population for the purpose of rocking the political situation in the countries, which policy is controversial to the ideas of terrorists.
• Latino Experiences in US Military It is assumed that the Latinos have increased in the military to replace the number of African Americans that has been reducing with years.
• The Issues of Race in the Military Consequently, to fully comprehend and assimilate the nature of racial and ethical discrimination meted out on the black military personnel’s or to better put it for military officers of different race or colour, one will […]
• Should National Governments Hire Private Military Contractors? When the services of private militias are enlisted usually the mission is dirty and dangerous and it is supposed to be a secret.
• Crusades: Military Strategy or Religious Ideology? The main aim of the European powers was the recapturing of the Holy Sepulcher, as well as the lowering of Muslim influence in Europe, the Middle East, and North Africa.
• Task Clusters in Military Learning Activity The first level in this framework is that of reaction whereby the attitude of the trainees is measured using a written questionnaire that measures their interests and motivation.a show of interest is a positive indication […]
• Jobless Youth Joining the Military It is stated that most of the youths in America join the military due to expansion of the nuclear energy and the need for more employees.
• Women Should Be Included in the Military Draft if the President Activates It This means that if there is to be a military draft, whether due to the need of health workers, or the already existing and growing numbers of women in the military, women should definitely be […]
• Military Theorists: Carl von Clausewitz and Antoine-Henri Jomini Jomini just like Clausewitz saw the battle of the French Revolution and the various activities that shaped historical events at the time of the Napoleonic era.
• Military Divorce, Its Causes and Effects As discussed earlier, due to their nature of training and the nature of the job, the military tends to be emotionally imbalanced with violent tendencies.
• Roman Civilization and Its Military Power The Roman Empire used the first systems of the republic to conquer a lot but for the interest of a few who included those living within the cities as well as those who were close […]
• Military Transformation in the US Marine Corps The consensus ‘Committee System’ of Command and Control as practiced by the British Doctrine was identified as the chief weakness in the success of amphibious operations.
• “The Military Family” by James Martin The book chronicles the military’s efforts to deal with the social challenges and how the operational dynamics have forced the military to outsource and privatize many of the family support functions to civilian service providers […]
• International Security Environment and Its Impact on the US Military The dangers of a nuclear armed Iran persist and the US will have to cater for the rise of China as a competing superpower.
• Communication Amongst Military Families At the conclusion of this paper it is the hope of the writer that the reader have an increased understanding of the difficulties experienced by individuals under contract with the military as well as what […]
• The U.S. Military Is Unprepared at Outbreak of Hostilities However, a close look at the development would definitely show that the allegation is the result of blowing the issue out of proportion and there should be no reason the US force, or the NCOs, […]
• Dwight D. Eisenhower’s Military Career The military career of Dwight David Eisenhower was closely connected with the development of the American state and international relations during the first half of the 20th century and till the end of the 1960s.
• Historical Analysis of Military Situations in China The main target of the Soviet was to ensure that the two parties merged. What brought the Communists to power was the revival of the power of the peasantry through Mao Zedong.
• The Sino-Russian Military Exercises and the US-Japanese War Game The purpose of this paper is to argue that the joint military exercises are informed by the diplomatic tensions between the participants, political events in the East Asian countries, and the scramble for the influence […]
• Tax Money Usage on Military Spending Issue The fact that America won the Cold War and defeated the Soviets is taken as a vindication by the American leaders of the need to continue military spending.
• Ethics in Military Service Against the Backdrop of Philosophical Theories of Natural Law, Etc. This essay examines the ethics of military service against the backdrop of philosophical theories of Natural Law, Constitutional ethics, Utilitarianism, Relativism, and Kant’s Categorical Imperative with the aim of determining whether the actions of Kilo […]
• Military: Carl Von Clausewitz Theories In modern times fog and friction of war are not obsolete, and their presence in warfare proves the theory of Clausewitz due to multiple examples of war tactics of today.
• U.S. Military Transformation History: Recruiting From 1776 to Nowadays The transformations in recruitment under a diversified program have also worked to improve opportunities for the minorities within the society Another major factor that led to widening the diversity of military personnel was the need […]
• Alexander the Great, Military Intellectual When Olympia was pregnant, the god’s are said to have communicated to her and the husband in a dream on the nature of the child to be born.
• Personal Philosophy of Military Leadership Hence, it devolves upon the leader to provide the necessary inspiration, enunciate clearly his vision and mission for his subordinates and above all be faultless in his personal code of conduct and maintain the core […]
• Uniform Code of Military Justice The Uniform Code of Military Justice is the corner stone of military law in the armed forces of the United States.
• Military Professionals Study Military History The question that has been asked over the ages is the reason to study history. This essay is an argument, which states that the study of history is important for military personnel as it demonstrates […]
• Military Leadership in the 21st Century The first challenge of any leadership is to feel the inevitability of tomorrow, meaning that one should be aware that one cannot lead forever and therefore, the delegation of authority should be a part of […]
• What It Takes to Be a Military Commander To grasp the sheer amount of odds that one has to overcome to rise in the military hierarchy, it’s important to start at the beginning- the initial decision to join the military.
• Iraq War and the Effects on the Military Family However, the effects of the wars have been felt by the nationals of the warring regions as well as the families of the troops fighting in the war.
• Military Dictatorships in Latin America Prior to analyzing military regimes in Latin America and the causes of their emergence, it is of crucial importance to understand the concept of dictatorship, because, it has many forms, and can be interpreted from […]
• U.S. Military in Iraq: Should They Just Leave? After the US defeated Iraq and succeeded in removing Sadaam Hussein from power, they continued to stay in the country in order to ensure that peace prevails in the country and ensure that innocent people […]
• World War I Within the Context of Military Revolution The main peculiarity of the World War I is the advent of the so-called “three-dimensional conflict”, which means that the combat is held also in the air.
• Private Military Companies’ Strategic Management This difference in terms of professionalism and reliability is one of the factors leading to differences in performance levels between the companies. In the case of Blackwater, they are not open to public scrutiny.
• The Modernization of the Chinese Military The Chinese people’s liberation Army is the unified military organization of all land, sea, and air forces of the Republic of China.
• British Military Medicine in the 18th Century To trace the footpath of military medicine from the fourteenth century to the eighteenth century is akin to detailing the medical advancements that has accompanied military conquests from the early civilizations to the present post […]
• Combating Access to Military Healthcare To change the situation, it is extremely needed to implement measures that would enable the service members and their families to gain access to healthcare in a Military health system.
• Gender Politics: Military Sexual Slavery In this essay, it will be shown that military power and sexual slavery are interconnected, how the human rights of women are violated by the military, and how gender is related to a war crime.
• Military Dictatorship in Brazil (1964-1985) They studied records of interrogations of the government of Brazil so that they could be able to evaluate the strengths and weaknesses of the government in dealing with the issue of dictatorship.
• United States Military Withdraw From Iraq Issue In looking at the events that led to the invasion of Iraq by the United States, one would not fail to make a connection between the 2001 terrorist attack on the United States and the […]
• NATO Organization Civilian & Military Structures Internal lettering is of the formal character, and is not always available for the reader, as it is of no interest for the inhabitant. It may be of scientific interest only for the researcher, and […]
• Discrimination Against Gays in the Military This information shows that the problem of gay men and lesbian in the military is a part of politics which supports discrimination and inequalities.
• Military “Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell” Policy. Is It Legal? The aim of this policy is to allow homosexual men to serve the army in spite of their sexual orientation. Second, and related to the first advantage, the issue definition could allow Clinton to transcend […]
• Military Substance Abuse Issue Analysis Military substance abuse, therefore, refers to the people working in the department of defense and in one way or the other are overindulging themselves in drug abuse or rather depending on a drug or chemical […]
• Tupolev Military Aircraft: International Business Law It is proposed to take over the Tupolev Military Aircraft Production Unit from the Russian Government since it is not, presently, in a position, for financial reasons, to build military helicopters here.
• Should Women Be in the Military? The paper starts with a historical background on the presence of women in the military and how they evolved through various traditional roles to their current roles over their time spent in the military domain. […]
• Is Killing in Military Engagement Justifiable? To consider the same topic in the modern national and international environment, we need to conclude that killing during military engagements is justifiable to the extent when it is very much related to the scope […]
• Military Leadership Styles in Examples He could argue and have a debate with them this was one of the strategies that he strengthens his leadership qualities by making it one of the key factors in his family and in his […]
• Military Leadership and Techniques
• Military in Space: What Will It Give the US?
• Chinese Military Modernization and Capabilities
• Gender Barriers to Military Leadership
• Military Leadership: Qualities to Acquire
• Health Behavior & Policies in Military Communities
• “Russia’s Military Revival” by Bettina Renz
• Military Conflicts at the Civil War
• Alcohol’s Role in Military Sexual Assaults
• Total Military Experience Effects on Arrests in Prison Inmates
• Military and Political Leadership
• Leaders’ Lessons Borrowed From Military Systems
• Sharp System and Its Misconception in US Military
• Social Work in the Military With Homeless Veterans
• Powered Exoskeleton in Military & Space Industries
• Sexual Orientation and Equal Rights in Military
• Military: Rules of Engagement and Opening Fire
• East Asian Military Before and After World Wars
• Challenges of Employing U.S. Military Power
• Why Must Political Power Have Primacy Over Military Power?
• Military Justice Issues: People’s Rights and Freedoms
• Open Homosexuals’ Effects on Military Morale
• Substance Abuse in the US Military System
• Domestic Violence Within the US Military
• War Purpose and Military Values
• Can Terrorism Only Be Defeated by Military Means?
• Military Advances Cause Change in Social Structure
• African Union Military Force in Darfur Conflict
• Social Work Against Alcohol Dependency in Military
• Treatments for Alcohol Abuse in the Military
• Military Social Work: SA Scott Case
• Military Social Worker and Posttraumatic Disorder
• Military Social Work Services and Family Support
• American Military Early Childhood Care System
• Encouraging the Accommodation of the Military in Texas
• Military Cyberspace as a New Technology
• Ex-Military Socialization and Mental Treatment
• Social Work in the Military Rehabilitation
• Wide Area Network Acceleration for Military Field
• Sexual Assault and Harassment in the U.S. Military
• Military Social Work and Psychological Treatment
• Psychological Trauma Care in Military Veterans
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ASSOCIATION OF THE UNITED STATES ARMY

Voice for the army - support for the soldier, the principles for the future of warfare and stand-off warfare.

by LTC Amos C. Fox, USA Landpower Essay 24-4, April 2024 This publication is only available online.

In Brief Like the principles of war, the principles and inverse principles of warfare represent the first-order principles militaries must adhere to when engaged in armed conflict. They are the animating forces that underpin the basic requirements which transcend technology of land forces. As we transition from a human-centric era of warfare into one that will arguably be dominated by artificial intelligence, human-machine integrated formations and a multitude of autonomous systems, Army concepts and doctrine must evolve. The Army must boldly push into new and challenging cognitive areas to help forecast how war and warfare might change, remaining open to novel terminology, concepts and doctrinal ideas. Concept developers, doctrine developers, science and technology experts and force designers must work together to develop pragmatic ideas and designs for future forces that integrate the key aspects of future technology without neglecting the enduring challenges of land warfare.

This is the third article in an AUSA series examining the future of armed conflict. The first in the series, Western Military Thinking and Breaking Free from the Tetrarch of Modern Military Thinking (Landpower Essay 23-6, August 2023), is available here , and the second, Myths and Principles in the Challenges of Future War (Land Warfare Paper 23-7, December 2023), is available here .

Building on the principles and inverse principles of war introduced in the previous article, this installment examines the principles and inverse principles of warfare and their roles in the changing landscape.

Introduction

Writing about the principles of war in 1949, American military strategist Bernard Brodie posited, “The rules fathered by Jomini and Clausewitz may still be fundamental, but they will not tell one how to prepare for or fight a war.” 1 Brodie’s comments in the wake of World War II meant to account for the vast amount of change experienced by all sides during that conflict. At the time, Brodie attributed the longevity of the principles of war, which had changed little since J.F.C. Fuller formalized them in the 1920s and 1930s, to three factors. First, the principles provided military practitioners “exceptional convenience,” and second, in their current form, they lent themselves well to “indoctrination.” 2 Third, because of their convenience and ease for indoctrination, the existing principles of war remain ideally suited for professional military education, which is short and thus rewards lightweight material that can be learned quickly with simple mnemonics, acronyms and other heuristics. 3 Brodie basically argues that the principles of war have not changed because it is simply easier to keep them as they are than it is to develop new principles more reflective of modern technology and methodologies of warfighting. Put another way, intellectual laziness often results in institutions shoehorning new technologies and seemingly novel techniques into extant language, taxonomies and doctrines.

In recent years, a few forward-thinking thought leaders have bravely pushed for reform in military thinking despite institutional recalcitrance quite similar to that which Brodie highlighted some 70 years ago. This advocacy is not limited to principles of war or warfare but also encourages new theories, methodologies and terminology that attempt to keep pace with or even set the pace for advances or general evolutions in military and dual-use technology. The emergence of formations like the Multi-Domain Task Force (MDTF) and the theater fires command and new weapon systems therein, for instance, require a rebalance of how and why the Army organizes the battlefield the way it does. This is nothing new. In 1925 J.F.C. Fuller wrote, “Changes of weapons must be accompanied by a change in tactical ideas.” 4

This article attempts to fulfill the charge of both Brodie and Fuller. A previous article addressed the principles of war from a historical and theoretical perspective, providing a set of nine principles of war that were oriented around the idea of large-scale combat operations. 5 This article builds on those ideas but also uses the framework provided in its preceding paper, Myths and Principles in the Challenges of Future War . 6 Further, this article balances those principles of warfare against the enduring challenges that armies must address in land wars while examining whether ideas on future warfighting concepts can effectively accomplish what’s needed in those situations too. Moreover, this article provides an easy heuristic to help illustrate the concept of future warfare—stylized herein as stand-off warfare—and demonstrates how it is insufficient to meet the challenges of land warfare and cannot keep pace with the principles of warfare.  

Principles of Warfare

The principles of warfare should be waypoints for how military forces operate when engaged in armed conflict. Moreover, the principles of warfare should be easily identifiable in a military force’s strategy, concepts, plans, operations, doctrine and activities. Perhaps more importantly, the inverse principles of warfare should be easy to identify in one’s strategy, concepts, plans, operations, doctrine and activities. By being easy to identify, and written in plain language, the principles and inverse principles of warfare help guide military forces along the proven path of military and political victory in a conflict.  

Principle #1: Movement

Movement is defined as the capability to move at operational, tactical or micro-tactical distances without external support or augmentation. Movement is the fundamental building block for every aspect of warfare. A force cannot advance without the ability to move. A force cannot conduct a coordinated defense without the ability to move. Likewise, a force cannot conduct maneuver or positional warfare without being able to move.

Movement is a fundamental element of warfare. A military force incapable of movement is ripe for attack and destruction. It is thus paramount for a force to possess inherent movement capability and not be bound by either (a) dependency on another organization for movement or (b) dependency on another service for movement. In practical terms, light forces that have no organic movement capability are not the most useful forces. They have to be transported to battle by someone else and then they have to be outfitted with vehicles by someone else or remain dependent on movement capability. The same holds true for airborne forces. By not possessing sufficient lift/transport aircraft to support their independent operations, their utility is not maximized.

The ability to move quickly in warfare is also extremely important because it allows a military to either take advantage of a fleeting temporal opportunity or create its own situations of advantage relative to its adversary.  

Principle #2: Pragmatism 

In warfare, adhering to a singular way of thinking about how to address military problems is a very dangerous proposition. Warfare, by its nature, is chaotic and ever-changing. Further, warfare is subject to the rules of reality, which manifest in varying degrees of determinism. For instance, if a theater of war is populated by mountainous terrain intermixed with several lakes and rivers—like the U.S. and NATO forces experienced during World War II’s Italian Campaign or the Korean War’s Chosin Campaign—all the forces involved in the conflict are subject to geographical determinism. The terrain, in this situation, causes a military force to operate most often along the road network. Room for exception applies. If a combatant is composed of a large number of non-vehicular (i.e., light infantry) elements, it can mitigate the impact of geographical determinism by operating off the road network and moving, albeit at a slow rate, through rough terrain on foot. A force whose fighting elements are motorized or mechanized, on the other hand, must operate along the road network because of its vehicles’ inability to navigate through rough terrain. In this scenario, the vehicular formation is more powerful from a capability comparison, but the terrain all but nullifies those capability advantages. The slower dismounted force, however, is better able to close with the road-bound vehicular force and destroy it with anti-vehicular weapon systems from hidden locations in rough terrain. The same comparison is valid if applied to urban terrain.

Nonetheless, the example illustrates that preference and idealism regarding how to fight fall prey to the deterministic impact of terrain. Other factors such as time, the tactical or operational situation, the forces available and the enemy’s activities within an area of operation all work together to necessitate pragmatism.

Pragmatism is thus defined as possessing the will, knowledge and skill to do what a military situation requires, while not being wedded to idealistic or dogmatic prescriptions. Understanding a situation is not just looking for similarities associated with doctrinal templates and then applying an institutional solution. Rather, pragmatism requires unshackling a military force from a prescriptive doctrine and mindset. That force must instead possess a strong appreciation for the variety of warfighting techniques that they might encounter, as well as how terrain, time and adversarial military activities all contribute to the situation’s shape. Beyond just understanding the range of potential battlefield challenges a force might confront, it must also possess the skill, knowledge and capability to fight within the situation to do what is situationally appropriate to survive and win against an adversary. Dogmatic adherence to idealistic views on war and warfare, which come on the back of axiomatic statements, is unhelpful for military forces, both institutionally and in the field.

U.S. General Christopher G. Cavoli, Supreme Allied Commander Europe and Commander, U.S. European Command, for instance, is noted for stating that precision beats mass. 7 This comment was made in regard to Russia’s method of warfare against Ukraine’s armed forces in the Russo-Ukrainian War. Cavoli implies that with sufficient quantity of precision munitions and precision strike capability, Ukraine could militarily defeat Russia. The problem with this sentiment is that it is unproven, and using the Russo-Ukrainian War as a case in point, it is incorrect. More than 12 months following Cavoli’s statement, Ukrainian forces are no closer to expelling Russian land forces from the Donbas, the “Land Bridge to Crimea,” nor the Crimean Peninsula. 8 Moreover, Kyiv is no closer to forcing the Kremlin to negotiate an end to the conflict despite the massive amounts of precision strike capability and precision munitions that the United States and other Western states have provided to Ukraine since the start of the conflict. It appears that Cavoli is wrong—mass does overcome precision.

General James Rainey has made similar idealistic statements. On several occasions, Rainey has stated that the U.S. Army “does not do attrition” and that the U.S. Army exclusively uses maneuver warfare because it cannot exchange in a one-for-one exchange in casualties on the battlefield. 9 Rainey’s comments are ironic, considering his own experience as a battalion commander during Operation Iraqi Freedom’s Second Battle of Fallujah (7 November–23 December 2004). 10 Fallujah is the archetype of a battle of attrition—the U.S. military’s objective was the elimination of a non-state military force, and the technique to do so was destruction-based warfighting that sought to kill all the fighters, destroy their cohesion and destroy any buildings within the city that they used as protection or command and control locations. 11 The Modern War Institute reports that the battle tallied more than 300 coalition casualties, 1,500 enemy combatants and 800 civilians killed and 60 percent of the city’s buildings damaged, with another 20 percent outright destroyed. 12 Fallujah is but one data point in a long line of brutal attritional battles and attritional wars that the United States and its partners have fought in in the post-9/11 period. Attrition is a characterization of conflict in which the military objective is the destruction of an adversarial combatant. Idealistic assertions about how to think about, equip for and train for conflict, like Rainey’s regarding attrition and maneuver or Cavoli’s about precision and mass, leave military forces wanting when they come into contact with situations that do not align with their preferred way of warfare.

Moreover, Cavoli’s and Rainey’s comments are out of step with the true character of war and warfare. Historian Cathal Nolan cautions that the historical record illustrates that wars are won by attrition and exhaustion and that “Great Captains” or revolutionary methods of warfighting occupy an infinitesimal point within a deep and broad study of war and warfare. 13 Wars—at the strategic level and at the level of military operations and engagements—are fought and won through attrition and exhaustion. Therefore, idealistic proclamations about how a force does or does not fight, or that technology can overcome long-standing truths in military thinking and applied military strategy and operations, are troublesome, if not dangerous. Such proclamations can cause states to invest in the wrong technologies, turn off the production of proven warfighting systems, develop improper force design and incorrectly educate their force for the realities and rigors of armed conflict. Pragmatism must be at the fore of thinking, training and executing on the battlefield.  

Principle #3: Unpredictability

Patterns are one of the easiest ways to think and act ahead of potential adversaries. Operating in a way that creates patterns, whether at a strategic or tactical level, is dangerous because it allows an observant and thoughtful adversary to identify many things: fielded forces, supply nodes and distribution points, command elements and common routes of supply and advancement. Western military doctrines contribute to the challenge. The U.S. military, for instance, relies unofficially on the phases of joint operations as a simple heuristic to plan and execute military operations. At the tactical level, professional education in Western militaries often teaches officers an elementary-level sequence of offensive and defensive operations. When applied on the battlefield, these tools create problems because they remove a degree of uncertainty that an adversary would otherwise have to address. Statements like those of Cavoli and Rainey contribute to the problem of certainty.

On the other hand, military forces must strive to create uncertainty in their adversary by operating in unpredictable ways or with unpredictable weapon systems. Operating in unpredictable ways can be achieved by not adhering to things like the phases of joint operations or the sequence of the offense (or defense), or by “doing maneuver warfare” and relying on precision strike. Further, unpredictability can be achieved by operating according to seemingly odd timings—accelerating the tempo of operations and tactical activity or, on the other side of the token, dragging the pace of operations down to an irregular tempo.

Moreover, applied combined-arms theory is paramount in operational and tactical warfighting. However, the mix and application of arms beneath the umbrella of combined-arms theory can also be manipulated to create what appears to an adversary as an odd and unpredictable scheme of military activities. What’s more, using a combat arm in the place of another combat arm to create the effect of the latter is another example of how manipulating combined-arms theory can create unpredictability. This idea can be thought of as the substitution principle of combined-arms theory. This idea can become quite heady without a few tangible examples, and therefore it is illustrative to briefly examine Iraqi defenses during the United States’ 2003 invasion of Iraq and how Chechens greeted the Russian armed forces in Grozny in 1995.

The Iraqi resistance to the 2003 U.S. invasion of Iraq—both organized government forces and irregular militias—was aware of the perils of using air defense systems to protect against U.S. airstrikes. As Michael Gordon and Bernard Trainor recall, the Iraqis understood that if they turned on their air defense systems and engaged U.S. forces and inbound strikes, the United States would quickly target those systems. 14 As a result, the Iraqis often resorted to using nonstandard combat arms to replace air defense systems to generate the same combined-arms effect of short-range air defense.

The most notable example of this was during the U.S. push toward Baghdad. As the U.S. Army’s 11th Attack Helicopter Regiment—the leading edge of U.S. V Corps’ spearhead fighting north from Kuwait to Baghdad—approached at the twin cities of Haswah and Iskandariyah, the regiment took note that both cities were fully illuminated. At 1:00 a.m., this was an odd situation. Shortly thereafter, the Iraqis fired their S-60s (high-altitude air defense weapons) at the U.S. Army helicopters. However, instead of firing them at high altitudes, the Iraqis fired the air defense missiles at just over 500 feet, or a bit higher than the U.S. helicopters were flying. 15

To avoid the S-60s’ direct and indirect impact, U.S. aviators descended their helicopters to much lower altitudes. 16 Descending in altitude was exactly what the Iraqis wanted the U.S. aviators to do because that brought the U.S. helicopters into striking range of Iraqi small arms fire. The Iraqis defending Haswah and Iskandariyah then opened up on the U.S. helicopters with a torrent of small arms and short-range air defense. The Iraqi attack quickly overwhelmed the regiment, causing it to retreat to the safety of a rear area. 17

The Iraqis’ use of signaling, short-range air defense and small arms as a substitute for long-range air defense and sophisticated sensor and communications systems is an innovative example of the combined-arms theory’s substitution principle. The Iraqis understood how the U.S. military wanted to fight—lead with airpower and attack aviation, follow that with cavalry and then follow through with the main body and support troops. In that regard, the U.S. military, and specifically the Army, were quite predictable and therefore a simple challenge for the Iraqis defending that sector of real estate. The First Chechen War’s Battle of Grozny provides another demonstrative example of combined-arms theory’s substitution principle.

With rebellions and disassociations rising after the fall of the Soviet Union, the fledgling Russian Federation worked tirelessly to keep its peripheral constituencies intact. Chechnya and other north Caucasus polities, looking to their north and west, observed other states exert their right to self-rule, and in 1993 Chechnya declared its independence. The Kremlin quickly mobilized what it believed to be an overwhelming force to address Chechen independence.

The Kremlin’s plan was to deploy a large, mechanized land force to capture Grozny and destroy the Chechens’ political and military elements within and around the city. Russian military strategists assumed the entire operation would take only 15 days to complete. 18 Grozny’s defenders—presumably understanding combined-arms theory—did not use airpower or indirect fire in any serious way against the Russian forces, but they used intelligent tactics to compensate for the lack of airpower and indirect fire. The Chechens lured the Russian land forces into the city and then attacked with anti-armor weapon systems from the ground and multilevel buildings to create the effect of being attacked from the air and with indirect fire, such as artillery, missiles and rockets. 19

Further, the Chechens understood that if they found a way to deny the Russian forces the ability to apply combined arms against them, they might have a chance of overcoming Russia’s superiority in numbers and manpower. 20 The Chechens, considering their formal alliance to the Soviet Union and then Russia, likely understood how Russia would structure its operations against the Chechens and Chechnya. In that capacity, the Russians were a predictable foe whose strengths had to be accounted for and offset but were far from being indomitable. In response, the Chechens operated in proximity to, or “hugged,” Russian land forces. 21 The Chechens were effective in this technique, finding that the Russians tended to not use their artillery or airpower against Chechen forces for fear of hitting their own forces. 22 What’s more, the Chechens were often so close to Russian forces that tank and infantry fighting vehicle crews were unable to use their main gun systems because they could not depress the guns low enough to engage dismounted targets. 23

By the time the battle for Grozny culminated, the Chechen fighters placed a high toll on Russian participation. The butcher’s bill was high—Russia’s 131st Motorized Rifle Brigade (MRB) was annihilated. The 131st MRB lost 20 of its 26 tanks, 102 of its 120 armored personnel carriers and all of its anti-aircraft guns. 24 The brigade’s commander—Colonel Ivan Savin—and most of his staff were also killed during the battle. 25

Russia’s 131st MRB was not alone. Russia’s 506th Motorized Rifle Regiment (MRR), which was one of the primary units supporting the 131st MRB in Grozny, lost more than a quarter of its manpower. 26 The 506th MRR ran into the same innovative tactics employed by Chechen fighters, in which the Chechens used different techniques and weapon systems to create a combined-arms effect where it would not have otherwise been attainable. By the end of the first month of fighting, Russian combat losses topped 5,000 individuals. 27

The point of these two lessons in combined-arms theory’s substitution principle is to highlight the power that unpredictability has on the outcome of engagements, battles and campaigns. Unpredictable military operations can place a military force in an advantageous position that may in fact unlock strategic military victory.   

Principle #4: Transitions 

Transitions are the hinge points in military operations in which phase changes generate. The smooth execution of transitions in warfare allows a combatant to maintain constant and exhaustive pressure on an enemy combatant, accelerating them toward exhaustion, or it allows a combatant to disrupt or deny an enemy combatant’s constant and exhaustive pressure on themselves, preventing them from culminating because of resource exhaustion.

A simplistic rendering of this idea might be gained by thinking about the transition from offensive to defensive operations. If properly prepared for—that is, if the transition is appropriately identified and managed—then a military force can smoothly move from conducting offensive operations to a defense that accounts for the principles of war and warfare in meaningful ways. If the transition is inappropriately planned, not properly thought through or perhaps even overlooked, the military force could very well face ruin as it works through the phase change. Ruin, in this case, is the product of being iteratively churned through destruction-oriented engagements or battles that attrit manpower, equipment and other necessities of war and warfare, thereby accelerating the combatant toward culmination by exhausting their resources.

Napoleon Bonaparte provides an important take on the overall importance of transitions to both war and warfare: “The secret of war is to march twelve leagues, fight a battle, and march twelve more in pursuit.” 28 Though not explicitly stated, Bonaparte’s comment attests to the veracity of transitions in the conduct of warfare.

Reading between the lines of Bonaparte’s statement finds that the relentless application of destructive and corrosive operations against an enemy combatant compounds the impact of exhaustion—physical, mental and logistical—and therefore makes the adversary move toward culmination more quickly than it might otherwise. Destructive operations are those that destroy an adversary’s people and resources. Corrosive operations are those that do not destroy resources but otherwise generate a suboptimal impact on an adversary. By anticipating, preparing for and conducting smooth transitions, a combatant can nearly constantly maintain destructive and corrosive operations against an enemy, depriving the enemy combatant of the resources required to remain in the conflict, regardless of the level where it occurs.

The secret of war, according to Bonaparte, is not conducting one of these elements and then stopping. Rather, the secret of war is to anticipate the need to conduct each of these elements and then to conduct them in tandem with one another to maintain constant, exhaustive pressure on an enemy combatant so that it culminates at a time or place advantageous to oneself.

Accepting that hinge points exist in the conduct of campaigns, battles and engagements is an important first step toward integrating this principle of warfare into one’s course of military operations. The hinges—they can be points or phases—are the mechanism through which transitions occur. Further, hinges are born out of situationally dependent conditions. For instance, in Bonaparte’s example, the junction between marching 12 leagues and fighting a battle is a hinge point where a transition from one element of warfare to another occurs. Moreover, the transition of marching to fighting requires a set of conditions to be (a) identified, (b) communicated to that combatant’s subordinate elements and (c) then achieved to be successful. In each element of his statement—movement to battle, the transition from movement to battle and battle to movement and the cognitive shift from battle to exploitation—Bonaparte emphasizes the relationship between transitions and the “secret” in war.

Furthermore, Bonaparte’s statement affirms the relationship between momentum through progressive transitions and generating the snowballing effect therein to trigger subsystem and system collapse. Ironically, because of the predictability of operational phasing and sequence at the joint and tactical levels, transitions tend to be known unknowns—an actor is often aware of the required transitions of an operation but typically does not know when or where they will occur.

Nevertheless, thorough planning can account for much in relation to transitions and reserves, which are two sides of the same coin. The initiation of a transition or the commitment of a reserve must be tied to decision points developed during planning. Finding answers to these decision points must be linked with a system’s feedback loop process; it cannot be the sole responsibility of one organization or one capability. Five basic transitions accompany most operations: (1) transition from movement to attack or defense; (2) transition from attack to defense; (3) transition from defense to attack; (4) transition from an existing form of warfare to a pursuit; and (5) transition from one form of warfare to a retrograde or withdrawal. 29 These should be added to planning priorities, both for an actor’s own benefit and for more effectively thwarting an opponent.

Reserves are a critical capability for transitions. A reserve’s employment is generally tied to one of three options: (1) exploiting tactical or operational success; (2) overcoming an initial failure toward mission accomplishment or attaining an objective; and (3) initiating a pre-identified transition. 30 As with the five basic transitions, adding these three reserve planning considerations to planning priorities will assist a planning team in accounting for reserve employment and its integration with transitions.

Paresis is transition’s inverse principle. Paresis is theoretically similar to paralysis but differs in that in paralysis, an entity does not possess the physical capability to move; whereas with paresis, an entity can move, but it does so at a suboptimal state. The term paresis is used as transition’s inverse principle because realists accept that it is nearly impossible to fully deplete an adversary’s ability or physical capacity to move. Or to put it another way, conflict realists understand that creating paralysis, whether physical or mental, is nearly impossible. However, creating a situation in which an enemy combatant cannot move—as has already been stated—is a state of being that one actor can impose, through force, on an adversarial combatant. By preventing one combatant from preventing its adversary’s ability to move, it can also prevent that adversary from performing transitions. In turn, this can cause an adversary’s military operations to stagnate, make their static formations subject to identification and destruction and generally increase their cost, pushing the adversary one step closer to culmination and exhaustion.   

Principle #5: Information

Information is the final principle of warfare. Information is the data required to make systems operate. In the case of military forces, this system can be referred to as the warfighting system of a state’s military force. Without information, a military force can do little more than blindly move about the battlefield and, because of the absence of information from its senior military leaders and policymakers, blunder about doing what they perceive to be in their best intention. 

Data can be good, or true, relative to the individual or entity reporting the information. Good data generates good information, which is what a networked warfighting system needs to thrive on the battlefield. Thus, generating and maintaining good data is the primary goal of any military force and the state that puts that military force into the field.

Data can be bad. Bad data are facts fraught with holes because the individual or entity reporting the data does not have access to sufficient vantage points to generate a sufficiently accurate picture. Avoiding bad data is paramount for a military force and its state because bad information moving through a warfighting system often leads to suboptimal operations and incomplete battlefield outcomes.

Data can be corrupt. Corrupt data tends to be the result of an adversary’s attempt to mislead its opponent by injecting delusive data into a combatant’s warfighting system. Like bad data, corrupt data can cause suboptimal operations and incomplete battlefield outcomes, but corrupt data can also mislead a combatant to the point that it conducts incorrect or unneeded military activities.

Data can be denied. Donella Meadows, a critical thought leader in systems thinking, writes, “Missing information flows is one of the most common causes of system malfunction.” 31 From a self-oriented, defensive position, data denial means that a combatant can prevent the release of data or prevent the observation of its operations such that an adversary cannot depict the observed force’s actions, intentions or capabilities. Data denial can also be a threat-focused offensive activity. A combatant can target an adversary’s ability to collect information, whether that is its physical forces or its sensors and networks, to deny data to the adversary. 

Data can also be interrupted. While denied data is severed from reaching its target, interrupting data means that some data still makes it to the intended receiver. Interrupted data is useful because it can force an adversary into a situation in which it does not possess a sufficient flow of data to make predictable decisions or address novel situations as they arise.

Lastly, data can be temporal, or subject to the impact of time. Within the temporal category, data can move so quickly that it overwhelms the individual or entity attempting to make sense of the data, causing the data analysis to be incomplete and allowing incomplete information to be fed into a combatant’s system. Further, within the temporal category, data can move so slowly that it does not provide opportune data, thus feeding futile information into the warfighting system. 

Ignorance is information’s inverse principle of war. If information enables warfighting, then the absence of information—or ignorance—disrupts warfighting. If obtaining, maintaining and protecting information is vital for an actor, then it must follow that denying information to one’s adversary is of the same critical importance. Thus, the inverse goal of information is to keep an adversary situationally and strategically ignorant while making every effort to prevent that from happening to themselves. 

Table 1 provides a condensed list of the principles and inverse principles of warfare.  

Like the principles of war, the principles and inverse principles of warfare are not just a disparate collection of words but rather the reduction of a basic statement for the first-order principles militaries must adhere to when engaged in armed conflict. The following narrative is a useful tool:

In armed conflict, a combatant must always remain mentally flexible and be prepared on a wide and deep range of education and experience to address situationally unique battlefield situations (pragmaticism). When conducting military operations and activities, a combatant must not fall victim to predictable forms, methods and timings. Instead, it must do its utmost to remain elusive and become harder to identify, target and destroy (unpredictability). 

Moreover, the ability to move allows a military force to conduct military operations, reposition forces across the theater of operations, sustain the force—operationally and tactically—and react to changing civilian situations on the battlefield (movement). The inability to move all but obviates a military force’s usefulness on the battlefield. Transitions are the mechanism by which pragmatic military forces operate unpredictably and react in a self-interested manner to the political-military situations on the ground for operational and/or tactical betterment (transitions). Executed correctly, transitions can bypass the expensive “start-up” costs of a tactical or operational military activity by using a situation’s existing conditions to facilitate quickly moving from a successful attack into a deft pursuit, or perhaps from a stalwart defensive operation into a pulverizing counterattack. 

None of this can happen, however, without information, for information is the lifeblood that animates military operations. Therefore, the pursuit, obtainment, maintenance and protection of data and information is, next to movement, the second most important aspect of warfare (information). Operations for information, to maintain information and to protect information are first-order priorities for all military forces, whether they be state, non-state or some other form of irregular or non-state actor.

Further, it is important to take a holistic look at the inverse principles of war to provide a better appreciation for what military forces must do and must protect against in armed conflict:

In armed conflict, military forces must refrain from becoming idealistic about any type of warfare, weapon system or any other thing that dogmatic beliefs could be associated with. Idealism clouds a military force’s mind to the realities in warfare, which often exceed the bounds of dogmatic beliefs about warfighting. This makes a military force less, not more, effective on the battlefield because it must then wrestle with its gaps in preparedness for the situation at hand (idealism). In a similar vein, an idealistic adversary is preferable for non-aligned military forces. This is because the idealistic combatant is often predictable. A predictable foe simplifies the problems of incomplete and private information—a predictable foe simply acts one or two ways in any given scenario and is therefore a much more economical problem to solve than an unpredictable adversary (predictability). A military force must therefore do its best to make its adversary predictable while remaining aware of its own problem of remaining predictable. 

Movement makes a military force able to operate both pragmatically and unpredictably, whereas the absence of movement capability causes a force to operate lethargically and in an easily identifiable pattern (immobility). Moreover, a military force that is lacking movement capability is more prone to identification, tracking, targeting and destruction. Considering that exhaustion and the elimination of an enemy combatant’s resources are the ways in which wars are won, making an enemy force immobile is a catalytic event toward battlefield success. Likewise, caution must be rendered toward this concept applied to one’s own military force. A force that lacks movement capability has limited utility for military commanders and political leaders. When working through force design considerations, force designers must ensure that they do not fail to account for ample movement capability within their military forces. 

Moreover, a military force should be self-contained and able to move itself. Land forces, as an example, should not be dependent on air or naval forces for movement within, throughout or across a theater of operations. If transitions are central elements of pragmatic operations built around the fluidity of tactical and operational movement, then protecting the ability to operate in that fashion is a first-order principle, yet at the same time, it is equally important to induce the opposite effect in an adversary. While the idea of triggering cognitive paralysis is common among commenters, that idea overlooks the magnitude of things that must occur for that to happen. However, a more metered approach—preventing transitions—can have a comparable impact, with less cost. Therefore, while a combatant works to protect its ability to conduct transitions, it must actively work to inject suboptimization into its adversary’s military operations (paresis). 

Finally, continually depriving an adversary of situational and environmental context and denying its ability to communicate forces a combatant into predictable behavior that is much easier to identify, target and destroy (ignorance). At the same time, a force must not allow itself to become ignorant. In this case, however, preventing ignorance goes beyond the battlefield. To prevent ignorance, a force must embrace diversity and inclusion or risk becoming idealistic, predictable and cognitively immobile.

Table 2 provides the consolidated list of principles and inverse principles of war and warfare collected from this article and the preceding article in this series.  

Brodie points out that one of the reasons so little change occurs in military thought is not conservatism or the lag of tactical and strategic concepts behind developments in materiel but rather “the absence of the habit of scientific thinking.” 32 Perhaps Brodie’s assessment is a bit harsh, but maybe he’s also correct to some extent. For the Army’s principles of war to remain relatively unchanged for nearly 100 years does not reflect their timelessness but rather the community of interests’ unwillingness to engage with the material in any meaningful way. This neglect should be alarming, especially considering that we are transitioning from a very human-centric era of warfare into one that will arguably be dominated by artificial intelligence, human-machine integrated formations and a multitude of autonomous systems. Therefore, a handful of considerations might be helpful for evolving Army concepts and doctrine as we continue to integrate novel information age technology into how the Army might operate, organize and equip for conflicts in the future.

First, the principles and inverse principles outlined here might not correctly address the challenges presented by those technologies. Nor will those principles necessarily support all the ways in which systems theory and networked, data-centric warfare will impact Army and joint operations. Nonetheless, we must not sit on our hands and continue relying on hundred-year-old ideas to define modern and future principles for war and warfare. Concept developers, doctrine developers, military thought leaders and Army leaders must boldly push into new and challenging cognitive areas to help forecast how the future of war and warfare might change. Yet in doing so, they must use new language where appropriate and make sure to not shoehorn existing terminology, concepts and doctrinal ideas into future idea space not yet tainted by institutional bias. This will allow clarity of thought and, hopefully, the articulation of operating concepts and operations doctrine that clearly identifies causal mechanisms, feedback loops and network pathways into a coherent warfighting approach, not just another dusting off of AirLand Battle.

Second, the emphasis on futurists and “mad scientists” has outlived its utility. The post-9/11 wars piqued the interest of drone and cyber enthusiasts, especially after Azerbaijan’s titillating use of drones during the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh War. But for the true conflict scholar, overemphasis on Nagorno-Karabakh reflects cherry-picking a conflict to represent the data that one wants to present—a practice that is wholly unacademic and generally unethical. Thus, while the future of armed conflict will most certainly see an increasing use of artificial intelligence, human-machine integrated formations and autonomous systems and a decreasing role for human soldiers physically fighting on the battlefield, this does not mean that battle itself, nor the inherent challenges of land warfare, will decrease in the future.

The U.S. Army, and the U.S. military as a whole, is fundamentally an expeditionary force and thus must always deploy to and enter a zone of conflict. Once in that zone, it must secure itself while conducting the seven basic requirements of land forces. These requirements transcend technology and are listed below:

• Armies must be capable of taking or retaking territory.
• Armies must be capable of clearing enemy armies from specific territorial holdings.
• Armies must not culminate when taking or retaking territory.
• Armies must not fritter away combat power and thus make themselves prone to counterattack when taking or retaking territory. 
• Armies must be capable of protecting populations. 
• Armies must be capable of encircling a hostile force.
• Armies must be capable of holding (or fixing) a hostile force in place.
• Armies must be capable of sealing boundaries. 

Given the transcendentalism of these requirements, it is imperative that concept developers, doctrine developers, science and technology experts and force designers work together to develop pragmatic ideas and designs for future forces that integrate the key aspects of future technology—artificial intelligence, human-machine integrated formations and autonomous systems—that do not wish away the varieties of land warfare, but place them at the heart of what future Army forces must be capable of accomplishing. The principles and inverse principles of warfare must also be placed at the heart of this discussion because they are the animating forces that underpin each of these seven basic requirements.

Lastly, when thinking about the future of armed conflict, we should not be so haughty to suggest that Army forces “do not do” one type of warfighting over another. As this article’s principles and inverse principles suggest, Army forces, leaders and formations should be adaptive, pragmatic and reflexively operating with surviving, winning and gaining and maintaining advantages at the fore of their minds. Assertions such as Army forces “do not do attrition” might resonate well across an audience of individuals undereducated in the reality, nuance, conditionality and situationism of war and warfare, but they are hardly accurate. Bloody, brutal battles such as the Siege of Kobani (2014–2015), the Battle of Mosul (2016–2017), the Battle of Marawi (2016), the Battle of Raqqa (2016), the Battle of Khasham (2018) and the Army’s support to Ukraine in its fight for survival against Russia clearly suggest that attrition, or destruction-oriented warfighting, lies smack at the center of how Army forces approach warfare.

Moreover, we are seeing the continued growth in the idea of distancing Army forces from combat as the Army outsources combat to third parties. In Iraq, against the Islamic State, Iraqi security forces were the third party. In Syria, against the Islamic State, the Syrian Democratic Forces were the third party. In Ukraine, against Russia, the Ukrainian armed forces are the third party. These are just three of many examples.

The U.S. military likes to use the term “partner” for most non-alliance arrangements, but by definition, these third-party conflicts are proxy wars. 33 Proxy wars are inherently much more attritional than non-proxy wars because most states today are less apt to use their traditional military forces in wave attacks. 34 Jack Watling and Nick Reynolds note, however, that Russia has made significant use of this tactic in Ukraine with both its regular army forces and contractual proxy forces like the Wagner Group in what they describe as “meat tactics.” 35

In addition, the increasing push to replace close combat land forces with long-range strike forces like the MDTF and the theater fires command also reflects the diminishing importance of tactical and operational mobility and the increasing importance of tactical and operational indirect fire power (i.e., cannon, rocket and missile fire). This situation—the decreased emphasis on mobility and the increased emphasis on long-range strike (i.e., indirect fire)—is the womb in which attrition not only develops but matures into a full-blown categorization of war. World War I is an excellent example of this dynamic: as mobility decreased along the western front, and indirect firepower increased, the front calcified as attrition gripped the conflict. 36 A very similar situation has unfolded in Ukraine. Russia stymied Ukraine’s counteroffensive oriented on retaking the territory that Russia stole early in 2022. In doing so, mobility along the front decreased. As mobility decreased, both sides increased their emphasis on long-range strike and other forms of indirect firepower. Ukraine received significant amounts of assistance from the U.S. Army in this regard. Nevertheless, attrition—already high in the conflict—remained high as both sides used firepower along a static front to keep the other from taking or retaking territory from the other. This idea can be classified as “stand-off warfare.”

Furthermore, stand-off warfare can be depicted with a simple heuristic to help quickly illustrate the dynamics at work. If ↓M is the decreased emphasis on mobility, ↑F is the increased emphasis on long-range strike (i.e., indirect fire) and ↑A is the increase in attrition, then stand-off warfare is: ↓M+↑F=↑A . The problem with stand-off warfare, which is the direction that the Army is trending toward with its emphasis on long-range precision strike at the cost of resilient, hard-hitting and gritty land forces, is that it will quickly be misaligned with the principles and inverse principles of warfare. The Army’s restructuring guidance—or ARSTRUC—will gut land forces over the coming years by removing significant numbers of cavalry and engineer units, among many other units. 37 Cavalry and engineers, however, are critical for land forces to accomplish the seven challenges of land warfare, in addition to helping a force unlock the potential associated with pragmatism, unpredictability, movement, transitions and information. Moreover, those formations are key drivers of predictability in enemy operations, increasing immobility and paresis for the enemy and keeping the enemy relatively ignorant—or at least less informed—about one’s operations.

As we continue to think about the future of war and warfare, we must not get caught up in the fetishism of new technology. We must think about how new technology changes the principles of war and warfare and how it impacts, both positively and negatively, the character of war and warfare. From there, we must look at how new technology interacts with the enduring requirements of armies in land warfare. Armies fighting other armies—regardless of whether those forces are state or non-state actors—will always have to take or retake territory. Armies will always have to clear a hostile force from a piece of territory. Armies will always have to protect populations. Armies will always have to hold territory. Armies will always have to encircle other armies. Armies will always have to fix other armies in place, and armies will always have to seal borders. Robots, human-machine integrated formations, autonomous systems and drones can assist armies with some of these tasks, but ultimately, they cannot replace human soldiers and human-dominated formations, operating with the principles and inverse principles of warfare in the backs of their minds, as the most valuable asset on the future battlefield. Lastly, long-range precision strike will be able to accurately hit enemy target locations on future battlefields. But the first principle of war is survival, so our enemies will quickly adapt to precision strike by finding ways to elude the lethal effects of our strikes. In turn, the U.S. Army will again require resilient, hard-hitting and gritty land forces to address the problems of an adaptive enemy looking to survive and win on the battlefield.

As we think about force design for future Army forces—forces that can meet the principles of warfare and attain the goals associated with the challenges of land warfare—we should not be looking at small, light forces. These types of forces might be more deployable, but they will be quickly identified, easily encircled, unable to accomplish any of the seven challenges of land warfare and likely destroyed piecemeal. We should thus look to develop larger formations—think resilient, hard-hitting and gritty. These formations should be protected—armored, local air defense, anti-drone, cyber, etc. Armor should be lighter, not heavier, so that tanks and armored fighting vehicles can be more deployable.

Larger and more resilient forces, not smaller and lighter forces, will allow Army forces to accomplish several things that are being overlooked in the discussion about contemporary and future armed conflict. First, larger resilient forces will arrive at future conflicts more ready than smaller, lighter forces that will likely have exhausted significant amounts of their limited combat power just to get to the fight. Second, large resilient forces will be less likely to culminate short of, or at, a military objective than will a small light force. The Army’s greatest contribution to the joint force is not air and missile defense nor sustainment, or any number of other popular talking points circulating throughout the Pentagon. Rather, the Army’s greatest contribution to the joint force is not culminating at a military objective, but possessing the capacity, stamina, discipline and focus to exploit the situation immediately following an operational victory by maintaining direct military pressure on the adversary to create further opportunities for U.S. military and political leaders. Going lean, despite how appealing it might sound, severely limits the opportunities Army forces can provide U.S. military and political leaders in military conflicts.

Amos Fox is a PhD candidate at the University of Reading and a freelance writer and conflict scholar writing for the Association of the United States Army. His research and writing focus on the theory of war and warfare, proxy war, future armed conflict, urban warfare, armored warfare and the Russo-Ukrainian War. Amos also hosts the Revolution in Military Affairs podcast.

• Bernard Brodie, “Strategy as a Science,” World Politics 1, no. 4 (1949): 471.
• Brodie, “Strategy as a Science,” 471.
• J.F.C. Fuller, “Progress in the Mechanization of Modern Armies,” RUSI Journal 70, no. 477 (1925): 75.
• See Amos Fox, On the Principles of War: Reorganizing Thought and Practice for Large-Scale Combat Operations , Association of the United States Army, Land Warfare Paper 138, June 2021.
• Amos Fox, Myths and Principles in the Challenges of Future War , Association of the United States Army, Land Warfare Paper 23-7, December 2023.
• Michael Peck, “Losses in Ukraine Are ‘Out of Proportion’ to What NATO Has Been Planning For, the Alliance’s Top General Says,” Business Insider , 5 February 2023. 
• Angelica Evans, Kateryna Stepanenko, Nicole Wolkov, Riley Bailey, George Barros and Frederick W. Kagan, “Russian Offensive Campaign Assessment,” Institute for the Study of War, 27 December 2023.
• “ AUSA Coffee Series—GEN James Rainey—U.S. Army Futures Command ,” Association of the United States Army, 14 December 2023, video.
• “ Interview with Lieutenant Colonel James Rainey ,” DVIDS , 16 November 2004, video.
• John Spencer, Liam Collins and Jayson Geroux, “Case Study #7—Fallujah II,” Modern War Institute, 25 July 2023.
• Spencer, Collins and Geroux, “Case Study #7.”
• Cathal J. Nolan, The Allure of Battle: The History of How Wars Have Been Won and Lost (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2017), 573.
• Michael Gordon and Bernard Trainor, Cobra II: The Inside Story of the Invasion and Occupation of Iraq (New York: Vintage Books, 2007), 309.
• Gordon and Trainor, Cobra II , 309. 
• Gordon and Trainor, Cobra II , 309–10.
• Gordon and Trainor, Cobra II , 311.
• Olga Oliker, Russia’s Chechen Wars 1994–2000: Lessons from Urban Combat (Monterey, CA: RAND, 2001), 9–10.
• Stasys Knezys and Romanas Sedickas, The War in Chechnya (College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 1999), 99.
• Dodge Billingsley and Lester Grau, Fangs of the Lone Wolf: Chechen Tactics in the Russian-Chechen Wars, 1994–2009 (Fort Leavenworth, KS: Foreign Military Studies Offices, 2012), 171.
• Billingsley and Grau, Fangs of the Lone Wolf , 171.
• Oliker, Russia’s Chechen Wars , 19.
• Knezys and Sedickas, The War in Chechnya , 99.
• Knezys and Sedickas, The War in Chechnya , 101.
• Arkady Babchenko, “The Savagery of War: A Soldier Looks Back at Chechnya,” Independent , 10 November 2007.
• Alan Schom, Napoleon Bonaparte: A Life (New York: HarperCollins, 1997), 275.
• Amos Fox, “On the Employment of Cavalry,” ARMOR 123, no. 1 (Winter 2020), 37.
• Fox, “On the Employment of Cavalry,” 36–37.
• Donella Meadows, Thinking in Systems: A Primer (White River Junction, VT: Chelsea Green, 2008), 157.
• Brodie, “Strategy as a Science,” 473.
• Amos Fox, “Confronting Proxies,” in Routledge Handbook of Proxy Wars , ed. Assaf Moghadam, Vladimir Rauta and Michel Wyss (London: Routledge, 2023), 258–59. 
• Amos Fox, “Comparative Proxy Strategies in the Russo-Ukrainian War,” Comparative Strategy 42, no. 5 (2023): 605.
• Jack Watling and Nick Reynolds, Meatgrinder: Russian Tactics in the Second Year of Its Invasion of Ukraine (London: Royal United Services Institute, 2023), 3–8.
• Jeremy Black, The Age of Total War, 1860–1945 (Westport, CT: Praeger Publishers, 2006), 115.
• “ Army Force Structure Transformation ,” white paper, Department of the Army, 27 February 2024.

The views and opinions of our authors do not necessarily reflect those of the Association of the United States Army. An article selected for publication represents research by the author(s) which, in the opinion of the Association, will contribute to the discussion of a particular defense or national security issue. These articles should not be taken to represent the views of the Department of the Army, the Department of Defense, the United States government, the Association of the United States Army or its members.

Importance of Military Essays ⚔

Essays on the military are critical because they help us comprehend the military’s history, tactics, and effects on society. They give us a place to conduct in-depth study and analysis, enabling us to examine and assess many facets of the military career.

We may learn a great deal about the complexity of combat, the advancement of military strategies and equipment, and the military’s influence on international politics and security by reading and writing on military topics. These pieces encourage critical thinking, spark intellectual debate, and improve military knowledge and study in addition to instructing and informing readers.

When writing a military essay, you may explore compare and contrast essay topics such as the similarities and differences between military strategies or the contrasting perspectives on the impact of warfare in different historical periods. For example, you can compare the military tactics used in World War I and World War II or contrast the views on the effectiveness of air power in modern warfare.

Types of Military Essays 🎖

Military essays come in various formats with various functions and writing styles. Here are four specific categories:

☑ Expository essays

 These papers seek to offer a concise and impartial exposition of a military subject or idea. They investigate the issue logically and methodically while providing factual information. Expository essays can be written on various subjects, including the history of a particular fight, the composition and organization of a military unit, and the operation of military technology.

☑ Argumentative Essays

In a military setting, an argumentative essay will express a particular point of view or argument and back it up with facts. Critical thinking and persuasive writing skills are needed to make a strong argument in these essays. Argumentative military essays could examine the moral ramifications of military action, debate the merits of a specific defense plan, or assess the efficacy of a military strategy.

☑ Comparative essay

Comparative essays analyze and contrast various elements of military systems, tactics, or historical events. They draw attention to contrasts, similarities, and patterns to comprehend the topic better. A comparative essay, for instance, can examine the parallels and differences between ancient and current combat or contrast the military strategies of various countries.

☑ Analytical essays

They dive into the specifics of a military subject, dissecting it into its component elements and critically analyzing them. To comprehend the subject, these essays require thorough investigation, data interpretation, and theoretical frameworks. Analyzing the origins and effects of a particular fight, evaluating the influence of military technologies on conflict, or reviewing the efficacy of a military doctrine are a few examples of analytical military studies.

If you’re looking to incorporate a capstone project into your military essay, consider exploring various capstone project ideas related to the military. These can range from analyzing the effectiveness of military training programs to developing strategies for improving military logistics or examining the ethical implications of autonomous weapon systems.

Format and Structure of a Military Essay 🪖

Here is a broad outline for a military essay, though precise requirements may change based on the assignment or institution:

☑️ Introduction

Start your paragraph with a compelling opening sentence or hook to capture the reader’s interest.

Describe the subject’s history and how it relates to the military.

Declare the essay’s thesis or significant point in clear terms.

Each paragraph should concentrate on a distinct subtopic or argument supporting the thesis.

Start each paragraph with a topic phrase that states the paragraph’s central theme.

Include examples, analysis, and supporting data to support the core point.

Use transitional words or phrases to transition between paragraphs and concepts seamlessly.

☑️ Discussion and Analysis

Discuss the implications of the evidence offered in the body paragraphs after it has been analyzed.

Think critically and offer perceptive criticism on the subject.

Consider opposing viewpoints or arguments, then reasonably and logically respond to them.

Summarise the key ideas covered in the essay, focusing on their importance.

Indicate how the essay’s main argument or thesis has been reinforced by restating it.

☑️ Citations & References

Include a separate section or bibliography for references, if necessary.

Use an appropriate citation format (such as APA, MLA, or Chicago) to give credit where credit is due.

Make that the reference list and in-text citations are formatted correctly and consistently.

Writing Tips for Military Essays

Research: Investigate your issue in-depth using reliable sources, including academic journals, books, government publications, and reliable websites. Obtain a range of viewpoints to create a comprehensive grasp of the subject.

Creating a Strong Thesis: Create a thesis statement that summarizes your essay’s essential points and is clear and concise. Throughout the essay, specific, contested arguments should support your thesis statement.

Creating an outline or structure for your essay guarantees the concepts are presented logically. Your essay should be broken up into an introduction, a body, and a conclusion. Each paragraph should contain a primary topic or point supporting your thesis.

Using Proper Language: Use a clear, concise, and formal tone when writing. Use proper and suitable military jargon and concepts. Aim to avoid jargon or excessively technical language that could mislead readers unfamiliar with military lingo.

Accurately citing your sources will ensure they receive due credit. Use the APA, MLA, or Chicago citation styles as specified by your instructor or institution. Use in-text citations for direct quotations, paraphrases, and other material that is not well known.

Military essay examples

“The Impact of Military Technology on Modern Warfare” examines how the character of warfare has changed due to developments in military technology, including drones, cyberwarfare, and artificial intelligence, and what this means for military strategy and ethics.

“Leadership Lessons from Historical Military Figures”: Examine the traits and tactics of historic military titans like Sun Tzu, Alexander the Great, and General George Patton, and discuss how they apply to modern military leadership.

Examine the historical development, present difficulties, and prospects for women serving in the armed forces in “The Role of Women in the Military.” Discuss how gender integration has affected military culture and effectiveness.

“The Use of Propaganda in Military Conflicts”: Examine how various countries and their armed forces have used propaganda to sway public opinion, inspire soldiers, and affect the results of military operations.

“Ethical Dilemmas in Modern Warfare”: Examine the moral dilemmas that military personnel face in today’s conflicts, such as the use of drones, the killing of civilians, and torture. Analyze various ethical systems and consider possible answers to these problems.

To incorporate the concept of a capstone project in your military essay, it’s crucial to understand the four essential elements that make up a successful capstone project. These elements include identifying a problem or challenge, conducting in-depth research, developing a comprehensive solution or approach, and presenting your findings through a well-structured and persuasive essay, for example, in “I want to be soldier” Essay .

For a concise and focused military essay, you may employ a 5-paragraph essay format . This format includes an introduction, three body paragraphs discussing key points or arguments, and a conclusion. It allows you to present your ideas clearly and organized, making it easier for readers to follow your thoughts.

Remember to pick a subject that interests you personally and fits the assignment’s or course’s requirements. To make your military essay exciting and instructive, do extensive research, create a fascinating topic, and employ concise, well-structured arguments backed by proof.

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As a result, military essays are critical in helping us learn more about the military, its history, tactics, and effects on society. They give people a place to conduct research, analyze information, and engage in critical thought, which promotes intellectual development and adds to the body of knowledge in military studies. Whether it’s an argumentative essay on the ethics of war or an expository essay on military technology, these pieces provide insightful analysis.

By diving into the complexities of military themes, we acquire a greater understanding of the sacrifices and difficulties military people face and the broader ramifications of their actions. Military essays provide a way to explore, analyze, and connect with the many facets of the military profession, making them an essential instrument in education, research, and intellectual conversation.

Writing a military essay can be a tricky task. Hence, you should seek professional help. There are various advantages to ordering your essay from WritingMetier . Our staff of expert writers, who specialize in military subjects, guarantees thoroughly researched and excellent articles.

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Laura Orta is an avid author on Writing Metier's blog. Before embarking on her writing career, she practiced media law in one of the local media. Aside from writing, she works as a private tutor to help students with their academic needs. Laura and her husband share their home near the ocean in northern Portugal with two extraordinary boys and a lifetime collection of books.

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The Legal Framework for the United States' Use of Military Force Since 9/11

Thank you, Professor Damrosch, for that kind introduction and for the invitation to be here this afternoon. As a leader in ASIL, a professor of international law, and for many years editor of the American Journal of International Law, you have played a central role in shaping our understanding of international law. And you have done so with an eye to the practical realities faced by the government lawyer, which has made your contributions all the more meaningful. I also want to thank Mark Agrast and Wes Rist, who have done so much to make this event, and my participation in it, possible.

I am grateful, as well, to my colleagues in government, who have contributed to my remarks today in many ways – not least through the wisdom, learning and hard work they have brought to bear in answering the difficult questions we regularly face together. Finally, I want to thank all of you – the members of the American Society of International Law assembled here this afternoon – for the warm reception I have received and, more important, for your keen interest in the legal issues affecting the national security of our country. I am very pleased to have the opportunity to speak with you today. Indeed, I am greatly honored.

The Department of Defense has a long history of engagement with the American Society of International Law. The first and longest-serving President of the Society, Elihu Root, served as Secretary of War under two Presidents before founding the Society in 1906. He saw this organization as a place where the hard issues of the day could be discussed and debated. And he believed that by educating the American public about international law, the rush to war could be slowed. As he once put it, “[i]n the great business of settling international controversies without war … essential conditions are reasonableness and good temper, a willingness to recognize facts and to weigh arguments which make against one’s own country as well as those which make for one’s own country.” I couldn’t agree more.

The theme of this year’s annual meeting, “Adapting to a Rapidly Changing World,” is a pretty good description of our day-to-day job at the Defense Department. The conflicts and threats we face are constantly shifting and evolving. Today, I will discuss how the U.S. Government has responded to this rapidly changing world and, specifically, how the legal framework for our military operations has developed since the attacks of 9/11.

President Obama has made clear from the beginning of his presidency that he is deeply committed to transparency in government because it strengthens our democracy and promotes accountability. Although a certain degree of secrecy is of course required to protect our country, the Administration has demonstrated its commitment to greater transparency in matters of national security and, specifically, in explaining the bases, under domestic and international law, for the United States’ use of military force abroad. We have seen this in the President’s own speeches, for example, at the National Archives in May 2009, at National Defense University in May 2013, and at West Point in May 2014.

Among senior Administration lawyers, we saw this early on, in a speech by the State Department’s Legal Adviser at ASIL in March 2010 – this same meeting, five years ago – and in later speeches by the Attorney General at Northwestern in March 2012, and by my predecessor as DoD General Counsel at Yale and at Oxford, both in 2012. There was even a very modest contribution by the CIA General Counsel in remarks at Harvard Law School in April 2012. My remarks here today are the latest in the series – an update of sorts – addressing the legal authority for U.S. military operations as the mission has evolved over the past year or so.

This talk will proceed in four parts. First, I want to review the legal framework for the use of military force developed in the aftermath of the 9/11 attacks. Second, I will explain the legal basis for current military operations against the so-called Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant, or ISIL. Third, I will discuss the end of the U.S. combat mission in Afghanistan and its impact on the legal basis for the continuing use of military force under the 2001 AUMF. Fourth, and finally, I will look ahead to the legal framework for counterterrorism operations in the future.

Let us begin with a bit of history. It is only by seeing where we have been over the past decade and a half that we can understand where we are today.

Return to the first days after the attacks on September 11, 2001, for it is in that time that our government began to articulate the legal framework that we still rely on today. As many of you know, it was only days after the 9/11 attacks that Congress passed, and the President signed, an authorization for the use of military force, or AUMF, authorizing the President to take action to protect the United States against those who had attacked us. Even though it was only days later, we already knew that the attacks were the work of al-Qa’ida, a terrorist organization operating out of Afghanistan, led by a man named Usama bin Laden.

The authorization that was enacted into law – which came to be known as the 2001 AUMF – was not a traditional declaration of war against a state. We had been attacked, instead, by a terrorist organization. Yes, the Taliban had allowed bin Laden and his organization to operate with impunity within Afghanistan. But it was not Afghanistan that had launched the attack. It was bin Laden and his terrorist organization.

The authorization for the use of military force that Congress passed aimed to give the President all the statutory authority he needed to fight back against bin Laden, his organization, and those who supported him, including the Taliban. At the same time, the 2001 AUMF was not without limits. It authorized the President to “use all necessary and appropriate force against those nations, organizations, or persons he determines planned, authorized, committed, or aided the terrorist attacks that occurred on September 11, or harbored such organizations or persons, in order to prevent any future acts of international terrorism against the United States by such nations, organizations or persons.”

With this statutory authorization, the United States commenced military operations against al-Qa’ida and the Taliban in Afghanistan on October 7, 2001, notifying the UN Security Council consistent with Article 51 of the UN Charter that the United States was taking action in the exercise of its right of self-defense in response to the 9/11 attacks.

Although the 2001 AUMF was not unlimited, enacted as it was just a short time after the attacks, it was necessarily drafted in broad terms. Shortly after President Obama came into office, his Administration filed a memorandum in Guantanamo habeas litigation offering the new President’s interpretation of his statutory authority to detain enemy forces as an aspect of his authority to use force under the 2001 AUMF. That memorandum explained that the statute authorized the detention of “persons who were part of, or substantially supported, Taliban or al Qaida forces or associated forces that are engaged in hostilities against the United States or its coalition partners, including any person who has committed a belligerent act, or has directly supported hostilities, in aid of such enemy armed forces.” Moreover, it stated that “[p]rinciples derived from law-of-war rules governing international armed conflicts . . . must inform the interpretation of the detention authority Congress has authorized” under the AUMF.

This interpretation of the 2001 AUMF was adopted by the D.C. Circuit and, in 2011, it was expressly endorsed by Congress in the context of detention. The National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2012 reaffirmed the authority to detain “ person who was a part of or substantially supported al-Qaeda, the Taliban, or associated forces that are engaged in hostilities against the United States or its coalition partners, including any person who has committed a belligerent act or has directly supported such hostilities in aid of such enemy forces.” It also reaffirmed that dispositions of such individuals are made “under the law of war.” Thus, a decade after the conflict began, all three branches of the government weighed in to affirm the ongoing relevance of the 2001 AUMF and its application not only to those groups that perpetrated the 9/11 attacks or provided them safe haven, but also to certain others who were associated with them.

My predecessor, Jeh Johnson, later elaborated on the concept of associated forces. In a speech at Yale Law School in February 2012, he explained that the concept of associated forces is not open-ended. He pointed out that, consistent with international law principles, an associated force must be both (1) an organized, armed group that has entered the fight alongside al-Qa’ida, and (2) a co-belligerent with al-Qa’ida in hostilities against the United States or its coalition partners. This means that not every group that commits terrorist acts is an associated force. Nor is a group an associated force simply because it aligns with al-Qa’ida. Rather, a group must have also entered al-Qa’ida’s fight against the United States or its coalition partners.

More recently, during a public hearing before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee in May 2014, I discussed at some length the Executive branch’s interpretation of the 2001 AUMF and its application by the Department of Defense in armed conflict. In my testimony, I described in detail the groups and individuals against which the U.S. military was taking direct action (that is, capture or lethal operations) under the authority of the 2001 AUMF, including associated forces. Those groups and individuals are: al-Qa’ida, the Taliban and certain other terrorist or insurgent groups in Afghanistan; al-Qa’ida in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP) in Yemen; and individuals who are part of al-Qa’ida in Somalia and Libya. In addition, over the past year, we have conducted military operations under the 2001 AUMF against the Nusrah Front and, specifically, those members of al-Qa’ida referred to as the Khorasan Group in Syria. We have also resumed such operations against the group we fought in Iraq when it was known as al-Qa’ida in Iraq, which is now known as ISIL.

The concept of associated forces under the 2001 AUMF does not provide the President with unlimited flexibility to define the scope of his statutory authority. Our government monitors the threats posed to the United States and maintains the capacity to target (or stop targeting) groups covered by the statute as necessary and appropriate. But identifying a new group as an associated force is not done lightly. The determination that a particular group is an associated force is made at the most senior levels of the U.S. Government, following reviews by senior government lawyers and informed by departments and agencies with relevant expertise and institutional roles, including all-source intelligence from the U.S. intelligence community. In addition, military operations against these groups are regularly briefed to Congress. There are no other groups – other than those publicly identified, as I have just described – against which the U.S. military is currently taking direct action under the authority of the 2001 AUMF. That brings me to my second topic: the legal authority applicable to today’s fight against ISIL. The military operations conducted by the United States against ISIL in Iraq and Syria are consistent with both domestic and international law.

First, a word about this group we call ISIL, referred to variously as ISIS, the Islamic State or Daesh (its acronym in Arabic). In 2003, a terrorist group founded by Abu Mu’sab al-Zarqawi – whose ties to bin Laden dated from al-Zarqawi’s time in Afghanistan and Pakistan before 9/11 – conducted a series of sensational terrorist attacks in Iraq. These attacks prompted bin Laden to ask al-Zarqawi to merge his group with al-Qa’ida. In 2004, al-Zarqawi publicly pledged his group’s allegiance to bin Laden, and bin Laden publicly endorsed al-Zarqawi as al-Qa’ida’s leader in Iraq. For years afterwards, al-Zarqawi’s group, often referred to as al-Qa’ida in Iraq, or AQI for short, conducted numerous deadly terrorist attacks against U.S. and coalition forces, as well as Iraqi civilians, using suicide bombers, car bombs and executions. In response to these attacks, U.S. forces engaged in combat – at times, near daily combat – with the group from 2004 until U.S. and coalition forces left Iraq in 2011. Even since the departure of U.S. forces from Iraq, the group has continued to plot attacks against U.S. persons and interests in Iraq and the region – including the brutal murder of kidnapped American citizens in Syria and threats to U.S. military personnel in Iraq.

The 2001 AUMF has authorized the use of force against the group now called ISIL since at least 2004, when bin Laden and al-Zarqawi brought their groups together. The recent split between ISIL and current al-Qa’ida leadership does not remove ISIL from coverage under the 2001 AUMF, because ISIL continues to wage the conflict against the United States that it entered into when, in 2004, it joined bin Laden’s al-Qa’ida organization in its conflict against the United States. As AQI, ISIL had a direct relationship with bin Laden himself and waged that conflict in allegiance to him while he was alive. ISIL now claims that it, not al-Qa’ida’s current leadership, is the true executor of bin Laden’s legacy. There are rifts between ISIL and parts of the network bin Laden assembled, but some members and factions of al-Qa’ida-aligned groups have publicly declared allegiance to ISIL. At the same time, ISIL continues to denounce the United States as its enemy and to target U.S. citizens and interests.

In these circumstances, the President is not divested of the previously available authority under the 2001 AUMF to continue protecting the country from ISIL – a group that has been subject to that AUMF for close to a decade – simply because of disagreements between the group and al-Qa’ida’s current leadership. A contrary interpretation of the statute would allow the enemy – rather than the President and Congress – to control the scope of the AUMF by splintering into rival factions while continuing to prosecute the same conflict against the United States.

Some initially greeted with skepticism the President’s reliance on the 2001 AUMF for authority to renew military operations against ISIL last year. To be sure, we would be having a different conversation if ISIL had emerged out of nowhere a year ago, having no history with bin Laden and no more connection to current al-Qa’ida leadership than it has today, or if the group once known as AQI had, for example, renounced terrorist violence against the United States at some point along the way. But ISIL did not spring fully formed from the head of Zeus a year ago, and the group certainly has never laid down its arms in its conflict against the United States.

The name may have changed, but the group we call ISIL today has been an enemy of the United States within the scope of the 2001 AUMF continuously since at least 2004. A power struggle may have broken out within bin Laden’s jihadist movement, but this same enemy of the United States continues to plot and carry out violent attacks against us to this day. Viewed in this light, reliance on the AUMF for counter-ISIL operations is hardly an expansion of authority. After all, how many new terrorist groups have, by virtue of this reading of the statute, been determined to be among the groups against which military force may be used? The answer is zero.

The President’s authority to fight ISIL is further reinforced by the 2002 authorization for the use of military force against Iraq (referred to as the 2002 AUMF). That AUMF authorized the use of force to, among other things, “defend the national security of the United States against the continuing threat posed by Iraq.” Although the threat posed by Saddam Hussein’s regime in Iraq was the primary focus of the 2002 AUMF, the statute, in accordance with its express goals, has always been understood to authorize the use of force for the related purposes of helping to establish a stable, democratic Iraq and addressing terrorist threats emanating from Iraq. After Saddam Hussein’s regime fell in 2003, the United States, with its coalition partners, continued to take military action in Iraq under the 2002 AUMF to further these purposes, including action against AQI, which then, as now, posed a terrorist threat to the United States and its partners and undermined stability and democracy in Iraq. Accordingly, the 2002 AUMF authorizes military operations against ISIL in Iraq and, to the extent necessary to achieve these purposes, in Syria.

Beyond the domestic legal authorities, our military operations against ISIL have a firm foundation in international law, as well. The U.S. Government remains deeply committed to abiding by our obligations under the applicable international law governing the resort to force and the conduct of hostilities. In Iraq, of course, the United States is operating against ISIL at the request and with the consent of the Government of Iraq, which has sought U.S. and coalition support in its defense of the country against ISIL. In Syria, the United States is using force against ISIL in the collective self-defense of Iraq and U.S. national self-defense, and it has notified the UN Security Council that it is taking these actions in Syria consistent with Article 51 of the UN Charter. Under international law, states may defend themselves, in accordance with the inherent right of individual and collective self-defense, when they face armed attacks or the imminent threat of armed attacks and the use of force is necessary because the government of the state where the threat is located is unwilling or unable to prevent the use of its territory for such attacks.

The inherent right of self-defense is not restricted to threats posed by states, and over the past two centuries states have repeatedly invoked the right of self-defense in response to attacks by non-state actors. Iraq has been clear, including in letters it has submitted to the UN Security Council, that it is facing a serious threat of continuing armed attacks from ISIL coming out of safe havens in Syria, and it has asked the United States to lead international efforts to strike ISIL sites and strongholds in Syria in order to end the continuing armed attacks on Iraq, to protect Iraqi citizens and ultimately enable Iraqi forces to regain control of Iraqi borders. ISIL is a threat not only to Iraq and our partners in the region, but also to the United States. Finally, the Syrian government has shown that it cannot and will not confront these terrorist groups effectively itself.

Let’s turn now to my third topic: the end of the U.S. combat mission in Afghanistan and its impact on the legal basis for the continuing use of military force under the 2001 AUMF.

At the outset, I pause to observe, as Clemenceau put it, “It is far easier to make war than to make peace.” That remains as true today as it was a hundred years ago. Indeed, in an armed conflict between a state and a terrorist organization like al Qa’ida or ISIL, it is highly unlikely that there will ever be an agreement to end the conflict. Unlike at the close of the World Wars, there will not be any instruments of surrender or peace treaties.

The situation is further complicated by the fact that the U.S. Constitution says nothing directly about how wars are to be ended. The closest it comes is the Treaty Clause, which gives the President and the Senate the power, together, to join treaties – which were, at the time the Constitution was written, the main way that wars were brought to an end. But, again, for a variety of reasons, the current conflict is unlikely to end in that way.

How, then, are we to know when the armed conflict has come to an end? The Supreme Court has not directly addressed this question, but it has offered important guidance. In Hamdi v. Rumsfeld, the plurality interpreted the 2001 AUMF as informed by the international law of war. Citing Article 118 of the Third Geneva Convention, it explained, “[i]t is a clearly established principle of the law of war that detention may last no longer than active hostilities.” It concluded, “[t]he United States may detain, for the duration of these hostilities, individuals legitimately determined to be Taliban combatants who engaged in an armed conflict against the United States.” Consistent with the Court’s approach, the Obama Administration has interpreted the AUMF as informed by these international law principles, and this interpretation has been embraced by the federal courts. Hence, where the armed conflict remains ongoing and active hostilities have not ceased, it is clear that congressional authorization to detain and use military force under the 2001 AUMF continues.

Now what does this this mean for U.S. military operations in Afghanistan after 2014? Although our presence in that country has been reduced and our mission there is more limited, the fact is that active hostilities continue. As a matter of international law, the United States remains in a state of armed conflict against the Taliban, al-Qa’ida and associated forces, and the 2001 AUMF continues to stand as statutory authority to use military force.

At the end of last year, the President made clear that “our combat mission in Afghanistan is ending, and the longest war in American history is coming to a responsible conclusion.” As a part of this transition, we have drawn down our forces to roughly 10,000 – the fewest U.S. forces in Afghanistan in more than a decade. The U.S. military now has two missions in Afghanistan. First, the United States is participating in the NATO non-combat mission of training, advising and assisting the Afghan National Security Forces. Second, the United States continues to engage in counterterrorism activity in Afghanistan to target the remnants of al-Qa’ida and prevent an al-Qa’ida resurgence or external plotting against the homeland or U.S. targets abroad. With respect to the Taliban, U.S. forces will take appropriate measures against Taliban members who directly threaten U.S. and coalition forces in Afghanistan, or provide direct support to al-Qa’ida. The use of force by the U.S. military in Afghanistan is now limited to circumstances in which using force is necessary to execute those two missions or to protect our personnel.

At the same time, our military operations in Afghanistan remain substantial. Indeed, the President recently announced that U.S. force levels in Afghanistan will draw down more slowly than originally planned because Afghanistan remains a dangerous place. It is sometimes said that the enemy gets a vote. Taliban members continue to actively and directly threaten U.S. and coalition forces in Afghanistan, provide direct support to al-Qa’ida, and pose a strategic threat to the Afghan National Security Forces. In response to these threats, U.S. forces are taking necessary and appropriate measures to keep the United States and U.S. forces safe and assist the Afghans. In short, the enemy has not relented, and significant armed violence continues.

The United States’ armed conflict against al-Qa’ida and associated forces in Afghanistan and elsewhere also continues. As my predecessor explained at the Oxford Union in 2012, there will come a time when “so many of the leaders and operatives of al Qaeda and its affiliates have been killed or captured, and the group is no longer able to attempt or launch a strategic attack against the United States, such that al Qaeda as we know it, the organization that our Congress authorized the military to pursue in 2001, has been effectively destroyed.” Unfortunately, that day has not yet come. To be sure, progress has been made in disrupting and degrading al-Qa’ida, particularly its core, senior leadership in the tribal areas along the Afghanistan-Pakistan border. But al-Qa’ida and its militant adherents – including AQAP, that most virulent strain of al-Qa’ida in Yemen – still pose a real and profound threat to U.S. national security – one that we cannot and will not ignore.

Because the Taliban continues to threaten U.S. and coalition forces in Afghanistan, and because al-Qa’ida and associated forces continue to target U.S. persons and interests actively, the United States will use military force against them as necessary. Active hostilities will continue in Afghanistan (and elsewhere) at least through 2015 and perhaps beyond. There is no doubt that we remain in a state of armed conflict against the Taliban, al-Qa’ida and associated forces as a matter of international law. And the 2001 AUMF continues to provide the President with domestic legal authority to defend against these ongoing threats.

Finally, we have come to my fourth topic: the future of the legal framework governing the United States’ use of military force. I have described for you how we arrived where we are over the course of nearly fourteen years. The 2001 AUMF continues to provide authority for our ongoing military operations against al-Qa’ida, ISIL and others, even though the conditions of the fight have changed since that authorization was first enacted.

In his 2013 NDU speech, the President anticipated “engaging Congress and the American people in efforts to refine, and ultimately repeal, the AUMF’s mandate.” While, today, the Administration’s immediate focus is to work with Congress on a bipartisan, ISIL-specific AUMF, the President’s position on the 2001 statute has not changed. When transmitting to Congress his draft AUMF against ISIL, he stated, “Although my proposed AUMF does not address the 2001 AUMF, I remain committed to working with Congress and the American people to refine, and ultimately repeal, the 2001 AUMF,” that is, to tailor the authorities granted by the AUMF to better fit the current fight and the strategy going forward. Our democracy is at its best when we openly debate matters of national security, and our nation is strongest when the President and Congress are in agreement on the employment of military force in its defense. The President has made clear that he stands ready to work with Congress to refine the 2001 AUMF after enactment of an ISIL-specific AUMF.

In February of this year, President Obama submitted to Congress draft legislation authorizing use of “the Armed Forces of the United States as the President determines to be necessary and appropriate against ISIL or associated persons or forces.” This raises the question: if the President already has the authority needed to take action against ISIL, why is he seeking a new authorization?

Most obviously and importantly, as the President has said, the world needs to know we are united behind the effort against ISIL, and the men and women of our military deserve our clear and unified support. Enacting the President’s proposed AUMF will show our fighting forces, the American people, our foreign partners and the enemy that the President and Congress are united in their resolve to degrade and defeat ISIL.

But the value of having a new authorization expressly directed against ISIL and associated forces of ISIL extends beyond its expression of the political branches’ unified support for our counter-ISIL efforts. The 2001 and 2002 AUMFs authorize the current military operations against ISIL, but they were enacted more than a decade ago. The last 14 years have taught us that the threats we face tomorrow will not be the same as the threats we faced yesterday or face today. This confrontation with ISIL will not be over quickly, and now is an appropriate time for the President, Congress, and the American people to define the scope of the conflict and make sure we have the appropriate authorities in place for the counter-ISIL fight.

To that end, the President has made clear that as part of the counter-ISIL mission he will not deploy U.S. forces to engage in long-term, large-scale ground combat operations like those our nation conducted in Iraq and Afghanistan. With its proposed AUMF, the Administration has sought to strike a balance, putting in place reasonable limitations that would, as the President said at NDU, “discipline our thinking, our definition, [and] our actions,” while continuing to provide the authority and flexibility needed to accomplish the mission and preserve the Commander in Chief’s authority to respond to unforeseen circumstances. And by working with Congress and the American people to come up with appropriate authorizing legislation for the fight against ISIL, we might also create a model to guide future efforts to refine the 2001 AUMF or otherwise authorize the use of force against some new threat we may not yet foresee. A central question as we look ahead is what follow-on legal framework will provide the authorities necessary in order for our government to meet the terrorist threat to our country, but will not greatly exceed what is needed to meet that threat. Drawing again from the President’s NDU speech, the answer is not legislation granting the Executive “unbound powers more suited for traditional armed conflicts between nations.” Rather, the objective is a framework that will support “a series of persistent, targeted efforts to dismantle specific networks of violent extremists that threaten America.” The challenge is to ensure that the authorities for U.S. counterterrorism operations are both adequate and appropriately tailored to the present and foreseeable threat.

Of course, in conducting military operations under the authority of existing AUMFs, a new, ISIL-specific AUMF, or a follow-on framework designed to replace the 2001 AUMF, we will remain committed to acting in accordance with our international obligations. As I have already described, our actions against ISIL in Iraq and Syria are justified as a matter of international law, and our military operations are being carried out in accordance with the law of armed conflict. This will continue to be the case under any new domestic authorizations.

As a law partner of mine used to say, I go out the door I came in: I would like to close with a few words about transparency in matters of law and national security.

At the time I returned to government, in 2009, I could not pick up a newspaper or turn on a news broadcast without seeing erroneous references to “illegal” U.S. Government counterterrorism operations overseas. Not fringe media, but mainstream press. Not isolated or occasional instances, but quite routine – as if it were conventional wisdom that the United States’ use of lethal force in the armed conflict against al-Qa’ida was “unlawful.” For me, and others in the Administration, this was deeply disturbing, and something had to be done about it.

The something that was done about it was the series of speeches that I mentioned at the outset of my remarks. It all began at this very meeting in 2010, with Harold Koh’s defense of U.S. counterterrorism operations in which he identified the international and domestic legal bases for lethal operations, including the use of remotely piloted aircraft. And it continued with the speeches that followed, including Eric Holder’s 2012 Northwestern speech, again noting the domestic and international legal authorities for U.S. counterterrorism operations and carefully explaining how citizenship does not confer immunity on one who takes up arms against our country. Repeatedly, in court filings as well as these speeches, we have sought to explain the legal rationale for the actions it has taken.

One result: You no longer find, in the popular press or in professional discourse, the same routine references to the U.S. Government’s counterterrorism operations as being “illegal.” Not that the Administration has persuaded everyone or will ever satisfy all of its critics. But the lawfulness of our government’s efforts to counter foreign terrorist threats is now better understood, and more widely accepted, at home and abroad.

Transparency to the extent possible in matters of law and national security is sound policy and just plain good government. As noted earlier, it strengthens our democracy and promotes accountability. Moreover, from the perspective of a government lawyer, transparency, including clarity in articulating the legal bases for U.S. military operations, is essential to ensure the lawfulness of our government’s actions and to explain the legal framework on which we rely to the American public and our partners abroad. Finally, I firmly believe transparency is important to help inoculate, against legal exposure or misguided recriminations, the fine men and women the government puts at risk in order to defend our country. We agency counsel all serve the same client, the United States of America, and each of us answers to the head of our respective agencies. But our highest calling, in my personal view, is to serve those who serve us.

Ladies and gentlemen: If my remarks this afternoon, like the speeches in past years, go any distance towards furthering public understanding and protecting those in uniform who are protecting us, I will have done what I set out to do. I thank you for listening. And I want to thank for your continued support of the men and women serving us in the United States Armed Forces.  

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Debates on the Use of Military Force

Transcript — January 15, 2020

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Kathleen Hicks: Hi, I'm Kathleen Hicks, senior vice president and director of the International Security Program at the Center for Strategic and International Studies and this is Defense 2020, a CSIS podcast examining critical defense issues in the United States' 2020 election cycle. We bring in defense experts from across the political spectrum to survey the debates over the US military strategy, missions and funding. This podcast is made possible by contributions from BAE systems, Lockheed Martin, Northrop Grumman, and the Thales Group.

Kathleen Hicks: In this episode of Defense 2020, I'll be speaking with three experts about the use of force and authorization for the use of military force. I'm joined by my colleague, Melissa Dalton, senior fellow and deputy director of the International Security Program at CSIS, Richard Fontaine, CEO of the Center for a New American Security and Luke Hartig, a fellow in the International Security Program at New America.

Kathleen Hicks: Thanks everyone for joining me today. And I think what we want to get into right off the bat, and if I can start with Richard, you wrote this wonderful piece in Foreign Affairs that gave a great history of US interventions both pos-Cold War, but drawing attention to the degree to which the United States has a history even during the Cold War, of military intervention. And let's just start there. How should we think about the American experience post World War II and intervention?

Richard Fontaine: Well, I think there's a narrative in some minds that intervention is something that we have been involved in recently, of course, in Afghanistan and Iraq and other places. But this is a deviation from the norm that certainly during the Cold War and, to a large degree during the 1990s, we really didn't do much in the way of intervention. And now, we've done way too much of it. And in fact, if you look, the United States has a long pattern of military intervention, certainly in the post-Cold War era, but in the Cold War era as well.

Richard Fontaine: And so, in a lot of ways military intervention has been more the norm than not. And the question has been where and how and to what ends has this been rather than something that we can just get out of the business of and get back to what would be considered normal American foreign policy.

Kathleen Hicks: And Luke, you sir, you have also have a fantastic piece in Just Security, actually series of three pieces with your coauthor, Stephen Tankel in Just Security . But you also worked inside the Defense Department and the NSC [National Security Council] on counter-terrorism issues. And so, I think what's that post 9/11 version of this history of US intervention and the way in which Americans have experienced the military.

Luke Hartig: Yeah, I think that my main area of expertise on this is around targeted killing and the use of force through drones and other means. And I think there's a story there that is some version of we have this great technology, we had a serious threat. We were convinced both through the end of the Bush Administration, well into the Obama Administration that targeted use of force was the right thing to do, and very quickly became clear that we didn't really have the right framework for fully governing this.

Luke Hartig: And so, we ended up creating this framework in the first term of the Obama Administration, released in 2013, that basically sets some really high standards around when force can be used and created a really rigorous process for the actual use of that force. What was always interesting throughout this process is, and I think it gets to your question about the political overlay, is that there is still overwhelming support from the American people for the use of drones to target terrorists.

Luke Hartig: And what we ended up having was this very vocal and outspoken crowd of activists who raised some very good points about the drone program in the midst of an otherwise very strong level of support from the American people. So the focus that we had was really how do we make the program as sustainable as possible? How do we make sure that this really critical tool for addressing terrorist threats was available for future administrations and future presidents?

Luke Hartig: And so, we can get into it whenever. But there's a whole number of different standards we put in place to try to make sure that that would actually work. Now, I think it's actually a pretty interesting blueprint that could be utilized, or at least the principles of it could be utilized, for governing a whole range of these conflicts that are in the irregular, what we used to call, low intensity conflict range of operations. Because as Richard pointed out, we've been in this low level military interventionism for several decades and that's probably not going to let up in the near future.

Kathleen Hicks: So Melissa, you've been looking at this cross section of issues around the types of military missions that are out there and the way in which Americans at large are thinking about use of force. What's your perspective on this idea of the American experience, if you will, around military intervention?

Melissa Dalton: Thanks, Kath, for the opportunity to join this terrific group today to talk about this issue. I think it's a growing complex fraught issue for Americans because on one hand there's a strong impulse both upon of those that affiliate Democratic, those that are more on the Republican camp in terms of ending the “Forever Wars”, a desire to refocus at home, but when you look at some of the recent polling, whether it's from the Chicago Council [Chicago Council on Global Affairs] or other authoritative sources, there is still strong support for US engagement in the world, in support of our alliances, in support of counter-terrorism objectives, in terms of deterring Iran.

Melissa Dalton: So how to strike that balance going forward where there is this impulse to pull back and refocus at home but also stay engaged in the world and what does that national conversation look like, and then also taking stock of what are clear threats to the United States going forward. There does seem to be consensus amongst the national security community that we see growing challenges from actors like China and Russia, perhaps to a lesser extent from Iran and North Korea. There is an enduring counter terrorism challenge set, although evolving and perhaps more fragmented.

Melissa Dalton: And then, there are these new domains like cyber and space and emerging technologies where the rules are fairly unwritten in terms of how to exercise kinetic force, but also other types of forces and what sort of frameworks and tool sets do we need to be able to leverage in this environment while being cognizant of these contravening domestic pressures and impulses at home?

Kathleen Hicks: Richard, this sounds messy to say the least. Congress also has a significant role to play and we saw that, obviously go well back in time, but pulling forward to the post-9/11 era, we have the 2001 and 2002 what we call Authorization for the Use of Military Force [AUMF]. Frequent listeners of this podcast will know it's called around town, the AUMF, but more generally both, whether it's the AUMF debate or it's about how we come out of campaigns or it's about how we execute campaigns. How would you describe the way in which members have been thinking about the debates over use of force?

Richard Fontaine: There's a lot of focus and hand ringing and shaking one's fist in the air about the anachronistic AUMFs of 2001 in 2002. The war against ISIS is being fought pursuant to the 2001 AUMF, which when it was passed by the Congress, ISIS didn't exist. So it's pretty hard to say that the Congress authorized those activities. But of course, if you're in the executive branch, then you can make the arguments that it does or you can make the arguments as some have that by continuing to appropriate funds for these wars, this is some sort of an implicit authorization.

Richard Fontaine: But nevertheless, from a good government and from a legal standpoint, it's pretty shaky to claim that under this legal umbrella, the executive branch can essentially do what it wants under some very broad notion of counter terrorism. That said, it's also worth looking at why it is that we would want an AUMF in the first place. And so much of the focus goes to this, well, we need a new AUMF. And part of the assumption seems to be that a new AUMF would constrain the president, any president, from doing things in the future that he has been authorized to do in the past with respect to counter terrorism, or more significantly, it will catalyze a national level debate or at least a debate among our elected representatives about the nature of these wars and whether we should be on them.

Richard Fontaine: I think both of those are probably completely wrong. The only kind of AUMF that would pass the Congress would be one that permitted the president to do tomorrow what he was permitted to do yesterday. Otherwise, it wouldn't pass. And that's why there has been none that has constrained the president since 16, 17 years.

Richard Fontaine: Two, if you look at the pattern of AUMF debates, whether it was '91 when we went to war against Iraq and the Gulf War, the 2001 and right after 9/11, or 2002 and the run up to Iraq, there was no searching debate over the most relevant issues. The debates were mostly over issues that turned out not to be relevant, and it should have been the beginning of a debate rather than just a moment in time, but it turned out to be anything but that. So the Congress to the extent that people are focused on are really focused on how do we get a new AUMF, but I think that Congress' role in overseeing the use of force can and should be much broader than that.

Kathleen Hicks: Yeah, I think you're right, Richard, there's been a lot of focus on this idea of could you repeal the existing AUMFs, those 2001 which is the Al Qaeda focused one, and the 2002 which as I recall is the Iraq focused AUMF, and then replace them with something that's more accurate too, as you point out the counter ISIS threat or other challenges we face. In the absence of that happening, Melissa, there's been, for example, a quite active focus from Congress on issues like support to the Saudis with regard to Yemen. Is that an example of Congress exercising some kind of power in this area?

Melissa Dalton: I think so, and I think it's also signaling a shift of emphasis from the executive branch in terms of relying more on allies and particularly partners to achieve its security objectives and a shift in the US military's role in enabling those partners. But then some of the potential traps we can get into in the absence of both policy and adequate legal frameworks for governing these types of relationships because we don't always have complete control over the choices our partners in particular make.

Melissa Dalton: And I think you have seen through the evolution of the Yemen operation, what was intended first in the Obama Administration to be a way to get after an Iranian backed insurgent movement in Yemen, the Houthis, combined with ongoing operations targeting Al Qaeda that the US had been conducting for many years to try to address some of these drivers of instability by wisdom through a partner that the United States had been supporting for decades. But with the unintended effects of high degrees of civilian casualties, a lack of degree of proportionality for the use of force, and in particularly in this very fraught region, how this plays into the overall strategy for Iran.

Melissa Dalton: So I think Congress seeing these trend lines has been attempting to exercise its rightful oversight role, but without the context of a broader policy conversation about what it is that we are doing with partnerships and in what framework can we have an executive legislative branch conversation and process to better govern them.

Richard Fontaine: And of course, the President [Trump] vetoed the Yemen legislation and the Congress did not override that veto. So legally speaking, it was left where it stood before.

Luke Hartig: I’ll jump in on this one. One of the challenges that we've found when we were working on updates to the AUMF, and particularly the 2014 proposed AUMF for the ISIS campaign, which was ultimately never adopted and passed into law, is it's really hard from a legal and constitutional perspective to write a really sound AUMF. There's just so much once Congress has made the decision to authorize the use of military force that is ultimately delegated to the executive branch.

Luke Hartig: And any executive branch, regardless of your feelings on unitary executive or overall executive power, is going to be hesitant to relinquish too much of that. So some of the things that people talk about like maybe there should be a list of forces that are covered under the AUMF, and if you add new forces, you have to notify Congress and Congress can come back to you and say, well, this one doesn't count or whatnot.

Kathleen Hicks: And just to be clear, you mean enemy forces?

Luke Hartig: Enemy forces, yeah, excuse me. That is a sort of thing that gives the lawyers a tremendous amount of heartburn because under long established international law, you can cover an associated force so long as a new enemy force emerges and is collaborating with the current enemy force engaged in a degree of co-belligerency against the United States. Can you do that or not? Can you put limits on the number of troops that can go on the ground or the activities that those troops are authorized to engage in? Is that an inappropriate imposition on the president's commander-in-chief authority?

Luke Hartig: A lot of these questions are really hard to grapple with. I think there are a couple things though that we know absolutely we can do, which is, one, Congress definitely controls the purse strings and can choose to appropriate in a way consistent with their overall intent, and two, I think the sunset clauses are a really appropriate mechanism for making sure that at least every couple of years, I think the ISIS AUMF had a three year proposal. We pull up and say, are we doing the right thing? Are we focused on the right thing? Are we achieving our objectives and should we continue this for another period of time?

Kathleen Hicks: Yeah, and I do want to just add back on the Yemen example. Richard's completely right about the President vetoing that resolution. But back in the National Defense Authorization Act the President signed for 2020, there is in the conference report, again nonbinding in the conference report, but this statement that prohibits aerial refueling by the US of Saudi-led coalition aircraft participating in the civil war in Yemen, which is current DOD [Department of Defense] policy. But it's, again, a way for Congress to try to get in this.

Kathleen Hicks: So what we see here is this dance, if you will, between the legislative branch under Article One and its responsibilities using the purse string or using whatever means it can, and Article Two, the president, where he has these commander-in-chief responsibilities, article two section two, in particular. So Melissa, is this just a matter of where you sit is where you stand, and as with many things in American democracy, the public is bound to represent its views through its public representatives in these two places. How do you see this playing out?

Melissa Dalton: I think there are two significant gaps that whether it's a second in Trump Administration or subsequent Democratic administration are going to have to tackle. One is a national conversation about how we want to use our military abroad and that overall political narrative that can have bipartisan background because I agree in terms of some of the concrete next steps that Luke has made out sound very pragmatic, but I don't see them achieving bipartisan consensus in the current environment, in the absence of national level agreement. Either, God forbid, an attack from abroad or some sort of building consensus on what matters and how we're going to use our military.

Melissa Dalton: I think the second key element is consensus around how vital this clarity of roles is for exercising civilian control of the military because there's something ironic about the president continuing to rely upon Article Two to have more flexibility, more freedom for using the military, but really it creates space for the national security community, for the intelligence community, for the military to come back and continue justifying at a very, I think, unsatisfactory level, what is justifiable within a certain framework that is now 20 years old and not reflective of current realities.

Melissa Dalton: It's that linkage to Article One congressional oversight that really extends what I think is the true intent of civilian control of the military and that critical connection to the American public. And there's a broken link there right now that I think needs to be reestablished.

Richard Fontaine: Can I just add that I think Congress' role in most of these questions is far more profound and easily used in the informal sector than with formal rules. Yes, if Congress wants to change the nature of a war, prohibit some war, pass a law by veto proof majority. How many laws do you see passed on any topic anywhere by veto proof majority on anything? It's a pretty hard thing, or cut off the funds. Yes, that has happened in US history, but it's a rare thing to have happened. That doesn't mean that the absence of such formal measures is an unalloyed endorsement of the course of events.

Richard Fontaine: And so, if you look at how wars that the United States has been engaged in before have been productively affected by the Congress, it's often been through the informal stuff. It's been some members take an interest in a particular thing and they go to the war zone over and over and over again, and they talk to the commanders, and they talk to their troops, and they come back, and they meet with executive branch folks, and they give speeches and write op-eds about strategy, and they test hypotheses and all these other things, and they call hearings, and all these things that are not in your civics book about how a bill becomes law, but actually are available to 535 members today if they take an interest and can actually move. That is oversight. It's not just about authorization of use of force is about overseeing the continued use of force or its absence, if members think that it's unwise.

Kathleen Hicks: Well, let's draw that then forward to the debates that are very... Americans aren't walking around and talking about the AUMF, but they might be talking about US-Syria policy. This is hopeful of me, I guess. They might have talked about US-Syria policy. They might be talking about US-Afghanistan policy. Certainly the President is talking about those things. So Richard, if I just pull that thread a little, what should those conversations be? What are the right conversations to be having then to get to this point Melissa's making about bridging the divide that Americans may feel between what's happening around use of force and where their interests are?

Richard Fontaine: Yeah, I think there's a more honest set of conversations that I guess, as someone not subject to any electoral necessity is, I would like to see take place, particularly among our elected leaders and those who would like to be elected to something in November of next year. Because the narrative seems to be certainly with respect to Afghanistan, to some degree with Syria and also to Iraq, we've been in the so called “Forever Wars: for 18 years. We don't have a whole lot to show for it. The costs have been high, the progress low. We may be moving backwards in a number of ways. You can play out the scene and therefore we should get out of this line of work. We learn our lessons, focus on whatever you prefer, the big great power game, China, domestic priorities, whatever you think is more important.

Richard Fontaine: But the real question is not have the cost been high or have we been there too long or anything, it's would we be better off leaving or staying? And if we would be better off leaving, under what conditions? Any conditions or some particular conditions like in Afghanistan, a peace agreement? And that's where you don't actually see the conversation about, what would in a place like Afghanistan in the absence of a peace agreement, a sustainable American presence that would prevent the worst from happening in terms of terror sanctuary, but also an ability to drive down the costs, both in terms of dollars and casualties associated with that kind of presence, what would that actually look like?

Richard Fontaine: And when you hear presidential candidates, they slip it in. In the debate last night, well, I'm committed to end the “Forever Wars”. We are going to stop combat in Afghanistan, but we're going to leave counter terrorism troops on the ground. Well, what are those counter terrorism troops supposed to do if not combat? And you start to play a bit of a rhetorical game. And I think an honest conversation that takes into account, yes, we may be focused on great power competition and all these other things, but terrorism is not going away, and the need for military intervention, CT [counter-terrorism] and other things as well is unlikely to just simply disappear. And so, how do we make this a sustainable enterprise?

Luke Hartig: I couldn't agree more. I think the desire to end the “Forever War”, to end endless wars makes a lot of sense. I worry that it's been reduced to a hashtag simplicity and I think you saw a lot of, well, one of the first interesting questioning of whether this fully makes sense in the hashtag simplicity I think came with the President's precipitous withdrawal of troops from Syria. And suddenly, there was a whole lot of voices on the left saying, whoa, whoa, whoa, this wasn't exactly what we meant. This is a reckless and irresponsible policy and that wasn't what we meant. We meant probably doing something closer to what President Obama had to described as taking ourselves off of a perpetual wartime footing.

Luke Hartig: I think that's something that people could get more behind because the reality is we're going to continue to have terrorist threats. We're going to have things like mass atrocities, transnational organized crime, plenty of opportunities where the president is going to at least wants a military option, even if he chooses not to select that option. And we're going to have to have some ways for being able to assure both the president as well as the American public that these interventions can be constrained in a useful way. And I worry that we're in a situation where we're lurching toward isolationism on both the left as well as on the right. Certainly President Trump fits that camp in a lot of ways. And we're missing the way that you can pragmatically constrain use of force.

Luke Hartig: And this isn't rocket science. I think a lot of this is stuff that's guided us in our counter terrorism mission but could apply elsewhere, like what is the basic threshold that allows us to say we're going to use force or not? How do we make sure we're using the minimum amount of force necessary? What's the role of Congress and how do we make sure Congress is on board? How do we make sure our international allies are on board? Is there a window for pulling up and saying, are we achieving our objectives? Are we in an open ended conflict? These are the sorts of principles I think you can bake into a particular situation and it turn into policy guidelines. And then, you just have to have a process to actually enforce that you're following through on these things.

Kathleen Hicks: Transparency, it would seem to me, is a big piece of that conversation then, and I think you mentioned that, you certainly mentioned it in your piece that it's hard to know what the rules are in some areas today. Cyber and space are two where we obviously don't know a lot because it's either classified or the rules aren't written yet either on our side or anyone else's. So how do we incent the kind of transparency that allows the public to be a party to the conversation, but at the same time, of course, operators rightfully have concerns about that transparency. Is there a way to work through that in the civ-mil dynamic effectively?

Melissa Dalton: 23:36 I'll jump on that. I think there's a great case example to unpack that relates to this, and this is the use of the Section 127 Echo authority, which is the support to special operations for countering terrorism. There's actually a parallel authority that's been created for irregular warfare as well, but essentially it's the ability to enable local security partners that may be non-state actors to achieve counter terrorism objectives.

Melissa Dalton: The oversight of this authority on the Hill typically happens through classified channels. And so, amongst Hill committees, amongst Hill member staff, there is often a debate in terms of the level of transparency even amongst Hill stakeholders on how this authority is being used in certain countries and particularly between armed services, intel and the foreign affairs oversight committees.

Melissa Dalton: And then, there's the broader issues, Kath, to your point in terms of public transparency. So there's actually been quite a lot of activity amongst civil society actors over the last few years to try to unmask or make more transparent that particular authority. I think one way to get at a bridge to protect what may be operationally sensitive and, at the same time, achieve some of those transparency objectives is tying this authority better into the overall approach for working with security partners, which is actually on a pretty good trajectory in terms of trying to strengthen monitoring evaluation mechanisms.

Melissa Dalton: So even if it's happening in classified channels, that there's a broader look at what the political effects of supporting certain actors around the globe is going to have in meeting our objectives and achieving common outcomes. So even if it's an internal USG [US Government] process that you're bringing in that siloed activity into that broader street that may not satisfy everybody on the outsides, but can provide that more holistic look.

Richard Fontaine: I guess I've grown more pessimistic about the ability of the system to be transparent without really extensive pushing from the highest levels. There's just nobody in the bureaucracy who is empowered to really push transparency in a way that's actually going to achieve meaningful results. And as you point out Kath, there's a lot of really tricky details of how you actually do this because there are real details that operators shouldn't have disclosed. And I think even just the president's recent statement around the Baghdadi operation, there was a whole bunch of stuff there that I'm pretty sure would've never made it through an interagency process if we were deciding what to disclose about that debate or not.

Richard Fontaine: But it does suggest that you need a lot of high level pressure. It needs to be a priority of the Administration, needs to be a priority of players in Congress, and they need to be developing proposals and then running it by the operators, intelligence professionals, whomever has the relevant equities to say, could we say this? What would be the risks that we're taking? Is this a risk we're willing to accept? But at the most basic level, I think there's relatively little downside to discussing, at least when it comes to counter terrorism and other irregular warfare situations, that the basic standards that we have in place and the most basic level of results that's come from those operations.

Richard Fontaine: So it was disturbing to see earlier this year the Trump Administration rollback the requirements for reporting on total numbers of strikes, total number of combatants and civilian casualties from those strikes. Their argument was that the Hill had put in place, and the armed services committees in particular, a similar requirement. And so, this was redundant. I think anybody who tracks this knows that there was definitely something lost, and part of the loss was the letter of the President's new policy, but part of it was also a pretty strong signal from the Administration that transparency is just not important in any way on this particular issue.

Kathleen Hicks: Two last questions. The first is, Melissa mentioned this Chicago Council poll, which is the 2019 Chicago Council survey, and there's a question in there on use of US troops and the circumstances under which the respondents, being the public responding, would see circumstances that might justify using US troops in other parts of the world. Lots of interesting data in there, but just to contrast the data there with where the Trump Administration's stated strategy is, which is to focus on China and Russia, China related circumstances.

Kathleen Hicks: One example is if China invaded Taiwan, and another is if China initiates a military conflict with Japan, actually come out on the bottom of that survey. So looking ahead, if you will, to where we are today in terms of a public that has at least been characterized as wanting to get out of forever wars and a security establishment that has been characterized as wanting to get into great power competition, how do we make that connection, if you will, between the appreciation, if you will, on the security community side of the challenges that they think exists with China and where the American public is?

Richard Fontaine: I call it the great power disconnect. I don't know if that's copyrighted, probably it's been used before. But if you look in other parts of the Chicago poll, and other polls as well, that ask Americans are ranked the threats or to list the top threats to the United States and for all of the laser like focus in Washington on great power competition, China and Russia never come out at the top. It's usually terrorism at the top, cybersecurity, meaning theft of IP [intellectual property] and crime and things like that, global warming, Iran, North Korea, immigrants and refugees ranks pretty high as a threat to the United States, and things like that. And then, only then, do you get to China and Russia.

Richard Fontaine: And so, the favored way of dealing with this in Washington is that we need to educate the American people about the nature of the threat, which means scare them into action by displaying the real face of our great power rivals, and the more, I guess, benign or less significant ability of these other problems to actually inflict harm on the United States. And of course, that has appeal for those of us who think that we can just tell everybody what really matters to them. But I actually think that it's worth taking seriously the American people's abstracts back to as a focus on the physical protection and the particular economic prosperity of the American people who are living at home, which makes total sense.

Richard Fontaine: And so, this gets back to the same thing that I think is true of our interventions in places like the Middle East. The answer to great power competition is not just to get out of the Middle East so we can go focus on Russia or go focus on China or just focus on China. Because if we do that and there's, God forbid, another mass casualty attack in the United States traced right back to the place in Afghanistan we just left, we're going to go right back to a CT focusing and you can kiss your China policy goodbye. We are not a regional power. We got to do multiple things at the same time. So let's do what the American people express their priorities as. Let's deal with that in the lowest cost, most sustainable way possible while we also focus on the great power challenges. And that's eminently a doable thing for a country like the United States.

Melissa Dalton: Yeah, I think the other piece of this too is as you unpack the data, I think it's 70% of express support for US military alliances. So people like the idea and see value in alliances as a conceptual thing. But when it comes to exercising the use of force to protect those alliances, that's where you really see the numbers go down. But seeing the value in the alliances themselves I think is important. Building from that and considering the spectrum of what we can forecast their challenges will be when it comes to the United States and the American people, it may be that the US military isn't the single tool that we're going to need to use.

Melissa Dalton: And so, it's other instruments of national power that we need to be thinking about buttressing and that might actually have some domestic support for such as our diplomatic core, such as economic investments, such as security cooperation that buttress these alliances. So I think thinking more broadly about the toolkit will actually resonate where American people are expressing their preferences.

Luke Hartig: I agree with both points and I think that's totally spot on. I think there's a couple of things. I think when it comes to support for terrorism, irregular warfare type engagement, I think people want to know, and the American public wants to know, that there's not just an endless drift. And Melissa was talking earlier about the 127 E authority, which basically gives our special operations forces the authority to provide a range of support to a range of proxies and other partners around the world. And what we've seen is when we do that, we tend to put more of our people in harm's way and they tend to receive harm.

Luke Hartig: So certainly the deaths of the four special operators in the Sahel was a big moment in terms of tragedy, in the first instance, but also I think it shook a lot of confidence in how and why we had people deployed to that part of the world. But I think overall, if you look at the terrorist threat and our efforts in counter terrorism, there's probably also support for it because it's pretty clear what happens if we don't do it. We've seen the consequences, and we also know that it's fighting small-scale insurgencies. I think there's also an element when you talk about some of these things that the Chicago poll tested on, you're talking about potentially massive amounts of US casualties and I wouldn't be surprised if that's actually a motivating force for why there's so much skepticism about being willing to, for example, defend Taiwan from attack from China.

Kathleen Hicks: Melissa, I'm going to let you begin the closeout round here. It's a new year, 2020, and let's have good wishes for this year. And what's your one top hope or wish for what changes you want to see on the debate around US use of force approaches?

Melissa Dalton: I think if I can throw in two complimentary items.

Kathleen Hicks: That's cheating, but we'll allow it.

Melissa Dalton: One for the executive, one for the legislative. On the legislative side, I think building from what Richard was saying earlier, I think there's a lot Congress can do without aspiring to a full on revamp of the AUMF to improve its oversight, more hearings, more briefings. These are not hard things to ask for I think. On the executive branch side, perhaps a taller order, but I think we need a new policy framework that compliments this new national strategy on strategic competition. What is it actually mean to deter and prevent conflict with the likes of China and Russia? How do we use our military in the face of those challenges and what are the parameters for the use of cyber and space and in emerging technologies, in particularly when you layer in allies and partners?

Luke Hartig: My single biggest wish for 2020 would be getting the Yemen conflict in order, and really both from in terms of the amount of support the United States is providing as well as just a reduction in the overall scale of the conflict and the human suffering. Look, I was covering the Yemen counter terrorism portfolio when we made the decision to both evacuate our embassy as well as support this Saudis and the Emeratis in their campaign there. There were a lot of good reasons why we did that at the time, whatever our estimates and best assessments of what that conflict would look like at that time, it is just gone horribly, horribly wrong in every way and it's a real shame and a real black mark on a US government's foreign policy.

Luke Hartig: So I think some combination of additional congressional restrictions on the Administration's ability to support that conflict, some willingness of the Administration to actually listen to those, some additional pressure on both the Saudis, mostly the Saudis, but to a lesser extent the Emeratis, and some commitment to a multinational process to bring around a resolution. That conflict has to be at the top of anybody's list who's working on constraining use of force.

Richard Fontaine: I would wish some more honesty in the nature of the debate over when and if we should use force in the future. The one thing in national security that seems to unify President Trump with every single Democratic candidate for president is that they all pledged to end the “Forever Wars”. This is at the top of their list, and yet of course, there are reasons why some of these wars continue and ending them is not just a simple and straight forward thing. And when you ask them to explain their positions, that nuance comes out but only under protest. And you can hardly hope for greater honesty heading into a fevered presidential election.

Richard Fontaine: But at least at a policy level, for all the time that we spend thinking about what does an exit strategy look like for this, we should also be thinking about what staying strategies look like when those are necessary, and what a long-term commitment to some of these places are. Because I think if you look back at our pattern, whether it's been Iraq or Afghanistan or Libya or some of these other interventions, whatever you think are the merits of going in in the first place, some of the reasons why we are still there can be related to our desire to get out earlier than we should have in the first place, which is an admirable, understandable desire that sometimes leads you astray and only a more honest assessment of when we should stay, when we should go, when we should get in the first place is going to rectify that. And that would be my wish for CSIS and for everyone else.

Kathleen Hicks: Well, Melissa Dalton, Luke Hartig, and Richard Fontaine, thank you all very much. Much more I'm sure to come on this topic in the next year.

Richard Fontaine: Thank you.

Kathleen Hicks: On behalf of CSIS, I'd like to thank our sponsors, BAE systems, Lockheed Martin, Northrop Grumman, and the Thales Group for contributing to Defense 2020. If you enjoyed this podcast, check out some of our other CSIS podcasts, including Smart Women Smart Power, The Truth of the Matter, the Asia Chessboard, and more. You can listen to them all on major streaming platforms like iTunes and Spotify. Visit csis.org/podcasts to see our full catalog. And for all of CSIS's defense related content, visit defense360.csis.org.

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Serving with Honor: Why I Want to Join The Military

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An unwavering sense of duty, aligning with core values, a path of purpose.

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The Role of a Strong National Defense

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Oct 5, 2015 24 min read

William Inboden, PhD

“[The United States Navy is] an infinitely more potent factor for peace than all the peace societies of every kind and sort.”

—President Theodore Roosevelt 1

Introduction

One of the few core responsibilities of the federal government mandated by the Constitution of the United States is “to provide for the common defence.” 2 Upon commissioning, every American military officer swears an oath to “support and defend” this Constitution. 3 Accordingly, the core mission of the American military is to protect and defend our nation. This means deterring potential aggressors and, if deterrence fails, fighting and winning wars. Any consideration of the military’s role and American defense policy must start with that foundational principle.

Yet if the need for a strong military begins with the mission to fight and win wars, it does not end there. As the quote from Theodore Roosevelt at the beginning of this essay illustrates, American leaders have long appreciated that a formidable military can produce abundant diplomatic and economic dividends, even—especially—when not wielded in wartime. The United States’ military capability supported our nation’s rise to global greatness over the past century, but this was often because of the increased influence and credibility produced by this capability rather than the overt use of force. Along the way, there developed an American strategic tradition that integrated military strength with diplomatic acumen, economic growth, and international influence. 4 It is an historic tradition with an impressive heritage and continuing salience today.

Drawing on the historical record, there are many ways beyond the kinetic use of force that a strong national defense bolsters our national power and global influence. A robust defense budget and defense policy also strengthens our nation in manifest other ways. A well-equipped defense enhances our capabilities and influence across virtually all other elements of national power: our economy, our diplomacy, our alliances, and our credibility and influence in the world. Conversely, an underresourced national defense threatens to diminish our national power across all of these other dimensions.

A strong national defense is thus indispensable for a peaceful, successful, and free America—even if a shot is never fired. The diplomatic successes in building and maintaining a stable and peaceful international order achieved by the United States over the past century have been enabled by America’s military dominance. Conversely, the calamitous defense budget cuts and corresponding rise of potential peer competitors in the present day are already undermining America’s diplomatic and economic influence.

A well-appointed military improves diplomacy with adversaries, strengthens our alliances, signals credibility and resolve, deters aggression, and enhances national morale. Yet this is not to disregard the manifest other dividends that a strong military can pay. There are multiple pathways by which investments in military hard power produce economic benefits. For example, the military’s role in protecting a stable international environment also creates predictable and secure conditions in which economic growth can flourish. The American security umbrella facilitated Western Europe’s postwar reconstruction and economic revival, and Asia’s half-century economic boom has been partly a function of America’s treaty alliances in the region maintaining peace and stability, exemplified by the United States Navy’s Seventh Fleet protecting an open maritime order, freedom of navigation, and secure sea lanes.

Additionally, while America’s world-leading economy has largely been generated by free enterprise and private sector–led growth, innovations in defense technology can sometimes have economically beneficial civilian applications. There are numerous examples from the past 75 years of technological innovations that originated as defense projects but were eventually adapted for private-sector commercial use, including nuclear energy, jet propulsion, the Internet, global positioning systems, and unmanned aerial vehicles.

Peace Through Strength

One of President Ronald Reagan’s favored mantras, still often cited today, was “peace through strength.” 5 Embedded in this slogan are a complex set of strategic assumptions: for example, that a strong military can be effective without being deployed in hostile action, that the acquisition of arms can be inversely proportionate to their use, that military strength pays diplomatic dividends, and that preparedness for war enables the preservation of peace. As described by United States Military Academy professor Gail Yoshitani, in Reagan’s formulation of the “peace through strength” strategy:

[P]eace was not simply the absence of war. Instead, it was conceived as a world hospitable to American society and its liberal-democratic ideals in which the United States and its allies were free from the threat of nuclear war and had access to vital resources, such as oil, and vital transportation and communications routes. Reagan believed that such a peace was dependent upon US strength, which would come from rebuilding the nation’s economic and military might. 6

It was a strategic concept in the tradition of Theodore Roosevelt eight decades earlier. For Roosevelt as for Reagan and many other American leaders, “peace” meant more than just the absence of conflict. It encompassed the full flourishing of American interests and ideals and in turn was predicated on an equally expansive concept of national “strength” that included diplomatic, ideological, and economic as well as military quotients.

In recent years, the Obama Administration has introduced a new strategic concept that, while not in direct contradistinction to “peace through strength,” seeks to recalibrate American national security policy by diminishing national defense and elevating international development. This concept is known as the “three Ds” of defense, diplomacy, and development. As described by then-Secretary of State Hillary Clinton in her January 22, 2009, inaugural remarks on her first day at the State Department, “There are three legs to the stool of American foreign policy: defense, diplomacy, and development.” 7 She elaborated on this the next year in a speech to the Center for Global Development, declaring that “development must become an equal pillar of our foreign policy, alongside defense and diplomacy…. [T]he three Ds must be mutually reinforcing.” 8

While this concept appropriately recognizes that there is a relationship between sustainable development and improved peace and security, it skews the triad by making development co-equal with defense. 9 Ironically, given that the Obama Administration intended the three Ds concept to elevate development policy, as implemented, it has instead had the opposite effect. It has left development still at the margins while diminishing defense policy, as evidenced by the draconian cuts in the defense budget over the past six years.

Moreover, in both constitutional and conceptual terms, a strong national defense needs to take primacy over development. A well-equipped military creates an enabling environment for improved development policy. Many of the most notable economic development successes of the past 75 years took place in the context of either an explicit American security umbrella or a more favorable security environment underwritten by American defense policy. The economic development successes of postwar Western Europe and post–Cold War Central and Eastern Europe, as well as the “Asian tigers” such as Japan, South Korea, Taiwan, and Singapore, and the unprecedented growth and poverty alleviation in China since Deng Xiaoping’s 1979 economic reforms and India since Manmohan Singh’s 1991 economic liberalization all took place in the context of an American troop presence, explicit American security guarantees, or (at least in the cases of China and India) a stable regional environment underwritten by American power projection.

This is not at all to disparage economic development or the work of development professionals, which should be a national priority on moral, humanitarian, and strategic grounds. Rather, it is only to observe that economic development efforts are most successful and most enduring when undertaken in a context of peace and stability, which is most often provided by a guarantor of security underwritten by military power.

The broader sweep of American history and international politics reinforces the perception that military power enables diplomatic and economic progress. This historical insight bears remembering in the present context. Each of the manifest national security policy challenges facing our nation in the current era—including growing Chinese assertiveness in the western Pacific, a revanchist Russia destabilizing the postwar European order, the collapse of the state system in the Middle East, resurgent jihadist groups exemplified by the Islamic State and various al-Qaeda franchises, Iran’s nuclear ambitions and aspirations to regional hegemony, and North Korea’s metastasizing nuclear capabilities—has its own complex internal and external causes, but all have been taking place in the context of global perceptions of a diminished and weakened American defense capability, which in turn has undermined American diplomatic and economic power and influence.

The setbacks for American foreign policy during the past several years provide a vivid empirical illustration both of the non-kinetic utility of military power and of the costs when it is diminished.

Insights from History: Strengthening Diplomacy and National Morale (Theodore Roosevelt)

If the 19th century was characterized by the United States expanding and consolidating its continental control and resolving its internal conflicts through the Civil War, the dawn of the 20th century marked America’s turn outward and debut as an emerging global power. Not coincidentally, Theodore Roosevelt occupied the White House during these early years.

Roosevelt’s foreign policy vision combined an assertive military buildup with deft diplomacy and credible displays of force with restraint in the actual use of force. His increased defense budget focused primarily on building up the Navy, based on Roosevelt’s long-standing belief in the primacy of naval power for strategic force projection. As one of the premier scholars of his foreign policy has observed, Roosevelt embraced the axiom that “power and diplomacy work best when they work together.” 10

Of the abundant examples that could be drawn from Roosevelt’s presidency, none illustrates this more vividly than his decision to sail 16 American battleships on a 14-month voyage around the world in 1908. Not since Chinese Admiral Zheng He sailed a massive fleet in the 15th century had the world seen such a show of naval force. 11 This voyage of the “Great White Fleet” was as unexpected as it was audacious. In the words of University of Texas–Austin historian H. W. Brands, “Nothing like this had ever been attempted. For the United States to be the first to accomplish it would be a cause for national pride…. Never before had so much naval power been gathered in one place, let alone sent on a grand tour around the globe.” 12

Roosevelt intuitively understood that an expanded global role for the United States depended in part on popular support from the American people, and this in turn depended on demonstrating to the nation what its Navy could accomplish. In Roosevelt’s own words, “my prime purpose was to impress the American people; and this purpose was fully achieved.” 13 Here Roosevelt seemed to draw on the insights of his friend Alfred Thayer Mahan, the eminent naval strategist who believed that “national character” constituted one of the six elements of sea power. 14

Thus emerges an underappreciated aspect of a strong national defense: its salubrious effect in bolstering national morale and civic unity. In sending the fleet on this circumnavigation of the globe, Roosevelt in one gesture reminded his fellow citizens of their nation’s industrial might, technological prowess, audacity, and intrepid frontier spirit. He hoped also to galvanize public support for a sustained international leadership role for the United States.

Domestic public opinion was by no means the only audience that Roosevelt had in mind for this display of naval power. He also intended it to impress a watching world. The leaders of two nations in particular, Japan and Germany, were on Roosevelt’s mind. The former had long captured his attention with a mixture of admiration and concern. Roosevelt’s recognition of Japan’s growing power and ambitions had led him to mediate the Treaty of Portsmouth that ended the Russo–Japanese War in ways that recognized Japan’s power and preserved many of its territorial gains. (For this, Roosevelt would become the first American to win the Nobel Peace Prize.) Likewise, his affinity for Japanese culture and industry inspired his support for the immigration of numerous Japanese to California, despite incurring much domestic criticism from Americans with nativist predilections.

At the same time, Roosevelt’s wariness of Japan’s aspirations to regional hegemony had caused him to include provisions in the Treaty of Portsmouth that circumscribed Japan’s acquisitions and preserved Russia’s viability as a check on further Japanese expansion. For some time, Roosevelt had been suspicious of Japan’s potential expansionism, especially against American territories. In an eerily prescient move, several years earlier, while serving as President William McKinley’s Assistant Secretary of the Navy, Roosevelt had tasked the Naval War College with addressing a scenario in which “Japan makes demands on Hawaiian Islands. This country intervenes. What force will be necessary to uphold the intervention, and how should it be employed?” 15

Against this backdrop of ambivalence about Japan’s growing power and uncertain intentions, Roosevelt targeted a strategic communication toward Tokyo. In Brands’ words, the cruise “would also serve as a reminder to the Japanese, who not surprisingly felt rather proud of themselves, that the United States was a Pacific Power to be reckoned with.” Pace those critics who contended that such visible displays of force would be destabilizing and potentially instigate conflict, “Roosevelt paid no mind to the argument that an audacious American move might provoke a war…. [H]e felt that weakness was far more provocative than strength. Consequently, the worse relations with Japan grew, the more necessary he deemed the voyage.” As Roosevelt put it, “My own judgment is that the only thing that will prevent war is the Japanese feeling that we shall not be beaten, and this feeling we can only excite by keeping and making our navy efficient in the highest degree.” 16

Though it would be six more years until Germany’s growing power and aggression contributed to the outbreak of World War I, Roosevelt was already casting a wary eye at Kaiser Wilhelm’s incipient bellicosity. In the midst of a relatively minor diplomatic dispute between Germany and the United States, Roosevelt wrote to the German leader describing the ongoing voyage: “I trust you have noticed that the American battleship fleet has completed its tour of South America on schedule time, and is now having its target practice off the Mexican coast.” 17 As Brands describes, “The president traced the itinerary—Australia, Japan, China, the Philippines, Suez—leaving unsaid that the German navy had never done anything like this. And he couldn’t resist a final note: ‘Their target practice has been excellent’.” 18

Roosevelt’s pointed and pithy insinuation to the German ruler belied a more sophisticated appreciation of the relationship between military power, diplomatic success, and the preservation of peace. For all of his occasionally bellicose rhetoric, Roosevelt’s presidency is distinguished by the remarkably peaceful expansion of American power and influence. As noted, he understood that a weakened military could provoke aggression and invite adventurism from hostile powers who would otherwise be deterred. Roosevelt knew that a formidable military and a commander in chief with a deft diplomatic touch would be a potent force in dissuading aggressors and preserving peace. It is such a combination of military power and diplomatic acumen that creates national strength.

Roosevelt frequently warned against what he saw as the misguided hopes of disarmament advocates who believed that munitions themselves were destabilizing. These calls for reduced defense budgets and outright disarmament were deluded, he believed, and would increase the risk of war rather than further the cause of peace. As he proclaimed in his annual message to Congress in 1905:

At present there could be no greater calamity than for the free peoples, the enlightened, independent, and peace-loving peoples, to disarm while yet leaving it open to any barbarism or despotism to remain armed. So long as the world is as unorganized as now the armies and navies of those peoples who on the whole stand for justice, offer not only the best, but the only possible, security for a just peace. For instance, if the United States alone, or in company only with the other nations that on the whole tend to act justly, disarmed, we might sometimes avoid bloodshed, but we would cease to be of weight in securing the peace of justice—the real peace for which the most law-abiding and high-minded men must at times be willing to fight. 19

Roosevelt’s insights of over a century ago have much to offer today. He famously and frequently invoked the African proverb, “speak softly and carry a big stick.” 20 During Roosevelt’s presidency, this was translated from a trite aphorism into a sophisticated strategic doctrine. A strong military can bolster national power and influence without ever using force. It can even reduce the likelihood of violence. Rather, the mere display of force can pay significant diplomatic dividends, deter potential aggression, and preserve the peace.

In turn, the effective display of force depends on perceptions of American credibility, and credibility rests on a combination of capability and intention. If other nations (and in some cases, non-state actors) perceive the United States as a credible power—possessing both a potent capability to use lethal force and the willingness to do so if necessary—our nation will have greater power to act on the global stage while facing fewer threats. Developing this capability is predicated on funding and maintaining a military that is without peer.

This strategic doctrine is one of Theodore Roosevelt’s enduring legacies in American history, and it is one which bears remembering and recovering today.

Insights from History: Signaling Resolve and Supporting Allies (Harry S. Truman)

At first glance, Presidents Theodore Roosevelt and Harry Truman have little in common. One was a Republican, the other a Democrat. One was an East Coast Harvard-educated blue blood from one of America’s most distinguished familial lineages, the other a Midwestern small-town haberdasher with only a high school education—the last American President without a college diploma. One was the architect of America’s debut at the high table of international politics, the other the befuddled inheritor of America’s new role as a global superpower and the architect of many institutions of the new international order.

Yet Roosevelt and Truman also shared much in common, including a belief in American exceptionalism, a commitment to the universality of liberty and preserving and extending free societies, and especially an appreciation for the role a strong military plays in projecting power and influence, even without the use of lethal force. As with Roosevelt, most of Truman’s enduring national security accomplishments came through the adept employment of military power as a diplomatic and economic instrument of statecraft. Just as our nation still benefits from the international institutions and postwar order he helped to create, there is also much to learn from his integration of a strong defense into the larger structure of national power.

Upon taking the oath of office in April 1945, Truman was bequeathed a situation unprecedented in its complexity and challenges. In short order, he had to navigate:

• The decision to drop the atomic bomb on Japan;
• The end of World War II and the unconditional surrender settlements that would give the United States near-total control of the reconstruction of Germany and Japan;
• The crafting of a postwar international political and economic order that would preserve stability and promote prosperity and ordered liberty; and
• The emerging Cold War with the Soviet Union and its sundry satellite states that would loom over the next four decades of American national security policy as the United States sought to contain Soviet expansionism while preventing the belligerent exchange of nuclear warheads.

It was a tall order for even the most seasoned statesman, let alone a relatively untested and ill-equipped Senator from Missouri.

To appreciate Truman’s strategic innovations, one should recall the fraught and unprecedented international climate of the time. The United States and Soviet Union had fought together as allies in World War II, yet even as the war wound down in 1945, tensions between the two victors emerged over the contours of the postwar order. By the next year, it was becoming clear that Soviet dictator Josef Stalin regarded the United States as an adversary and had aggressive designs to dominate Eastern Europe and points beyond.

This left American leaders struggling to formulate a response amidst what appeared to be the unpalatable choices of either fighting the Soviet Union or acquiescing to the further expansion of Communist tyranny. Yale historian John Lewis Gaddis aptly described it as “the despair of 1946 when war or appeasement appeared to be the only alternatives open to the United States.” 21 Furthermore, with the end of the war, many feared the prospect of slipping back into the economic depression that had plagued the 1930s.

Into this environment of anxiety and policy uncertainty, George Kennan sent his renowned “Long Telegram” from Moscow, diagnosing Soviet intentions and advocating what became the strategy of containment. Instead of fight or flight, containment offered the option of resisting Soviet aggression without triggering a third world war. But while Kennan may have developed containment as a concept, it took Truman’s leadership and vision to operationalize and implement it in practice.

The success of containment depended largely, though by no means exclusively, on the non-kinetic use of military power. Kennan himself appreciated this. In a 1946 address at the National War College, the lifelong diplomat told his audience, “You have no idea how much it contributes to the politeness and pleasantness of diplomacy when you have a little quiet armed force in the background.” As Gaddis points out:

[T]he mere existence of such forces, [Kennan] wrote two years later, “is probably the most important single instrumentality in the conduct of U.S. foreign policy.” A Policy Planning Staff study done under Kennan’s direction in the summer of 1948 concluded that armed strength was essential as a means of making political positions credible, as a deterrent to attack, as a source of encouragement to allies, and, as a last resort, as a means of waging war successfully should war come. 22

Truman’s Cold War policy incorporated these insights. From the Marshall Plan, to the creation of NATO, to the passage of the National Security Act creating the Central Intelligence Agency and National Security Council, to the issuance of seminal strategy blueprints such as NSC-68, 23 the Truman Administration created a national and international set of institutions that leveraged military power into diplomatic and economic influence. Two Truman initiatives especially illustrate this concept: the Truman Doctrine providing aid to Greece and Turkey and the Berlin Airlift.

Truman’s 1947 address to Congress is best remembered for his declaration that “it must be the policy of the United States to support free peoples who are resisting attempted subjugation by armed minorities or by outside pressures.” 24 Less appreciated is how the actual aid packages he developed for Greece and Turkey leveraged American military power to strengthen beleaguered allies and signal American resolve to Stalin. Unlike the Marshall Plan announced later that year, which provided economic reconstruction aid to Western Europe, the Greece and Turkey assistance packages also included a substantial military component to help the governments of the two Mediterranean nations defeat Communist insurgencies.

This had not been a foregone conclusion. Several of Truman’s advisers argued for limiting the packages to economic aid, but Truman sided with then-Under Secretary of State Dean Acheson’s arguments for including military hardware and advisers. 25 This reflected Truman’s belief in what political scientist Henry Nau calls “armed diplomacy” 26 and had far-reaching implications. For example, the aid to Turkey included establishment of the Joint American Military Mission to Aid Turkey (JAMMAT), an ambitious Defense Department initiative that transformed the Turkish military and established a template for eventual American military assistance programs with other allies. 27

The robust American military aid to Greece and Turkey would not have been possible without the expertise and military technology that the United States developed during World War II. In finishing the war as the most dominant military power on the planet, even in the midst of rapid demobilization, the U.S. still had considerable defense resources to employ in support of its friends, allies, and interests. Truman fused military hardware, economic aid, and vigorous diplomacy into a new tool to implement his Cold War strategy. In doing so, he also ushered in a new era in American power projection. The incorporation of military assistance into the program of aid to Greece and Turkey sent a strong signal of American resolve to the Soviet Union and its satellites while also shoring up important American allies during their periods of acute vulnerability.

The next year, an even more vexing challenge emerged when the Soviet Union made an audacious power grab and cut off Western access to West Berlin, the portion of the German capital isolated within the Communist-controlled occupation zone that would eventually become East Germany. Eschewing either a diplomatic capitulation or a violent escalation, Truman instead ordered a massive airlift to provide food, medicine, and other living essentials to the beleaguered citizens of West Berlin. American military cargo planes operated these resupply flights around the clock for the next 11 months until an embarrassed Stalin backed down and lifted the blockade.

Again, this non-kinetic use of military power had the intended effect of signaling American resolve to Stalin while simultaneously reassuring and strengthening the allied city of West Berlin. This was no mere humanitarian gesture. As Henry Nau has observed, Truman’s “decision to erect Berlin as the outpost of Western freedom was monumental. It…placed American forces at risk to defend the ‘disputed’ borders of freedom in Europe” and “was a preeminent example of the preemptive use of force to deter aggression.” 28

While one might not normally consider cargo planes delivering food aid to civilians to be the “preemptive use of force,” Nau has it exactly right. Truman deployed American military resources in a formidable display of resolve, at considerable risk, to dissuade the Soviets from their attempted seizure of West Berlin. It was a turning point in the Cold War, as it revealed the Soviet Union’s malign intentions as well as the limits of Soviet adventurism. It galvanized American allies and led directly to the demands of several Western European nations to create what soon became the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). Without a shot being fired, the American military achieved a significant diplomatic success and made a formidable display of American power.

Concluding Implications and the Contemporary Challenge

Theodore Roosevelt’s “big stick” diplomacy, Harry Truman’s Cold War projections of power, and Ronald Reagan’s “peace through strength” paradigm, while all revealing as historical vignettes, are also much more. They constitute some of the essential building blocks of the American strategic tradition of armed diplomacy—of using military power in non-kinetic ways to improve our negotiating outcomes, reassure allies, dissuade adversaries, and enhance our global credibility and influence.

This strategic tradition has served American interests well and has done much to protect our national security and project our national power over the past century. It has become embedded in our national security institutions and, if properly resourced and utilized, can still be a primary source of national strength. Moreover, while originating in our nation’s past, this strategic tradition has also produced policy successes in recent decades. Consider just a few examples:

• The peaceful reunification of Germany and peaceful dissolution of the Iron Curtain as American diplomacy backed by military strength helped to end the Cold War without a shot being fired;
• The 1995 Dayton Accords ending the Bosnian wars, which followed the American-led bombing campaign and were made possible only because of the threat of additional force;
• Libya’s decision to relinquish its weapons of mass destruction program voluntarily in 2003 in the aftermath of the American display of power in the Iraq War;
• The United States military’s leading role in humanitarian assistance and disaster relief after the 2004 Asian tsunami, which also did much to improve America’s reputation in Muslim-majority nations like Indonesia;
• The upgrading of America’s relationship with India to a strategic partnership during the George W. Bush Administration, based in part on the appeal of America’s military power projection in the region and nuclear technology partnership; and
• The Pentagon’s relationship with the Egyptian military during the recent Egyptian revolutions, which was made possible by America’s decades-long military assistance program and exchanges and which preserved the only viable channel for diplomatic communications in the midst of chaos and changing Egyptian governments.

With such a demonstrable record of success and proven formula for how a well-resourced military strengthens our overall national security policy, the United States now stands at a crossroads. The precipitous defense budget cuts of recent years do not just erode American military strength; they also undermine our diplomatic capabilities and our global influence and credibility. Conversely, a renewed commitment to adequate resourcing of the American military would not come at the cost of American diplomacy and economic policy, but rather would be to their benefit. In this sense, the defense budget is not a zero-sum allocation, but a “win-win” that enhances diplomatic and economic policy as well.

The United States in the 21st century remains a global superpower thanks to this strategic tradition of a strong and deftly wielded national defense. Rather than being squandered, it is an inheritance that should be embraced.

• Quoted in Frederick C. Marks III, Velvet on Iron: The Diplomacy of Theodore Roosevelt (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press 1979), pp. 134–135.
• Preamble, Constitution of the United States, September 17, 1787.
• 5 U.S.Code 3331.
• For more on this tradition, particularly its English roots and its eventual adaptation by the United States, see Walter Russell Mead, God and Gold: Britain, America, and the Making of the Modern World (New York: Knopf, 2007).
• Ronald Reagan, “Address to the Nation on Defense and National Security,” March 23, 1983, http://www.reagan.utexas.edu/archives/speeches/1983/32383d.htm (accessed May 29, 2015).
• Gail E. S. Yoshitani, Reagan on War: A Reappraisal of the Weinberger Doctrine, 1980–1984 (College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 2012), pp. 17–18.
• Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, “Remarks to Department Employees at Welcome Event,” Washington, D.C., January 22, 2009, http://www.state.gov/secretary/20092013clinton/rm/2009a/01/115262.htm (accessed June 4, 2015).
• Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, “On Development in the 21st Century,” transcript of remarks delivered at the Center for Global Development, January 6, 2010, http://www.cgdev.org/doc/2009/Clinton%20Transcript2.pdf (accessed June 4, 2015).
• An arguably more accurate description of the relationship was offered by the George W. Bush Administration’s 2006 National Security Strategy , which stated: “Development reinforces diplomacy and defense, reducing long-term threats to our national security by helping to build stable, prosperous, and peaceful societies.” See “The National Security Strategy,” The White House, March 2006, http://georgewbush-whitehouse.archives.gov/nsc/nss/2006/sectionVII.html (accessed June 4, 2015). The author served as one of the National Security Council staff writers for this document.
• Marks, Velvet on Iron , pp. 154–155.
• Jung-pang Lo, “Zheng He, Chinese Explorer,” Encyclopedia Britannica , December 11, 2014, http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/109218/Zheng-He (accessed June 4, 2015).
• H. W. Brands, T.R.: The Last Romantic (New York: Basic Books, 1997), pp. 608, 611.
• Theodore Roosevelt, Theodore Roosevelt: An Autobiography (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1922), p. 549.
• James R. Holmes, “‘A Striking Thing’: Leadership, Strategic Communications, and Roosevelt’s Great White Fleet,” Naval War College Review , Vol. 61, No. 1 (Winter 2008), p. 54.
• Edmund Morris, Theodore Rex (New York: Random House, 2001), p. 397.
• Brands, T.R.: The Last Romantic, pp. 607–608, 611.
• Joseph Bucklin Bishop, Theodore Roosevelt and His Time: Shown in His Own Letters , Vol. II (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1920), pp. 280–281.
• Brands, T.R.: The Last Romantic, p. 614.
• Theodore Roosevelt, Fifth Annual Message to Congress, December 5, 1905, The American Presidency Project, http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/?pid=29546 (accessed June 4, 2015).
• Theodore Roosevelt, letter to Henry L. Sprague, January 26, 1900, American Treasures of the Library of Congress, http://www.loc.gov/exhibits/treasures/trm139.html (accessed May 29, 2015).
• John Lewis Gaddis, George F. Kennan: An American Life (New York: The Penguin Press, 2011), p. 275.
• John Lewis Gaddis, Strategies of Containment: A Critical Appraisal of American National Security Policy During the Cold War (New York: Oxford University Press, 2005), p. 38.
• “National Security Council Paper NSC-68 (entitled ‘United States Objectives and Programs for National Security’ and frequently referred to as NSC-68) was a Top-Secret report completed by the U.S. Department of State’s Policy Planning Staff on April 7, 1950. The 58-page memorandum is among the most influential documents composed by the U.S. Government during the Cold War, and was not declassified until 1975. Its authors argued that one of the most pressing threats confronting the United States was the ‘hostile design’ of the Soviet Union. The authors concluded that the Soviet threat would soon be greatly augmented by the addition of more weapons, including nuclear weapons, to the Soviet arsenal. They argued that the best course of action was to respond in kind with a massive build-up of the U.S. military and its weaponry.” See “NSC-68, 1950,” in “Milestones: 1945–1952,” U.S. Department of State, Office of the Historian, https://history.state.gov/milestones/1945-1952/NSC68 (accessed June 10, 2015).
• Harry S. Truman, “President Harry S. Truman’s Address Before a Joint Session of Congress, March 12, 1947,” Yale Law School, Lillian Goldman Law Library, Avalon Project, http://avalon.law.yale.edu/20th_century/trudoc.asp (accessed June 9, 2015).
• Melvyn Leffler, A Preponderance of Power: National Security, the Truman Administration, and the Cold War (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1992), pp. 141–146.
• Henry R. Nau, Conservative Internationalism: Armed Diplomacy Under Jefferson, Polk, Truman, and Reagan (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2013).
• Howard Adelbert Munson IV, The Joint American Military Mission to Aid Turkey: Implementing the Truman Doctrine and Transforming U.S. Foreign Policy, 1947–1954 , unpublished dissertation, Washington State University, May 2012, https://research.wsulibs.wsu.edu/xmlui/handle/2376/4074 (accessed June 4, 2015).
• Nau, Conservative Internationalism , p. 162.

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Three Essays on Decisions to Use Military Force

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There are a multitude of influences on presidential decisions to use military force -- pre-tenure life experiences, domestic politics, and so on. The three papers that comprise this dissertation, each formatted as separate journal articles, are linked thematically and interrogate the impact of such variables.

The first article, entitled “To Underpin or Undermine? Interbranch Relations and the Use of Military Force,” provides an overview of extant literature in the field. Interdisciplinary scholarship provides insight into the influence of interbranch politics on decisions to use military force in the American context. To appreciate this influence, however, requires an understanding of the changing relationship between the executive and legislative branches of government and the impact of public opinion on both branches of government. This review finds that our understanding of these factors is incomplete and requires further study. Interpretations of war powers between the two branches, for example, have evolved from their original conception in the Constitution, creating a perception of a power imbalance between them. Because this view (however valid) raises questions of accountability, further scrutiny of the perceived imbalance is warranted. Equally important, since history demonstrates that politics do not stop at the water’s edge, is the influence of public opinion. Manipulated public opinion especially becomes an important, but not well-understood, variable in a complicated give-and-take that involves both branches in their response to, and capacity to shape, public opinion --a dynamic that could be construed as either underpinning or undermining America’s democracy.

The second article, “Toward an Understanding of American Presidents’ Decisions to Use Military Force,” builds on the literature that traces life experiences to these decisions, and provides evidence that leader-centric explanations and system-centric explanations are not mutually exclusive. It specifically complements research by Horowitz et al. (2015), who explore the biographical traits that contribute to a world leader’s “risk” score -- an index for the narrow choice to enter an interstate conflict. The article identifies the features that drive American presidents’ (1945-2000) riskiness and refines Horowitz et al.’s measurement of leader risk. The revised risk scores differ from the assessments of surveyed historians, and an explanation is provided by examining an outlying case, President Jimmy Carter and the Iran hostage crisis.

Finally, the third article entitled “The Essence of Reporting: Why Presidents Notify Congress Consistent with The War Powers Resolution (WPR),” takes a closer look at a law designed to constrain a president’s ability to use military force and encourage greater coordination between the executive and legislative branches of government regarding the initiation of hostilities. Since its passage in 1973, the WPR appears to have mostly become an administrative notification process that preserves a president’s authority to deploy troops for combat for extended periods of time without requiring the type of Congressional consultation originally envisioned in the statute. While this has been well-documented in existing literature, another question is worth exploring: Why are there times when presidents go along with reporting requirements and other times when they do not? Indeed, presidents frequently, but do not always, report to Congress consistent with the WPR’s provisions (specifically the 48-hour notification requirement and the 60-day deployment threshold absent subsequent authorization). This article seeks to investigate this inconsistent record to determine what circumstances make presidents more or less likely to comply. To do so, it employs a novel dataset of both WPR-related presidential notifications and non-notifications from 1973-2014. Doing so reveals a key aspect of interbranch politics that underpins decisions to use military force, namely, that presidents appear to abide by the law when the political benefits exceed the political costs.

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Wharton, Jaron (2019). Three Essays on Decisions to Use Military Force . Dissertation, Duke University. Retrieved from https://hdl.handle.net/10161/18659 .

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Dukes student scholarship is made available to the public using a Creative Commons Attribution / Non-commercial / No derivative (CC-BY-NC-ND) license .

Army - Essay Samples And Topic Ideas For Free

The Army plays a crucial role in national defense and often reflects broader societal issues. Essays could discuss historical evolution, roles in international relations, or the experience of individuals within the army. A substantial compilation of free essay instances related to Army you can find at PapersOwl Website. You can use our samples for inspiration to write your own essay, research paper, or just to explore a new topic for yourself.

Leadership and the Army Profession

Leadership is a critical quality in the mission of the army but it cannot be taught. There are numerous skills that the army is equipped with, but they are all up to one intent: serving the interest of nations. Leadership plays a pivotal role in serving the interests of the nations with effectiveness, expertise, and tact. Regardless of the positions that they occupy in the army, soldiers are supposed to conduct themselves with the army values in their minds. The […]

Why does the Number of Sexual Assaults Continue to Increase Throughout the Army?

The word SHARP is getting more popular in the media every year. Due to the high increase cases in the army. During the past years the statistics are significantly changing. Based on the “Department of the Defense annual report on sexual assault on the military 2017 fiscal year”. Have significant changes on the statistics, on this last fiscal year was an increment on the reports for 597 more reports than fiscal year 2016. The sexual assault is going to keep […]

Sexual Violence in the Military

The Army needs a big cultural change to effectively combat sexual assault. Every Soldier needs to be treated equally with respect and dignity. Soldiers should not be afraid to speak up and correct others regardless of grade or position. Everyone needs to be aware of techniques of dealing with sexual harassment and assault. We as leaders need to work on building a climate of accountability and trust. Everyone needs to motivate others to learn more about sharp and how to […]

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Effort to Improve Handling and Training on Sexual Assault in Army

More soldiers are presenting themselves in the army for help and reporting on sexual harassment and assaults after the army increased its efforts to train and handle these issues. It is said that the number of sexual assaults being reported is rising.  This could be attributed to the strong resolve of the army to get do away with the sexual assault problem. The confidence of the soldiers in fighting this problem is increasing both in their units and in the […]

Army Values: why it is Important to Implement them

The purpose of this essay is to explain the Army Values, what they represent, and why it is important to implement them. The seven Army Values are Loyalty, Duty, Respect, Selfless Service, Honor, Integrity, and Personal Courage. Together they represent what being a Soldier should be about. These values apply to everyone and in every situation throughout the Army. We go through the process of knowing what the values are and we learn to live by them throughout the time […]

I Want to Become a Soldier

The first occasion when I considered joining the military I was a destitute teenager who was likewise an undocumented settler in court procedures attempting to change my status. It was 2004 during my participation at the Borough of Manhattan Community College; I would walk pass the selecting station situated on Chambers Street pondering internally when I become a legitimate occupant of the United States of America I will join the military. It was the most caring demonstration I could accomplish […]

Living the Army Values

Every career has a basis or rules that guide its members' conduct. Moral principles or values distinguish a person’s personality from their character. Army values are the main constituents that keep its members accountable. This paper defines the army values and expounds on the importance and hard work employed to sustain the core values. The army comprises seven fundamental values to guide and train to impart discipline in the institution. The core basic army standards are derived from the acronym […]

Why are the Army Values Important

The military is the face of any country’s patriotism, independence, power, and national security. The army, especially because of its wise commanders, courageous soldiers, and triviality is glorified widely in our history, culture, and mass media. The perception about the army considerably changed in the 20 century, especially because of wars and numerous conflicts, but currently, it is taken as an essential and important part of life (Fowler, 2016). Individuals in the army are expected to uphold various standards to […]

The Guiding Ethos: Unpacking the Soldier’s Creed

The military profession is steeped in tradition, honor, and codes of conduct. At the heart of these traditions, particularly for the United States Army, lies the Soldier's Creed. More than just words, this creed is an embodiment of values, a guiding principle, and a source of inspiration for soldiers past and present. For outsiders, the Soldier's Creed offers a window into the ethos of those who dedicate their lives to serving and protecting their nation. The Soldier's Creed, in its […]

Army: Sexual Harassment

Since 2008, the Army has implemented the Sexual Harassment/Assault Response and Prevention program to ""prevent incidents of sexual harassment and sexual assault before they occur."" SHARP is one of the most important programs in the Army. Not only is it a tool for training and education, it aids countless victims in reporting incidents of sexual harassment and assault. It has come a long way in two decades, with its origins in SAPR and POSH. SHARP holds command teams accountable for […]

Practices to Reduce Sexual Assault in Army

Every 98 seconds, another American is sexually assaulted. It is a plague on our society and within our military. The Department of Defense is constantly revising and implementing new ideas and plans to intervene and prevent sexual assault from occurring. It is vital to keep soldiers informed and knowledgeable about sexual assault awareness throughout their career so as to have an effective and strong team to ensure safety within our nations fighting force. There is no one specific reason that […]

Mandatory National Service Importance

At the point when I consider penance, honor, reliability, and grit, I think about the people who shield the United States of America. While I served five years in the United States Navy, I acquired the information and experience that has now empowered me to be fruitful in my schooling as well as my life all in all. I emphatically support the suggestion that each resident in the United States ought to be needed to serve one selection in the […]

Women in the U. S. Army and Military

Since the American Revolution, women have been an essential aspect when it comes to our US Military. In 1943, the Women’s Army Corps was creating, allowing women to officially have the power to enlist in the military – during this time, many women who did faced propaganda that was cruel enough to backtrack that enlistment. On one hand, over the years, the allowance of women in branches of the armed services have changed for the good, letting many women to […]

Following Instructions in the Army

There are many reasons why an officer ought to follow the entirety of the instructions they are given, and in this essay on the importance of following directions, we will look at them: all instructions are important in any condition. A request is an endeavor given to a trooper that must be done at a specific time in a productive mode. There are three main reasons why it's important for fighters to follow the orders they are given: they need […]

The United States Army

The United States Army is one of the oldest uniformed services in the country. We have the most important duty of engaging in ground warfare. We protect the borders of the United States. As a result of this important duty, we have a set of core values. The purpose of my paper is to analyze the core values of the Army. The seven core values of the Army represent what we stand for in ground warfare and safeguard integrity in […]

Army Experiences: Lessons in Loyalty, Duty, and Service

I think in certain moments of our lives we identify with Soldiers who appear in famous movies in the history of cinema; above all the values they embody. In good measure the Army represents that experience of values that can develop a person. Although in the first doubts what can appear in the dawn of that transition do not know doubt in the importance in the same and with the greatest effort possible, it is trying to be into the […]

Profession of Arms and Military Ethos

Introduction The situation is that the Assembled States is roughly endeavoring to bear the white man's peacekeeping weight in the country, where over the top warlord is threatening the people. The mission is to snatch two of his associates, an arrangement to be done by the Officers and Delta Power, a first class assemble made out of just the absolute best looking folks. There is a shocking nonappearance of political setting, notwithstanding when one US trooper is abducted by the […]

The Importance to Educate and Train Leaders in the Army

This essay will explore the history of how to educate or train leaders in the army. Commanders must learn to interpret problems from a new perspective. A successful command is a balance of both art and science. The complexity of large-scale combat operations increases this challenge. Gain order requires commanders to develop clear visions to navigate the complicated field of combat. During large-scale combat operations, a commander needs to assess and accept risk quickly when making decisions. They must drive […]

Why i Want to be an US Army Officer

I'm a 91D in the US Army Reserves (Power Generation Specialist). I'm a self-starter who works hard to achieve my goals. I've earned a bachelor's degree in electrical and electronic engineering and enjoy watching new technologies and power plants come online. I'm able to distinguish between various electrical and power industry problems. Because of my technical talents, I want to be an officer in the military. This will allow me to supply my guys with all the necessary resources. Since […]

Current Affairs of Pakistan: the Dominance of the Pakistani Army

Introduction Through this research proposal, I am primarily going to explore if the Pakistani army is the sole institution that is responsible for the downfall of the Pakistani state. This exploration will help us grasp the fine nuances associated with the garrison state of Pakistan. Many scholars around the world have described Pakistan as a failing/failed state. The claims of it being a rogue state are not new. Whether the state has truly failed or is still in the process […]

Why is Diversity Important in the Army? Uniting Strengths for Tomorrow’s Battles

In the realm of military might, it's not just the gleam of uniforms or the glint of weapons that defines our strength. It's the beating hearts of soldiers, each carrying a unique story, a different perspective, and a varied background. The concept of “The Power of Diversity in the Army” isn't just a catchphrase. It's an anthem that reverberates at the core of our strategic brilliance. Heading: United in Diversity: A Symphony of Strength Close your eyes and imagine a […]

Ime Management in the Army: Precision, Adaptability, and Mastering the Clock in High-Stakes Environments

Hey there, reader! Ever wonder how the Army juggles the bazillion tasks it faces daily? Let's be honest: Dropping the ball isn't an option in an environment where every second counts. Enter time management—the secret sauce that keeps everything chugging along smoothly.  In the Army, managing time is about something other than squeezing in that yoga class or meal prepping for the week. It's about making sure operations run without a hitch. Imagine planning a mission, coordinating troops, and ensuring […]

Navigating the Army Hierarchy: a Deep Dive into the US Navy’s Ranking System

The United States Navy, a key branch of the U.S. Armed Forces, operates with a complex and structured ranking system that is pivotal to its functionality and hierarchy. This essay aims to explore and clarify the various ranks within the US Navy, shedding light on their significance and the roles they play in the operational matrix of naval power. The Significance of Naval Hierarchy The ranking system in the US Navy serves as more than a hierarchy of authority; it […]

The Ethos of the Soldier: Unpacking the Army Creed

The Soldier's Credo, alternately dubbed the Warrior's Credo, stands as a formidable testament to the principles, morality, and vows that delineate a soldier's existence within the United States Army. It transcends mere verbiage, assuming the role of a guiding beacon that illuminates the path of obligation, integrity, and patriotism for those who have dedicated their lives to serve. This discourse endeavors to delve into the profundity and expansiveness of the Soldier's Credo, casting light upon its profound significance in shaping […]

AR 600-20: the Backbone of Army Leadership and Command Policy

The United States Army operates not just on the strength of its arms but on the foundation of its policies and regulations, which guide every facet of its operations. Among these, Army Regulation (AR) 600-20, Army Command Policy, stands out as a cornerstone document that outlines the critical aspects of military leadership, command structure, and the conduct of soldiers. This regulation is essential for maintaining the discipline, cohesion, and effectiveness of the Army's units across the globe. AR 600-20 is […]

Unveiling the Backbone: the Essence of the Army Soldier’s Creed

in the intricate fabric of military life the soldiers creed stands as a guiding principle an unwritten contract that soldiers regardless of rank or specialization internalize as a compass for their service this creed is more than a set of words it encapsulates the spirit commitment and values that define the essence of a soldiers journey at its core the soldiers creed is a moral compass a set of principles that soldiers adhere to in the pursuit of a higher […]

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How to Write an Essay About Army

Understanding the concept and role of an army.

Before writing an essay about an army, it's essential to understand what an army is and its role in a nation's defense and society. An army is a large organized military force, primarily responsible for ground warfare. Armies are critical in protecting a nation’s sovereignty, defending against external aggression, and sometimes in maintaining internal security. Begin your essay by defining the army and its historical evolution. Discuss the role of armies in various contexts, including international conflicts, peacekeeping missions, and humanitarian efforts. It’s also important to consider the social and political impact of armies, including their influence on national identity and international relations.

Developing a Thesis Statement

A strong essay on an army should be centered around a clear, concise thesis statement. This statement should present a specific viewpoint or argument about the army. For example, you might discuss the strategic importance of an army in global politics, analyze the ethical implications of military actions, or explore the challenges and changes facing modern armies. Your thesis will guide the direction of your essay and provide a structured approach to your analysis.

Gathering Supporting Evidence

To support your thesis, gather evidence from credible sources, such as military history texts, defense studies, and current affairs analyses. This might include data on military strategies, historical accounts of significant military campaigns, or studies on the sociopolitical impact of armies. Use this evidence to support your thesis and build a persuasive argument. Remember to consider different perspectives and address potential counterarguments to your thesis.

Analyzing the Army's Impact and Dynamics

Dedicate a section of your essay to analyzing the impact and dynamics of armies. Discuss various aspects such as the role of technology in modern warfare, the impact of military service on individuals, and the ethical considerations in military operations. Consider both the positive and negative impacts of armies on society and international relations. Explore the balance between national security and global peace efforts.

Concluding the Essay

Conclude your essay by summarizing the main points of your discussion and restating your thesis in light of the evidence provided. Your conclusion should tie together your analysis and emphasize the significance of understanding the role and impact of armies. You might also want to suggest areas for future research or policy development in defense and military studies.

Reviewing and Refining Your Essay

After completing your essay, review and refine it for clarity and coherence. Ensure that your arguments are well-structured and supported by evidence. Check for grammatical accuracy and ensure that your essay flows logically from one point to the next. Consider seeking feedback from peers, educators, or military experts to further improve your essay. A well-written essay on an army will not only demonstrate your understanding of military forces but also your ability to engage with complex security and ethical issues.

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Military Force Essays

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Essays on Military Force

57 samples on this topic

Crafting a lot of Military Force papers is an essential part of modern studying, be it in high-school, college, or university. If you can do that all by yourself, that's just awesome; yet, other learners might not be that lucky, as Military Force writing can be quite difficult. The directory of free sample Military Force papers offered below was set up in order to help struggling learners rise up to the challenge.

On the one hand, Military Force essays we publish here clearly demonstrate how a really terrific academic piece of writing should be developed. On the other hand, upon your request and for a fair cost, an expert essay helper with the relevant academic experience can put together a top-notch paper example on Military Force from scratch.

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Free Essay On Military Downsizing

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Enter Name of School Introduction Throughout this discussion, we will review the various aspects of military downsizing and its overall effects on the service members. This paper will go into greater detail about two various perspectives about the issue at hand and the first one will be that military downsizing is really dangerous and pernicious policy for the army to pursue. While the second perspective consists of certain advantages of military downsizing that could be proven to be beneficial to the military members and the country as a whole.

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My Speech Class

Public Speaking Tips & Speech Topics

66 Military Speech Topics [Persuasive, Informative]

Jim Peterson has over 20 years experience on speech writing. He wrote over 300 free speech topic ideas and how-to guides for any kind of public speaking and speech writing assignments at My Speech Class.

I try to cover for you as much persuasive and informative themes as possible related to defense and armed forces, militias, the marine corps and coast guard. This is one of my special speech topic idea pages.

Look on the left for other general and focused examples for an educational spoken essay presentation at school. Twenty interesting and current military speech topics for a good informative on objects, subjects, events, structures and entities can be about:

• Air missile defense strategies in East Europe.
• Small arms and light weapons sales in malls.
• Structure of our armed forces; at sea, on land, in the air.
• Famous battles and wars that form our nation.
• Chain of command in special operations.
• Bases, camps and forts as the defense line.
• Intelligence services: do they cooperate?
• Nuclear weapons stock by country or region.
• Bunker busters; how do they work.
• Patriot missile defense as an example of military engineering.
• Medal of Honor categories and heroes.
• Purple Heart conditions and recipients.
• West Point Academy education curriculum.
• Naval Coast Guard operations on the seas.
• Chief of Staff position and power.
• Megastructures engineered for the army.
• Army marching bands and orchestras and their history.
• Ways to salute in different countries.
• Pentagon building architeture of concentric pentagonal rings and radial corridors.
• Life in a submarine for ten months.
• African Union should increase the number of troops deployed in the Sudanese Darfur province.
• Military actions against regimes with hostile policies is inevitable.
• The effect of war on the economy.
• Closer diplomatic ties with North Korea will mean more control.
• Decommissioning is the only way to negotiate with war lords in Sudan.
• Diplomatic immunity issues in dictatorial systems are based on military power.
• Efforts to bring Nazi war crime suspects to trial will never be successful.
• Every citizen should commit to 2,000 hours of voluntary national service in their lifetime.
• Have more women in military staff functions.
• Immigration control is important to preserve security and culture.
• It’s not cowardly to refuse to fight in a war.
• Kids are most likely to become child soldiers if they are poor.
• Military service should be based on conduct, not sexual orientation.
• Mothers must be persuaded not to fight in militairy combat front lines.
• Negotiating with terrorists is justifiable.
• Recruiting marines is a though duty
• Restrictions on weapons trade ought to be more severe.
• Sometimes force and violence are needed to make peace.
• Support initiatives to help child soldiers.
• The military corps – professionals and / or voluntareers.
• The next great world war will be in western Europe again.
• The US-Mexican border fence to tighten homeland security does not work.
• The use of torture is never appropriate.
• There should be a Code of Conduct in the arms trade.
• Unilateral military action is wrong without the consent of the United Nations.
• We must never stop honouring war veterans.

Here are easy to research ideas for writing a speech on women in the military speech topics:

• Women in front-combat lines: ban or not?
• Role of women in World War II; female power behind the screens.
• Famous female intelligence spies, there are more than you think.
• Sexual harassment policies in the military.
• Women on high positions in the army.
• Seagoing positions and responsibilities on combat ships.
• History of the position of women in military service.
• All jobs in the air force should be opened for females.
• Effects on morale, training, and unit workload.
• Protection in ground combat.

These are examples of military speech topics based on interesting persuasive government policy writing topics. Describe pros/cons or take a side in the public debate about these speech ideas on controversial:

• Are smart bombs really that smart?
• Biological and chemical weapons.
• Nuclear proliferation treaties do they bring a peaceful balance?
• Arms trade codes of conduct by the large co-operating governments.
• Regional conflicts. Cover not all of course, but I think you could pick out one or two and compare the similarities and upper-regional consequences in the long term.
• Space security – a myth or already taken in position in secret agreements?
• Use of dirty bombs and the international protests against it.
• GI Bill on caring for veterans.
• Veteran affairs.
• Military budget cuts and spending balance.

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166 Military Essay Topics

Looking for some military topics for discussion? You’re in the right place! We’ve gathered here a list of hot military persuasive essay topics to boost your creativity! Our unique army persuasive essay topics will inspire your presentation or research paper.

🏆 Hot Military Topics for Discussion

✍️ military essay topics for college, 👍 good military research topics & essay examples, 💡 simple military essay topics, 🎓 most interesting army persuasive essay topics, ❓ military research questions.

• Information Technology Implications for Military
• Interpersonal Communication in the Military
• Training and Development in Military Units
• Topographic Symbols in Military Maps
• A Stress Management Program for the Military
• Military Mindset: Leadership, Discipline, Resilience, and Teamwork
• Military Tactics of Alexander the Great
• Justification for the Use of Military Force Military intervention was a feasible alternative for averting external aggression in the past, and it is still the most viable option for fighting global terrorism.
• Human Resource Competencies in the Military HR managers in the military are responsible for policy implementations, training, determining performance requirements, and keeping morale levels.
• The Role of Soft Skills in Military Operations Soft skills are built upon hard skills but include communication skills and sociocultural competence necessitated by the nature of military operations.
• Strategic Thinking and Military Lessons Strategic thinking enables a person to reach levels that one could have otherwise not reached if they were to work in a conventional manner.
• When Is the Use of Military Force Justified? Current justification of the use of military force is quite reasonable, but it is still far too loose for being used only in the instances that cannot be addressed with the help of diplomacy.
• Fire Support Planning in Military Fire support planning is an efficient practice aimed at improved cooperation and coordination between all fire teams.
• Stress in the Military A study conducted by the Careercast.com in 2013 indicated that the military working environment was characterized by numerous stressors.
• The Foundation of Army Leadership and Military Training One of the aims of military leadership is to prepare soldiers for the defensive mission. Army leaders provide direction and set goals for the subordinates to achieve successfully.
• Maintaining and Not Losing Equipment in the Military Understanding the importance of maintaining and not losing equipment in the military depends on three aspects – availability, quality, and personal needs.
• World War II: Maskirovka Military Deception and Denials Operations This paper investigates the impact of maskirovka military deception and denials operations, a component of information warfare. The case study is set during World War II.
• Military Policy that Should Be Changed The military is a secret organization that does not disclose its activities to the public, mainly because of the strict rules and regulations. Some of how things are conducted ought to be changed.
• Army Leadership and Military Profession Leadership is a term that refers to the process of motivating and directing people to achieve common goals. It can also be defined as the ability of an influence.
• Human Resources in Military Sphere The army is responsible for the country’s security and includes many representatives in various positions – from generals to ordinary soldiers.
• Mental Health Stigma for Military Man and Civilians This source will contribute to my research regarding comparing the mental disorder stigma among civilians and military veterans.
• Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell: Gays in the Us Military Homosexuals in the military have always had to hide their sexual orientation to prevent discrimination, incrimination, or even discharge from service.
• Article 86 of the Uniform Code of Military Justice For applying the provisions of Article 86 there must be proof that the accused had actual knowledge of the time and place where he was required to be present.
• Discipline Implementation in Military Environment The state of the army leaves much to be desired regarding the discipline levels and the allocation of the army resources. Immediate actions should be taken to handle the problem.
• Napoleon’s Achievements and Military Campaigns Napoleon was one of the greatest men in the history of humanity. Being a brilliant commander, he managed to win a number of significant battles and create new efficient strategies.
• Military Bases on Okinawa: Impact on Economy The American military based on the territory of Japan, Okinawa in particular, has a certain impact on the country’s economic and political relations.
• Omar Nelson Bradley in American Military History Omar Nelson Bradley is one of the most influential military people in the history of the United States. He was assigned by the President to several military positions.
• Internet-of-Things in the Military and Its Feasibility This paper provides an analysis of the Internet of Military Things functions and a description of its feasibility in the future and its associated costs.
• Military Diversity: US Army The article focuses on the need and benefits of ensuring cultural and racial diversity, as well as gender balance in the US military.
• Sexual Harassment and Assault in the Military The marines are extremely negatively disposed towards the presence of female soldiers in their combat formations.
• Military Social Worker’s Qualities and Skills This essay describes personal and leadership qualities that need to have in the perfect candidate for being a military social worker.
• Military Organization: Leveraging Human Capital The discussion outlines various approaches that can be used in the targeted military organization to leverage human capital.
• COVID-19 Impact on Military Supply Chain Management In the military, logistics managers should get and deliver equipment and supplies to troops, which affects national security and is a relevant issue that requires a solution.
• Leadership Deficiency in the Military Destructive leadership strategy contributes to the concept of adequate leadership deficiency in the US military today and presents a major problem for soldiers and officers.
• Combat to Corporate: Migrating from Military Leadership to Business Military leadership and civilian business leadership rely on overlapping sets of leadership skills and personal traits.
• Belize’s Military Capability Belize’s military potential is limited to border protection with minimal assault capabilities. The major factor disrupting stable affairs is its dispute with Guatemala.
• Egyptian Military Potential Analysis The Egyptian military potential is large compared to many other countries. The country is highly equipped with heavy ground and air techniques.
• Religious Studies and Theology: Paganism in the Military Paganism has spread far and wide in society. From academia to the military, the practice of paganism is being accepted and accommodated just like other religions.
• Military Drones: Innovation Project Unmanned aerial vehicles have revolutionized modern-day wars and the approach that is used to collect data, especially in locations deemed unsafe for military personnel.
• Positive Psychology for Military Leadership Leadership in the military is a complex task given the adverse working environment of officers especially during and after deployment.
• The King Fahd Military Medical Complex: Patient Improvement This report discusses decrease length of stay and improve patient workflow at the King Fahd Military Medical Complex’s accident and emergency department.
• Customs and Courtesies in the Military: Survey Feedback Use of survey feedback as a means of improving safety culture and consciousness in the U. S. army has increased staff awareness of safety and risks while on and off-duty.
• The Canadian Armed Forces: Impact of Military History Understanding Canada’s military history and the divergent local and international relations contributes to appreciating the core values of service in the Canadian Armed Forces.
• Foundation of Army Leadership: Military Culture and Its Impact on Mental Health The pillars of military leadership are character, presence, and intellect. The character may be described as an individual’s distinct mental and moral attributes.
• An Effective Leadership Style in Military Units This paper proposes a research study intended to gather more information regarding different types of leadership in military units.
• Veterans’ Transition From the Military to Civilian Life This paper examines the main problems encountered by veterans during the transition from the military to civilian life, for example, social stigmas and drug abuse.
• Closing the Gap Between Military Service and Civilian Career A gulf between Military Service and Civilian careers prevents veterans from successfully integrating into society after military service.
• Ancient History: The Key Military Periods In the ancient history, the key military periods are connected with the Trojan, Messenian, and Greco-Persian wars, the campaigns of Alexander the Great, and the Hellenistic wars.
• Military Spending and the US Foreign Policy Military spending has become an issue of debate in recent years as a section of the United States population believes it may be affecting other sectors.
• Analysis of The British Military Aircraft Incident The incident occurred on July 22, 1966, at RAF Lyneham Air Force Base (Chippenham, UK) while maintaining a Lightning F53 supersonic interceptor aircraft.
• The Issue of Military Aviation Crashes Military aviation is one of the most complex elements of the military system. The paper discusses the issue of aviation crashes and recommendations for its addressing.
• Military Violence: Negative Impact on Society This paper focuses on military violence and its negative impact on society. Gun violence is a critically relevant topic that affects all segments of the population of the US.
• Military Aviation Safety and Human Factor The current report examines the connection between military aviation safety and the human factor, exploring the most pressing concerns within the topic.
• The Rise of Sexual Assault in the US Military The paper explores why the numbers of Sexual Harassment and Sexual Assault cases continue to rise throughout the Army, despite all the training that takes place.
• Tahtib: Egyptian Sports and Military Game Both competing audiences benefit from the beauty and constancy of tahtib skills and rhythm, which have evolved over their long history.
• The Issue of Rising Levels of Opioid Addiction in the Military The proposed research will seek to establish the correlation between veterans’ injuries and opioid addictions among this population.
• The Military Profession’s Culture and Ethics This paper analyzes the military profession, its culture, and ethics which are vital factors for the military human resource specialist.
• Expenditures for Pensions, Social Welfare, and Military It is no mystery that the U.S. military budget is the biggest in the world with a significant margin, even despite the absence of imminent global threats.
• US Military Interventions Between 1918 and 1962 This paper provides a review of U.S. military interventions between 1918 and 1962, discussing the effectiveness and pros and cons of military operations.
• Alexander the Great: The World’s Greatest Military General Alexander III of Macedon, known worldwide as Alexander the Great, is frequently regarded as one of the world’s greatest military generals of all time.
• The Collective Unity Against Military Might The colonists managed to be victorious against a greater and stronger army of the British empire due to superior leadership, consolidation of alliances, and military strategies.
• When the U.S. Military Strikes While the state of war between the parties can be questioned on the international level, the US authorities are clear in their reasoning and intentions.
• Warfare Theories, Military Technology and Pacifism Warfare generally denotes the intentional and consistent military action among independent nations or states until the defeat of the opponent.
• Domestic Violence in the Military Domestic violence is a pervasive problem connected with PTSD, subsequent substance abuse, and occupational hazards that increase stress and result in marital conflict.
• Hurricane Katrina: Military and Civilian Response One of the three most dramatic catastrophes of the millennium, hurricane Katrina highlighted weak points of government and military forces.
• Media Coverage of Transgender Policy in Military This paper aims to provide an annotated bibliography for the ten articles related to the topic of media coverage of transgender policy in the military.
• History of the US Military The US military is presently seen not just as the most impressive and exceptional outfitted power on the planet yet one with a multifaceted administrative role also.
• “Yankee Blitzkrieg”: Historical Assessment of the Former Military “Yankee Blitzkrieg” is a book describing the largest mounted expedition led by James H. Wilson; it is characterized by consistency, clarity, and innovative narrative tactics.
• Secondary Traumatization of PTSD Among Children in Military Families Military officers and veterans work in highly stressful environments, hence, experiencing different levels of PTSD depending on the armed nature of a given conflict.
• Military Sexual Trauma: PTSD in Female Veterans The following paper suggests a literature review on the subject of post traumatic stress disorder associated with military sexual trauma in female veterans.
• Transition from Military Service to Entrepreneurship Identifying the positive and negative traits acquired during military service is an essential aspect of studying the success of veterans in entrepreneurship.
• Analysis of LGBT Integration in Military The study examines integrating LGBT people into the army and identified the main points that influenced the formation of acceptance of gays, lesbians, and transsexuals.
• Kolcaba’s Comfort Theory in Regard to Military Veterans With PTSD To sum up, if the experiment proves reliable and valid, the application for those who have PTSD may be improved or facilitated for everyday use.
• Cognitive Behavior Theory for Military Veteran Cognitive behavior theory is based on the idea that an individual is able to alter their behavior by interfering with their thought patterns.
• Sexual Harassment in the U.S. Military: Addressing the Issue This essay will address sexual assaults in the U.S. military, examine possible causes, and acknowledge possible solutions.
• Military Leadership: Combat Bunker to the Corporate Boardroom The research on the topic of leadership management is substantial, filled with primary and secondary sources covering the various aspects of theoretical and practical discussions.
• Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder in Military Militants experience a significant number of traumatic events that subject them to PTSD. The culture of the military plays a significant role in promoting veteran mental wellness.
• Military Leadership Traits Migration into Business Recently, society has been observing military people’s tendency to transition into entrepreneurs, and this phenomenon becomes increasingly popular annually.
• Combat to Corporate: Military Traits in Business The investigation aims to determine what military traits are most likely to be incorporated into a business sphere and how they can benefit it.
• Reason for the Roman Military’s Success This essay will argue that the main reason for the Roman military success was not only strong discipline and hard training but also a careful selection of recruit.
• The Counterterrorism Tasks by the Military and Government The US government works with other governments to fight against terrorism. Efforts are made to discourage and anticipate attacks by apprehending the individuals.
• Shooting at Military Recruiting Center: Identification, Description, Historical Background The attack occurred at Chattanooga, when a 24-year old Kuwaiti gunman stormed a military recruiting station and opened fire to trainees.
• Power, Influence, and Communications Within a Military Setting There are five primary types of power that can be exercised to gain influence over others, they include coercive, reward, legitimate, expert, and referent power.
• Political Science: Human Security & Revolution-in-Military-Affairs The major susceptibilities and challenges include protracted violence and political conflicts, diseases, epidemics, natural calamities, economic crises and ethnic violence.
• The History of Women in the United States Military The increase of the part of women in the military of USA is not steady but concurs with the periods of wars when they could prove the irreplaceability of their skills.
• The President’s and Congress’s Powers Regarding Using Military Forces The powers of the US President consist of the powers admitted by Article II of the US Constitution, powers accepted by Acts of Congress, and, besides, there is soft power.
• Correlation Between Military Leaders and Cultural Diversity The article discusses the need for modern military personnel to be trained as leaders, free from cultural bias in their views and actions.
• Diversity in the Military The purpose of this article is to explore the concept of human diversity and its usefulness in a military context.
• Military Conflict and Involvement Consequences Humanity entered the era of humanism, characterized by the great attention to human rights, the man in the whole, and by the constant wars and military conflicts.
• Mental Health Conditions Among Military Veterans The research will analyze whether the incidence of symptoms and their link to individuals’ experiences relate to their military service
• American-Japanese Military and Race Conflicts in the Book “War Without Mercy: Race and Power in the Pacific War” The issues of prejudice, tunnel vision and inability to see the situation from all sides are described in the present book.
• Involuntary Discharged Military Personnel Transitioning into Civilian Workforce Most of the findings of many researchers have focused on veterans and former employees who exited the profession voluntarily.
• The Children Use in Military Activities The issue of children serving as soldiers in military conflicts is sensitive indeed. The increasing use of children in military conflicts has grown and threatens the social fibre.
• Military Leadership Characteristics in U.S.A The army of the United States has professional military ethics, which states that a military leader should be loyal to his or her nation and unit.
• Military Service: The Obligation of the American Citizens Joining the military is associated with various benefits. It is a good opportunity for one to realize their patriotism in addition to educational standards.
• Critical Decisions Making: Get Out of the Military This analysis will help me get the best out of the decision by avoiding the various biases to come to a better decision.
• EU Requirement of Common Foreign and Military Policy This paper discusses the need for a common foreign and military policy for the EU. The European Union is at the forefront in asserting itself to play a role in world affairs.
• Gays in the Military: Current Situation and Problems While much effort is being put in to allow the marriage of persons of the same sex, this has not affected the military, since homosexuals are barred from taking up in the military.
• Homeland Security: The Role of the US Military Increased military involvement in homeland security better prepares the country for multiple disasters as it expands its capacity.
• American Public Attitudes to Overseas Military Deployment This essay will discuss the role of the increased media coverage in the shaping of the attitudes of Americans towards military activity abroad.
• Hiring Prior Military for a Job An increasing number of the citizen-soldier population gives the Government few reasons to provide such people with guarantees of their employment.
• Military Forces in the Twenty-First Century This essay aims to show that in the twenty-first century the military forces will be directed more toward peace and security maintenance issues around the world.
• US Military Overseas Commitments North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) is a military alliance which was formed by the signing of the North Atlantic Treaty in the year 1949.
• To Have or Not to Have a Military Draft To have or not to have a military draft is a debate that has sparked many views nationwide. America has not had a military draft since 1973.
• Immediate Troop-Withdrawal Plan: Withdrawal of the American Military Forces From Iraq There was increased debate on whether to withdraw the American Military forces from Iraq since they were the once who were behind the war that was in Iraq that lasted for a period of five years.
• Generation Kill: Stanley McChrystal’s Military Approach McChrystal reorganized the approach American Special Forces took towards operations. Some people praise his achievements in creating a superior precision killing machine.
• Military Transition to Civilian Life As the target audience for this study, first-generation Latinos are involved, who have completed military service and moved on to civilian life.
• Transforming Military Logistic Systems in the Department of Defense Technology has indeed helped resolve some of the world’s greatest challenges. For this reason, it is viable to argue that tech can be used to solve challenges faced within supply chain management.
• Transitioning from Military to Civilian Life People who have participated in a war, killed someone, or became injured due to others’ actions take much time to recover.
• Social Adaptation of Former Military Members Social adaptation to civilian life of former members of the military is a unique and significant area of inquiry.
• Posttraumatic Stress Disorder in Military Veterans Both in the military and civilian life, people encounter traumatic occurrences that challenge their perception of the world or themselves.
• Technology Influences That Affect the Military This work is aimed at identifying significant factors that influence the activities of the military and modern national security standards.
• When Military Force Is Justified The use of military force should be the last option after all other dispute resolution mechanisms have failed. This paper discusses cases where military force is justified.
• Unity of Command in Military Operation Anaconda The major purpose of the unity of command is to arrange the effective operation of various forces under the authority of a single commander.
• Alexander the Great as a Military General Whereas some sources claim that Alexander’s military tactics borrowed heavily from those of his father, Philip II of Macedonia, there are critics who believe that they did not.
• United States Military Veteran Suicides and Causes Researchers have not agreed on the exact causes of suicide cases in the US military. Initially, it was assumed that deployment was a risk factor for this behavior.
• Military Commissions and Terrorism Prevention The measures aimed at reducing the spread of international terrorism should align with international laws. The legal authority of military commissions should be discussed.
• The Level of Military Service Organization in the US The paper analysis the idea to optimize the core activities of military HR professionals to the level that is demonstrated by the representatives from the Department of Defense (DOD).
• Military Human Resource Professionals: Activities Optimization Civilian and military managers are the members of the team that is responsible for appropriate and effective services offered to people who are engaged in military life.
• American Military Management Systems Assessment Adequate assessment of sources of potential threats can increase national safety with regard to numerous messages that are used by terrorists.
• Asian International Politics and Military Conflicts The Cold War mentality of Japan was that of strengthening ties with Western powers to contain other Asian emerging powers.
• Management Styles in the Military Field Organizations want to outperform their competitors and choose management styles that fit their organizational and market realities.
• Military Veterans’ Mental Health Needs The topic of the study concerns the mental health needs of veterans who suffer different types of disorders as the result of their military service.
• The Massive Military’s Layoff of the Obama Administration This paper discusses the massive layoff within the military during the Obama administration using the four-frame model.
• WWI and Interwar Military Innovations WWI triggered the development of an array of interwar military innovations. Today specialization is common in contemporary military forces.
• American Military Approaches in the East This work discusses questions related to the Korean War, US military approaches in Vietnam, Vietnamization, the Arab-Israeli war, and the American way of war.
• Military Treatment, Success, and Diverse Groups This paper highlights the correlation between the integration of the micro and macro-sociological theories and the successful treatment of diverse groups.
• Military Personnel and Psychological Risks Researchers have discovered that the sense of loneliness is one of the risk factors that potentially cause various mental disorders among active-duty soldiers.
• Military on the US Southern Border Even serving at the southern border, the military will not be able to serve all issues associated with the case of Mexico.
• Bereaved Military Children: Group Intervention Bereavement is one of the most stressful events, and it is closely linked to anxiety, depression, fear, aggressiveness, and regression.
• The Great Depression and Military Spending The Great Depression had a devastating impact on the US economy. But military spending could be consider the main tool of it ended and promoting the growth of the industrial sector.
• Military Spending by the Government of the United States The US federal government allocates excess resources to its military, and some money could assist in other areas of the economy.
• Stealth Aircraft Support in the United States Military This paper will argue that maintaining an edge on military technology and the air force is crucial for the US by giving reasons why it is important for the US military to have stealth aircrafts.
• Automated vs. Military Pitot Static Tester The report proposes that the Military Pitot Static Model is much better than the 6300 model. However, diligence should be observed depending on the aircraft that is being tested.
• Military Medical Assets Usage In case of an emergency, not only the ability of the military services to locate and utilize the required sources, but also the capability of the military people to cooperate.
• Political Issues: The United States Military The military has one of the most advanced technologies in the world, as soldiers have to face the harshest conditions in their service and general life.
• What Is a Military System of Government?
• What Is the Name of a Military Force Made up of Civilians?
• Does the US Military Have the Death Penalty?
• Who Was the First Military Governor of Florida?
• What Military Technologies Did the Industrial Revolution Provide to Europeans?
• Is Military Government Undemocratic?
• Did President Truman Improperly Interfere in Military Operations in Korea?
• Is Egypt a Military Dictatorship?
• Does the Military Generate Any Revenue for a Country?
• What Military Need Led to the Production of Liberty Ships?
• Why Do Southern States Have So Many Military Bases?
• What Historical Discipline Does Military Science Cover?
• What Is a Pincer Movement in Military Strategy?
• How Were African Nations Affected by Military Rule and Dictatorship?
• How Is the US Military Restricted by the Third Amendment?
• Why Do We Need to Study Military History?
• How Is the Social Problem of the Military’s Transition to Civilian Life Solved?
• Were Soldiers Called Military in the Middle Ages?
• Did the Byzantine Empire Have a Strong Military?
• Who Created the Military Phonetic Alphabet?
• Are Military Police Sworn Officers?
• What Military Technology Was Used in the Battle of Ypres?
• Is Cognitive Dissonance Used in the Military?
• Are Members of the Military Government Employees?
• What Is the Purpose of the Military Annual Percentage Rate?
• What Is the Significance of Military Tribunals in Today’s Environment?
• What Is the Largest Military Cemetery in the United States?
• How Many Five Star Generals Are in Us Military History?
• How Did Bushido Contribute to Japanese Military Aggression?

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StudyCorgi . "166 Military Essay Topics." September 9, 2021. https://studycorgi.com/ideas/military-essay-topics/.

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These essay examples and topics on Military were carefully selected by the StudyCorgi editorial team. They meet our highest standards in terms of grammar, punctuation, style, and fact accuracy. Please ensure you properly reference the materials if you’re using them to write your assignment.

This essay topic collection was updated on January 8, 2024 .

Essay on Life of Soldiers for Students and Children

500 words on essay on life of soldiers for students and children.

Soldiers are one of the greatest assets of any country. They are the guardians of the nation and protect its citizens at all costs. Moreover, they are a very selfless lot who put the interest of the country above their personal interest. A soldier’s job is one of the toughest things to do in the world. They are supposed to fulfill challenging duties and possess exceptional qualities to become a great soldier. However, their lives are very tough. Nonetheless, they always fulfill their duties despite the hardships.

Duties of Soldiers

A country sleeps peacefully as the soldier performs its duties. The first and foremost duty of a soldier is to serve their country without any selfish motive. A person usually joins the army out of love for his motherland and to protect it. Even though they know they will have to face numerous problems, they still do so for their country.

Furthermore, a soldier safeguard’s the honour of his country. They do not step back in the face of adversaries instead they give there best. It does not matter if they have to give their life for the country, they are willing to do so happily. Besides, soldiers also have to be alert at all times. He is never off duty, whether he is sleeping or on the battlefield, he stays vigilant throughout.

Most importantly, a soldier’s duty is to maintain the peace and harmony of the country. He takes on the responsibility of ensuring a safe environment for all. In addition to guarding the border, they are also always there in case of emergencies. They learn how to handle every situation carefully whether it is a terrorist attack or natural calamity. In other words, the local authorities need them to bring the situation under control.

Get the huge list of more than 500 Essay Topics and Ideas

Challenges Faced by Soldiers

Being a soldier is not easy, in fact, it is one of the most challenging things to do. Their lives are full of hardships and challenges which no ordinary person can survive. Firstly, they spend a great deal of time away from their loved ones. It disturbs them emotionally and they do not even get any holidays. Even in festivals, they are busy safeguarding the nation.

Similarly, soldiers have to undergo rigorous training to become fit to fight battles. It becomes exhausting and physically challenging, but they still go on. To make it worse, they do not even get an adequate amount of supply to lead a normal life. Sometimes, the food rationing is low, the other times they get posted in remote areas without any signal.

Subsequently, they also have to make do in the harshest of weather conditions. It does not matter if it is scorching hot or chilling cold, they have to be out on the battlefield. Similarly, they do not even get enough bulletproof equipment which will keep them safe. Thus, we see what a challenging life our soldiers lead to protect their country.

Q.1 What are the duties of a soldier?

A.1 A soldier has many duties to perform. He has to work selflessly for the betterment of the country. They ensure that peace and harmony are maintained throughout the nation. Moreover, they also remain vigilant at all times and render help in case of emergency situations.

Q.2 What challenges do soldiers face?

A.2 A soldier has to face a lot of challenges in their lives. They separate from their family and spend most of their time away from them. Further, they undergo hard training to achieve success. Sometimes, they don’t even get enough supplies to make ends meet. Moreover, no matter the weather, they have to survive in rough situations.

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• About the Essay Competitions
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• SECDEF National Strategy Essay Competition

CJCS National Defense and Military Strategy Essay Competition

February 2024: Coordinators provide names of judges to NDU Press.

April 2024: Deadline for schools to submit nominated papers to NDU Press (POC: Jeff Smotherman, [email protected] ).

May 2024: Judges report first-round scores to NDU Press.

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National Defense University (NDU) Press will host the 43 rd  Annual CJCS Essay Competition for Academic Year 2023-2024, culminating in the final round of judging in May 2024. This competition challenges students at joint professional military education (JPME) institutions to research and write scholarly essays about significant aspects of national defense and military strategy. 

The purpose of this competition is to stimulate thinking about national defense and military strategy, promote well-written research, and contribute to a broader security debate among professionals. NDU Press manages the competition in three phases, with assistance from coordinators and faculty judges representing each participating JPME school. First, the schools conduct internal competitions and submit their best essays to NDU Press. Second, judges evaluate nominated essays from other schools at their home station via the Internet. Finally, judges travel to NDU for the final round conference to determine winners in each category.

Students may enter essays in one of two categories: Strategic Research Essay and Strategy Article.

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The 2023 Winning Essays: CJCS Strategic Research Paper

Strategic research paper.

First Place (Tie) Lieutenant Colonel Benjamin Donham, USA U.S. Army War College “It’s Not Just About the Algorithm: Development of a Joint Medical Artificial Intelligence Capability”

Lieutenant Colonel Nathaniel Peace, USSF Air War College “Space Denial: A Space Deterrence Strategy”

Second Place Lieutenant Colonel Adam Dykstra, ANG Air War College “A World Without Truth: How AI and Social Media Are Shaping Disinformation”

Third Place Lieutenant Colonel Tony G. Lawrence, USAF National War College “Frozen Ambitions: Building U.S. Influence for Greater Arctic Security”

Strategy Article

First Place Colonel Rob Rodrigues, USA U.S. Army War College “Promoting Accountability in Military Sexual Assault Prosecutions”

Second Place Lieutenant Colonel Jason R. Wayne, USA U.S. Army War College “Urban Wars: The Convergence of Tactics and Strategy”

Third Place Major Chad Everett, USAF Air Command and Staff College “Quantum Technology”

For the 2023 competition, the winning and other worthy essays will be published in  Joint Force Quarterly 111  (4 th  Quarter 2023), the CJCS professional military, interagency, and security studies journal; or in the journal  PRISM , the Journal of the Center for Complex Operations; or in other NDU Press publications as appropriate. Authors of the first-, second-, and third-place essays will be recognized by the CJCS with certificates and—if conditions permit—a personal meeting with the Chairman. 

This is a joint, interagency writing competition, and essays are expected to meet rigorous academic standards. Thus senior faculty commitment in each participating college or school is an imperative for a healthy competition. Faculty essay coordinators are requested to actively promote and inform students of the opportunity to compete with their colleagues, and faculty judges are requested to make a significant investment of their time in reading and evaluating essays during both phases of judging. 

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U.S. Considers Imposing Sanctions on Israeli Military Unit

Israeli leaders expressed alarm about the possible action by the Biden administration over rights violations in the West Bank.

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By Isabel Kershner ,  Adam Rasgon and Julian E. Barnes

The United States is considering imposing sanctions on one or more Israeli battalions accused of human rights violations during operations in the occupied West Bank, according to a person familiar with the deliberations.

Israeli leaders, including Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, on Saturday called the possibility of the Biden administration’s placing such sanctions “the peak of absurdity and a moral low” at a time when Israeli forces are fighting a war in Gaza against Hamas. Mr. Netanyahu said in a social media post that his government would “act by all means” against any such move.

The news about the possible sanctions, reported earlier by Axios , came only a day after the House approved $26 billion for Israel and humanitarian aid for civilians in conflict zones, including Gaza. The sanctions, if imposed, would not hold up the military aid that was just approved in Congress.

On Sunday, Palestinians in the West Bank went on a general strike to protest a deadly Israeli military raid at a refugee camp. At least 10 people were killed in the raid on Saturday, the latest operation in a sweeping economic and security clampdown in the Israeli-occupied territory.

Since the Hamas-led Oct. 7 attacks on Israel, hundreds of Palestinians have been killed and detained in raids in the West Bank, which Israeli officials describe as counterterrorism operations against Hamas and other armed groups.

The strike on Sunday “paralyzed all aspects of life” in the West Bank, with shops, schools, universities and banks shuttered, according to the official Palestinian news agency, Wafa. Public transportation also was halted.

The possible imposition of sanctions against the Netzah Yehuda and other battalions would come under the so-called 1997 Leahy Law , which bans foreign military units accused of human rights violations from receiving U.S. aid or training.

It was not clear what practical impact any sanctions might have, given that funding of specific Israeli units is hard to track and the battalions in question do not receive American training. But such a punitive move would clearly sting, especially coming from Israel’s closest ally.

Netzah Yehuda, which has been accused of violence against Palestinians in the West Bank in the past, was established for ultra-Orthodox Jewish men whose strict religious observance demands that men and women be separated. The battalion has attracted other Orthodox soldiers as well, including hard-line nationalists from the West Bank settler movement.

One of the most egregious episodes attributed to the Netzah Yehuda battalion involved the death of a 78-year-old Palestinian-American man who was detained, gagged and handcuffed by members of the unit in a night raid on his village in January 2022.

An autopsy showed that the man, Omar Abdelmajed Assad, had died from a stress-induced heart attack brought on by injuries he sustained while he was detained. An investigation by the Israeli military’s justice system found failures in the conduct of the soldiers involved, who, the military said, “acted in a manner that did not correspond with what is required and expected of” Israeli soldiers.

The Israeli military disciplined three of the unit’s commanders after the investigation. But no criminal charges were brought against the soldiers because, the military said at the time, no causal link was found between Mr. Assad’s death and the failures of the soldiers’ conduct.

Human rights organizations have long accused the Israeli military justice system of whitewashing wrongdoing, and the military of acting with impunity.

The Biden administration has been putting Israel on notice over rising levels of settler violence against Palestinians and anti-settlement activists in the occupied West Bank, imposing financial and travel sanctions on several people and, most recently, on two grass-roots organizations raising funds for some of those individuals.

Benny Gantz, a centrist member of Mr. Netanyahu’s war cabinet and a former military chief, said imposing sanctions on Israeli military units would set “a dangerous precedent.”

The fierce denunciations came just hours after Israeli officials welcomed the bipartisan vote in Congress to approve billions of dollars in aid for Israel, underscoring the dramatic swings and contradictions that have characterized recent relations between President Biden and Mr. Netanyahu.

Mr. Biden has chided Mr. Netanyahu over civilian deaths in Gaza while nonetheless coming to Israel’s aid in repelling an attack this month from Iran and providing weapons used in the war in Gaza.

Israel’s defense minister, Yoav Gallant, said that he talked recently with Secretary of State Antony J. Blinken and the U.S. ambassador to Israel, Jacob J. Lew.

“Our friends and our enemies are closely watching the ties between Israel and the United States, now more than ever,” Mr. Gallant said in a statement early Monday. “I call on the U.S. administration to withdraw its intention to impose sanctions on the Netzah Yehuda battalion.”

Mr. Biden has faced months of criticism and fury — even from some members of his own party — over his backing of Israel’s war in Gaza as the death toll there has climbed, and any imposition of sanctions against an Israeli unit could be seen as a kind of counterweight. More than 34,000 Palestinians have been killed during the six months of war, according to Gazan health officials.

Mick Mulroy, a former C.I.A. officer and senior Pentagon official, said in an interview that placing such sanctions on a close ally like Israel would be unusual, so “it should send a message.”

Charles Blaha, the former director of an office in the State Department’s bureau of democracy, human rights and labor, said he hoped any decision to impose sanctions “would provide incentives to Israel to improve accountability.”

The general strike in the West Bank on Sunday was not the first shutdown in the territory as an act of protest in recent months . The Israeli authorities have tightened restrictions there since Oct. 7, canceling thousands of permits that allowed Palestinians to work in Israel and squeezing the economy in the West Bank, where about 500,000 Israeli settlers live alongside roughly 2.7 million Palestinians.

Violence in the West Bank has sharply escalated in recent months. Nearly 500 Palestinians have been killed by Israeli forces there since the Israel-Hamas war started, according to the Palestinian Ministry of Health.

An earlier version of this article misstated a title once held by Charles Blaha. He is a former director of an office in the State Department’s bureau of democracy, human rights and labor, not a former director of the bureau.

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Isabel Kershner , a Times correspondent in Jerusalem, has been reporting on Israeli and Palestinian affairs since 1990. More about Isabel Kershner

Adam Rasgon reports from Israel for The Times's Jerusalem bureau. More about Adam Rasgon

Julian E. Barnes covers the U.S. intelligence agencies and international security matters for The Times. He has written about security issues for more than two decades. More about Julian E. Barnes

Our Coverage of the Israel-Hamas War

News and Analysis

The tents that failed to keep out the cold when many Gazans first fled their homes have now become suffocating as highs surpass 100 degrees Fahrenheit. Here’s how the heat is exacerbating already dire problems  from Israel’s war in Gaza.

Israel welcomed a U.S. aid package signed by President Biden that will send about $15 billion in military aid to Israel, increasing American support  for its closest Middle East ally despite strains in their relationship over Israel’s prosecution of the war in the Gaza Strip.

The United Nations’ human rights office called for an independent investigation into two mass graves  found after Israeli forces withdrew from hospitals in Gaza, including one discovered days ago over which Israeli and Palestinian authorities offered differing accounts.

After weeks of delays, negotiations and distractions, Israel appeared to hint that its assault of Rafah  — a city teeming with more than a million displaced persons above ground and riddled with Hamas tunnels below — was all but inevitable. Here’s how it might unfold .

Mourning Nearly 200 Relatives: Adam and Ola Abo Sheriah absorb a loss few can imagine, and scramble to help surviving family members  in Gaza while trying to get their kids to their New Jersey school on time.

A Generational Clash on Seder: At Passover Seders, many families addressed the war in Gaza , leading to rising tensions, while 200 New Yorkers from pro-Palestinian Jewish groups were arrested after rallying  near Chuck Schumer’s home to protest aid to Israel.

PEN America’s Fallout: The free expression group PEN America has canceled its 2024 literary awards ceremony following months of escalating protests over the organization’s response to the war in Gaza , which has been criticized as overly sympathetic to Israel.

Fears Over Iran Buoy Netanyahu: The Israeli prime minister lost considerable support after the Hamas-led Oct. 7 attacks on Israel. Tensions with Iran have helped him claw  some of it back.

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Xi Jinping tightens grip on China’s military with new information warfare unit

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Roula Khalaf, Editor of the FT, selects her favourite stories in this weekly newsletter.

China has established a new information warfare department under the direct command of its top military body as it begins its largest restructuring of the armed forces in more than eight years.

The shift of information warfare to the direct command of the Central Military Commission — the top Communist party and state organ that controls the People’s Liberation Army — would hand Chinese leader Xi Jinping even more direct control over the military , analysts said.

The Information Support Force will aim to “speed up military modernisation and effectively implement the mission of the people’s armed forces in the new era”, Xi said at a ceremony in Beijing on Friday.

It will be removed from the Strategic Support Force, which was set up eight years ago as a new PLA branch combining information, cyber and space warfare departments under Xi’s previous military restructuring, said a statement from the PLA Daily military news service.

The space and cyber forces would also be brought under a new command structure, it said, de facto abolishing the Strategic Support Force. Under the SSF, the information forces had been in charge of collecting technical intelligence and providing intelligence support to regional military chiefs.

Joe McReynolds, China security fellow at the Jamestown Foundation, said: “When the SSF was created, they rearranged existing capabilities under a new command structure. We guessed at the time that might be transitional, and that has now come to pass.”

Beijing’s efforts to further strengthen the PLA are closely watched as China challenges US dominance in the Indo-Pacific region and wields its growing military power to intimidate various neighbours in territorial disputes.

Xi’s last major PLA restructuring in 2015 moved critical functions such as logistics, training and mobilisation directly under the command of the CMC, which he chairs.

Combining cyber, information and space forces under the SSF was viewed as an attempt to create similar direct control.

But experts on the Chinese military said that leaders had unwound that structure as a result of an incident last year in which a Chinese surveillance balloon was shot down by the US, as well as corruption investigations into generals and a failure to achieve synergies across the different divisions within the SSF.

The military leadership has been experimenting with smaller reorganisations in recent years, suggesting that the 2015 reforms were not complete.

“The relative success of the functions they moved under the CMC has convinced them that they will have the control they want,” McReynolds said.

He added that Beijing was focused on cutting out layers of command and enabling top leaders to speak directly to tactical forces in wartime if needed.

Bi Yi, a veteran army general, was appointed commander of the new Information Support Force, and Li Wei named as its political commissar. The latter position wields power equal with the commander as the Communist party seeks to enforce absolute loyalty and ideological correctness in the force , which belongs to the party rather than the state.

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International Edition

Ukraine putting pressure on fighting-age men outside the country as it tries to replenish forces

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Even as it works to get much-needed new supplies of weapons and ammunition from a huge U.S. aid package to the front line, Ukraine is seeking to reverse the drain of potential soldiers from the country, announcing that men of conscription age will no longer be able to renew their passports from outside Ukraine.

The Cabinet of Ministers said late Wednesday that men between 18 and 60 years old who are deemed fit for military service will only be able to renew their passports inside Ukraine.

Millions of Ukrainians have fled the country since Russia’s full-scale invasion in 2022, mostly to neighboring European countries. The European Union’s statistics agency, Eurostat, says4.3 million Ukrainians are living in EU countries, 860,000 of them men 18 years of age or older.

Wladyslaw Kosiniak-Kamysz, the defense minister of Poland, home to one of the biggest Ukrainian diasporas, said the country was ready to help “in ensuring that those who are subject to compulsory military service go to Ukraine,” though he did not specify how.

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“Ukrainian citizens have obligations towards the state,” he said.

The move has met with some criticism inside Ukraine. Opposition lawmaker Ivanna Klympush-Tsyntsadze, who heads the Parliamentary Committee for Ukraine’s European Integration, said denying military-age men access to consular services could lead to “well-founded” legal challenges at the European Court of Human Rights.

“I think that these actions will only push an enormous number of Ukrainians to look for different ways to obtain citizenship from other countries,” she said.

Russia’s population of almost 150 million dwarfs Ukraine’s 38 million, and Moscow can draw on a much bigger army. Earlier this month, Ukraine lowered the conscription age from 27 to 25 in an effort to bolster the size of its military.

Oleksandr Pavlichenko, executive director of the Ukrainian Helsinki Human Rights Union, said the measure was a violation of individual rights — and also unlikely to succeed in getting Ukrainian men to return home from abroad.

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“It’s just an emotional step, not a legal one,” he said. “It will not bring the results.”

Ukraine is in need of fresh troops to bolster forces in the south and east, where Russia is pressing forward with its efforts to take ground from outnumbered and outgunned troops.

The U.S. is sending$61 billion in new military aid, a lifeline for Kyiv’s armed forces in their more than two-year war with Russia. President Biden signed the aid package into law Wednesday.

U.S. officials also confirmed Wednesday that the United States last month secretly sent Ukraine a number of long-range missiles that Kyiv has urgently sought so that its forces can hit Russian forces well behind the front lines. Ukraine used them for the first time last week to strike an airfield in occupied Crimea, the officials said.

The Army Tactical Missile Systems, known as ATACMs, have a range of some 190 miles. More are expected to be sent to Ukraine as part of the new U.S. aid package.

Russia was dismissive of the weapons’ likely impact.

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“This will not fundamentally change the outcome of the special military operation,” said Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov, using Moscow’s preferred term for its invasion of Ukraine. “We will succeed. But it will cause more problems for Ukraine itself.”

President Volodymyr Zelensky has said that “the key now is speed” in getting the supplies into place. Ukrainian forces have run desperately short of artillery ammunition and air defense missiles during six months in which the U.S. aid was held up by GOP opposition in Congress. That has allowed the Kremlin’s forces to inch forward in parts of eastern Ukraine in what has largely become a war of attrition.

Ukraine’s General Staff said Thursday that the situation at the front remained “difficult.”

Six people were injured in the Cherkasy region of central Ukraine on Thursday after a “high speed target” struck a critical infrastructure object, Regional Gov. Ihor Taburets said on social media. He said a rescue operation was underway.

Russian forces also targeted infrastructure in northern Ukraine, launching a guided aerial bomb on the city of Sumy. The Regional Military Administration said emergency services were responding and the impact of the strike was still being clarified.

Ukraine’s parliament passes law to boost much-needed conscripts as war drags on

The lawmakers passed the controversial law that will govern how the country calls up new soldiers at a time it needs to replenish depleted forces.

April 11, 2024

In the eastern Kharkiv region, an attack near a railway station injured seven people, regional Gov. Oleh Sinegubov said on Telegram.

Britain’s Treasury chief, on a visit to Kyiv, urged all North Atlantic Treaty Organization countries to increase defense spending to 2.5% of GDP to help Ukraine and “pile the pressure” on Russia. Jeremy Hunt said he told Zelensky during Wednesday’s visit that the U.K. would maintain at least its current level of military support, some $3.8 billion in 2024, for “as long as it takes.”

British Prime Minister Rishi Sunak said this week his country’s defense budget would increase to 2.5% of GDP from its current level of just over 2% by 2030. Sunak also announced $625 million in new aid for Ukraine — including ammunition, vehicles, boats and 1,600 strike and air defense missiles.

Lawless and Novikov write for the Associated Press. AP writers Susie Blann in Kyiv, Vanessa Gera in Warsaw and Emma Burrows in London contributed to this report.

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Ukrainian president signs law boosting conscription to rebuild forces depleted by war

April 16, 2024

Ukraine lowers its conscription age to 25 to plug a shortfall in troop numbers

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Ukraine ramps up spending on homemade weapons to help repel Russia

March 27, 2024

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